2. These materials were organised for use in Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529, 2 vols. (Religion in the Graeco-Roman World 115/1-2 [Leiden 1993-4; repr. 1995]), but the great length of the volumes precluded their inclusion. This work is abbreviated as HRC.

3. A recent and reliable critique of traditional approaches is Davis, Caroline F., The Evidential Force of Religious Experience (Oxford 1989)Google Scholar.

4. Infra, note 67.

5. Cf. Marcus Aurelius, 7.9: ‘For there is one cosmos made up of all things, one God penetrating all things (θєόс єіс διὰ πάντων), one substance and one law, a reason common to all intelligent animals, and one truth.’ For Christian formulae, see Harnack, A. von, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, trans. Moffatt, J. 1 (London 1908), 16, 89 note 1, 91 note 2, etcGoogle Scholar. Many formulations of the ‘one God’ idea are found in the writings of the 4th c. Cappadocian fathers: Pelikan, J., Christianity and Classical Culture (New Haven 1993)Google Scholar, passim. Cf. the quasi-monotheism of the Dinka in the southern Sudan, and the phrase ‘divinity is one’ (nhialic ee tok). Lienhardt, G., Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka (Oxford 1961), 56, 107 Google Scholar. The Azande have a ghostly Supreme Being (mbori) who is thought to have created the world. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Azande, ed. Gillies, E. (Oxford 1976), 228, etcGoogle Scholar. See now Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, edd. Athanassiadi, P. and Frede, M. (Oxford 1999)Google Scholar.

6. e.g. Chadwick, H., ‘The beginning of Christian philosophy: Justin: the Gnostics’, The Cambridge History of Greek & Early Medieval Philosophy, ed. Armstrong, A.H. (Cambridge 1967), 165 Google Scholar. Filoramo, G., A History of Gnosticism, trans. Alcock, A.L. (Oxford 1990), 54-86Google Scholar. Peterson, E., ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ: Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (Göttingen 1926)Google Scholar, passim.

7. e.g. Gargani, A., ‘Religious Experience as Event and Interpretation’, Religion, edd. Derrida, J. and Vattimo, G. (Cambridge-Oxford 1998), 111–135, esp. 113Google Scholar. A discontinuity therefore exists between the causal origin of phenomena and their meaning in context, and exploring this connection ‘leads nowhere’. ibid., 113, 116. Cf.Nietzsche, F., The Will to Power, trans. Kaufmann, W. and Hollingdale, RJ. (New York 1967), 267, etcGoogle Scholar. This, like much else in critical theory, is an a priori proposition.

8. Gargani, ‘Religious experience’, 111f.

9. Ibid., 115.

10. Gargani has borrowed the phrase ‘phallic language’ from Derrida to describe the social scientific termini technici used in the philosophical analysis of religious experience. Ibid., 115f.

11. Ibid., 116.

12. The extensive quotation from textual data, on the principle reflected in some anthropological works that the precise delineation of phenomena can serve a useful purpose in a quasi-empirical discussion.

13. Anthropology seems first to have come into the picture with Tiele’s, C. Elements of the Science of Religion, 2 vols. (1912)Google Scholar. Cf. Classical Approaches to the Study of Religions I: Introduction and Anthology, ed. Waardenburg, tr. J. (The Hague-Paris 1973), 96-104Google Scholar. He sought to avoid theological bias by identifying the study of religion as ‘a historical-psychological, social, and wholly human phenomenon’ through the empirical classification of data. Ibid., 97, 99, 101.

14. Gargani, ‘Religious Experience’, 119.

15. On problems of definition and method, see Runyan, W.M., Life Histories and Psychobiography: Explorations in Theory and Method (New York 1982; repr. Oxford 1984), 200–241 Google Scholar.

16. New research sometimes bears out Freud’s views, e.g. Solms, M., ‘Wishes, perchance to dream’. The Times Higher Education Supplement (29 January 1999), 16 Google Scholar.

17. Cf.Gay, P., Freud for Historians (Oxford 1985)Google Scholar, whose interest lies in the modern period. An important exception is Meissner, W.W., Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience (New Haven 1984)Google Scholar.

18. The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley 1951), 106f., etc. and Pagan & Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge 1965).

19. Cf.Brown, D.S., Religious Thought and Modern Psychologies (Philadelphia 1987), 18-60Google Scholar. Freud mentions the coincidence of his ideas with those of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, but avoided using them. ‘An Autobiographical Study’, The Freud Reader, ed. Gay, Peter (London 1995), 38 Google Scholar. A link between neo-Kantian idealism and religious experience is seen in Schopenhauer, Arthur, ‘Essay on spirit seeing’, Parerga and Paralipomena: Short Philosophical Essays, trans. Payne, E. (Oxford 1974), 227–309 Google Scholar.

20. As Davis admits in Religious Experience, 210-218. But I am interested in psychoanalysis more as an anthropology than a diagnostic tool for mental illness.

21. Cf. the preliminary analysis of a section of Eunapius’ Lives of the Sophists in Trombley, HRC 1, 63f.

22. Kee, H.C., Christian Origins in Sociological Perpective (Philadelphia 1980), 54-56, 72-76, 94-96Google Scholar. Cf.Weber, M., The Sociology of Religion, tr. Fischoff, E., ed. Parsons, T. (London 1963), 46-59Google Scholar.

23. Kee, Christian Origins, 72.

24. e.g. Gargani, ‘Religious Experience’, 113. R. von Krafft-Ebing, author of Psychopathia Sexualis, once dismissed Freud’s early work on the aetiology of hysteria as ‘a scientific fairy-tale’. Gay, Freud Reader, 97.

25. Freud insists that his ‘models’ are no more than working hypotheses, even though empirically grounded. Gay, Freud Reader, xxvii-xxviii; ‘Autobiographical Study’, 20, 36f. etc. Freud’s one extended attempt at historical-psychoanalytic reconstruction expanded his earlier theories, but was poor history. Der Mann Moses und die monotheistische Religion: Drei Abhandlungen (Amsterdam 1939) = Moses and Monotheism: Three Essays in Penguin Freud Library 13: The Origins of Religion, tr. J. Strachey (1953; repr. 1990), 237-386.

26. Freud, S., The Interpretation of Dreams, tr. Strachey, J. (repr. New York 1965), xxv-xxviGoogle Scholar.

27. There is for the present no adequate study on the problems of using hagiographic texts as historical evidence.

28. Berger, P., The Sacred Canopy = The Social Reality of Religion (1967; repr. Hammondsworm 1973), 94 Google Scholar.

29. On this term see James, William, The Varieties of Religious Experience (repr. New York 1961), 299fGoogle Scholar.; Otto, R., The Idea of the Holy (Oxford 1950), 2 Google Scholar.

30. The subject is traced in endless detail at De Mysteriis 2.3 in Places, É. des (ed. tr.), Jamblique, Les mystères d’Égypte (Paris 1966)Google Scholar.

31. Porphyrius of Tyre, Vita Plotini 10 in Ennádes, ed. and trans. Bréhier, É. 1 (Paris 1960)Google Scholar.

32. Adapted from Hermética 9.3, tr. Copenhaver, B.P. (Cambridge 1992), 27fCrossRefGoogle Scholar. Corpus Hermeticum, ed. Nock, A.D., tr. Festugière, J.-P. 1 (Paris 1960), 97 Google Scholar.

33. Both pagan and Christian subjects experienced these. Dodds, Pagan & Christian, 45f., 66. See the Christian example in the Zorava inscriptions of 515 A.D. note 214. One of Freud’s patients suffering from a severe disturbance often had waking visions with quasi-religious overtones. S. Freud, ‘Anna O.’ Freud Reader, 74f.

34. Cf.Stark, R., ‘A taxonomy of religious experience’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 5 (1965/6), 109, 112fCrossRefGoogle Scholar. This journal is hereinafter abbreviated as JSSR.

35. Pelagius the Deacon, Vitae Patrum 15.68. Adapted from Waddell, H. (tr.), The Desert Fathers (Ann Arbor 1957), 120 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Augustine, De Civitate Dei 21.6.

36. Adapted from Hermética (Copenhaver, 11). At Corpus Hermeticum X. 7, humans making an upward ascent in metempsychosis are said to progress to the status of daemons at the next stage (Copenhaver, 31f.).

37. e.g. Jaeger, W., Early Christianity and Greek Paideia (Oxford 1961)Google Scholar, passim; Chadwick, H., Early Christian Thought and the Classical Tradition (Oxford 1966)Google Scholar; Trombley. HRC 2, 45-49, 207f., 385f., etc.

38. Jerome, Life of Paul the Hermit, in Waddell, Desert Fathers, pp. 32f. Cf.Keimer, L., ‘L’horreur des égyptiens pour les démons du désert’, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (Cairo) 46 (1947), 135–147 Google Scholar.

39. Procopius somewhere reports the existence of pygmies on the island of Sardinia.

40. Adapted from Damascius, The Philosophical History, ed. and trans. Athanassiadi, P. (Athens 1999), 162fGoogle Scholar. = Frag. 58.

41. Trombley, F., The Survival of Paganism in the Byzantine Empire during the Pre-Iconoclastic Period (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1981), Ch. II Google Scholar. This was recently corroborated in the Public Broadcasting System series aired in Great Britain, ‘From Jesus to Christ IV’ (Channel 5, 17 January 1999).

42. Trombley, , HRC 2, 132fGoogle Scholar. and note 284.

43. Texts reflecting this principle can be found at Trombley, , HRC 1, 99-108Google Scholar, 153-55, 165f.; HRC 2, 5-9, 132f., 159-61, etc.

44. The Psalms, ed. Lange, Nicholas de, tr. Levi, Peter (London 1976), 24fGoogle Scholar. The Hebrew is in general agreement with the Septuagint. Phrases not found in the latter are bracketed. On the pre-Israelite origin of this imagery, see Cross, F.M., Caananite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass. 1973), 42f.Google Scholar, quoted in Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 123. Cf. ibid., 119.

45. SEG 7, no. 980. Emperor Caras was reported to have been killed this way in 283. Barnes, T.D., Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, Mass. 1981), 4 Google Scholar. Cf.Trombley, , HRC 1, 42, 64-66Google Scholar, 77, 148f., 183; HRC 2, 80f., 93, 130, 132f., 147, 158f., 191f., 252. A Dinka hymn calls lightning the ‘club’ of the free-divinity Deng (also the word for ‘rain’) who strikes people with it on the head. Lienhardt, , Divinity and Experience, 54 note 2 Google Scholar. Cf. the ‘witchcraft of thunder [and lightning]’ of the Azande. Evans-Pritchard, , Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic, 97 Google Scholar.

46. e.g. Trombley, , HRC 1, 64-66Google Scholar; HRC 2, 130, 132f. and notes.

47. Freud, S., ‘A Seventeenth-Century Demonological Neurosis’, Freud Penguin Library 14: Art and Literature (London 1985), 399fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 61f. For a different view, see Mitchell, Stephen, Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor 2 (Oxford 1993), 145 Google Scholar. The concept of ‘projection’ in world religions originated with the Left-Hegelians Feuerbach and Marx. Feuerbach, Ludwig, Principles of the Philosophy of the Future, ed. Wartenberg, T., tr. Vogel, M. (Indianapolis 1986), xxv-xxviGoogle Scholar,5f., etc.

48. J. Waardenburg, Classical Approaches to the Study of Religion, 241f., 271. Cf. Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 123f.

49. ‘Patria Potestas’, ODB, 1598f.

50. e.g. Trorabley, , HRC 2, 3fGoogle Scholar., 22-28, 85f.

51. The Excavations at Dura-Europos 8/2: The Christian Building, ed. Kraeling, Carl J. (New Haven 1967), Plates XXXI and XXXVGoogle Scholar.

52. Snyder, G.G., Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine (Macon 1985), 62fGoogle Scholar. Thomas, C., Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500 (London 1981), p. 105fGoogle Scholar. (with bibliography). Cf.Alföldi, A., The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome, tr. Mattingly, H. (Oxford 1948; rept. 1969), 55-59Google Scholar; Krautheimer, Richard, Three Christian Capitals: Topography and Politics (Berkeley-Los Angeles 1983), 62-67Google Scholar.

53. For the social context, see: Trombley, , HRC 1, 175fGoogle Scholar.

54. Basil of Caesarea, Ep. 276 in St. Basil: The Letters IV, tr. Deferrari, R.J. (London-Cambridge, Mass. 1934), 156–159 Google Scholar.

55. Freud, ‘Demonological Neurosis’, 400f.

56. Theodore of Sykeon once ‘became sick from the cold’; it was doubtless a viral or bacterial respiratory infection. St. George is said to have expelled the ‘daemon’ that caused it. George the Monk, V. Theodori Sykeon 17 in Vie de Theodore de Sykeon, ed. tr. Festugière, A.-J., 1 (Subsidia Hagiographica 48 [Brussels 1970]), 14fGoogle Scholar.

57. On this see Trombley, HRC, passim.

58. The use of the psalms as the ideological vehicle in the eradication polytheism has not received much attention. Cf.Trombley, , HRC 2, 225 Google Scholar.

59. The Sacred Canopy, 48. Cf. Stark, ‘Taxonomy’, 112f.

60. Gargani, ‘Religious Experience’, 123f., 125.

61 On this see Zeligs, D.F., ‘Moses encounters the daemonic aspect of God’, American Imago 27 (1970), 379–392 Google Scholar.

62. This position seems first to have been argued in Trombley, Survival of Paganism, 32-50. Cf. idem, HRC 2, 108f.; idem, ‘Paganism in the Greek World at the End of Antiquity’, Harvard Theological Review 78 (1985), 340f. A Christian rationalist like Michel de Montaigne could easily imagine the Dordogne river undermining his farmlands in anthropomorphic terms (‘upset’, ‘moods’). The Complete Essays, ed., tr. Screech, M.A. (London 1991), 230 Google Scholar.

63. On the term ‘kratophany’ and the problem of ambivalence, see Eliade, M., Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York 1958), 14fGoogle Scholar.

64. e.g. Trombley, F., ‘Religious Transition in Sixth-Century Syria’, BF 20 (1994), 158–160 Google Scholar.

65. Trombley, , HRC 2, 195fGoogle Scholar.

66. Freud, ‘Demonological Neurosis’, 401.

67. Xenophanes of Kolophon, Fr. 14, 15, 23 = Clement, Stromata 5.14.109.1-3. Barnes, J. (tr.), Early Greek Philosophy (London 1987), 95 Google Scholar. The concept of projection was thereafter forgotten for a long time. Berger, The Sacred Canopy, 205f., note 20. Cf.Hanson, R.P.C., Allegory and Event (London 1959), 117–120 Google Scholar; Stead, Christopher, Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge 1994), 133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Dinka who have visions sometimes attribute body parts to Divinity, but their general tendency is to shun anthropomorphic description. Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience, 46, 53. See M. Frede, ‘Monotheism and pagan philosophy in later antiquity’, Pagan Monotheism, 32f. (see note 5 above).

68. Émile Zola’s Nana examines this problem in naturalistic detail.

69. Inscriptiones Graeca 12/1. no. 783. Cf. Guarducci, Epigrafi sacre, 213f. Other inscriptions by Aglochartos are noted at Trombley, , HRC 1, 103fGoogle Scholar.

70. C. Ginzburg has developed this thesis for western Europe in Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath, tr. Rosenthal, R. (London 1991), 89-121Google Scholar. Gregory of Nazianzus rejects the imputation of gender to divinity, partly because of its function in non-allegorised Greek mythology, partly because it did not fit into the scheme of Christian apophasis or negative theology. Pelikan, Christianity and Classical Culture, 87.

71. Trombley, , HRC 1, 157–160 Google Scholar.

72. Freud, ‘Demonological Neurosis’, 406.

73. 24 September was the festival of St. Thecla, the first female martyr, who was known for miracles against the daimon of the pagan cult at Seleukia in Cilicia (Asia Minor). Cf. ‘Thekla’, ODB, 2033f.

74. ibid., 407.

75. ibid., 403.

76. On displacement, ibid., 406.

77. The Confessions has already merited numerous psychoanalytic studies. Kligerman, C., ‘A psychoanalytic study of the Confessions of St. Augustine’, Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 5 (1957), 469–484 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. A series of articles appeared in JSSR 5 (1965/6), 130-148, 273-283 under the editorship of Paul Pruyser. Cf. the pre-Freudian (and unsatisfactory) explanation given at James, Varieties, 146-148.

78. Augustine observes that ‘he was exceptional both for his kindness and his quick temper.’ In commenting on Monica’s skill at avoiding physical abuse, he adds that ‘many wives married to gentler husbands bore the marks of blows and suffered disfigurement to their faces.’

79. Conf. 4.3 (5), 5.13 (23), 8.2 (3), 10.4 (6).

80. Peter Brown is right on the mark about Augustine’s optimism and freedom from feelings of guilt. Augustine of Hippo (Berkeley-Los Angeles 1967) 50.

81. Conf. 9.13 (36).

82. Cf. Conf. 4.2, where Augustine the Manichaean rejects ‘sacrifice to daemons’. A useful contrast is found in Martin Luther’s daemonology. Erikson, E., Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (New York 1962) 59-61Google Scholar.

83. On the term see Cange, C. Du, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis (Lyons 1688; repr. Paris 1943) 1453fGoogle Scholar.

84. e.g. Polites, N.G., Μελέτη έπῆ τοῦ βιοῦ τῶν νεωτέρων Έλλήνων (Athens 1871-4) 126fGoogle Scholar. For Gregory of Nyssa’s somewhat limited Christian Neoplatonist view of the stoicheia, see Pelikan, Christianity and Classical Culture, 102, 104.

85. Conf. 5.10.18. Cf. Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 51.

86. De Civ. Dei 11.13, in City of God, tr. Bettenson, H., ed. O’Meara, J. (Hammondsworth 1984), 445fGoogle Scholar.

87. Cf. De Civ. Dei 20.8, which is in part simply a commentary on the Apocalypse.

88. e.g. Storr, A., Freud (Oxford 1989), 86f.Google Scholar, 112.

89. Jung, C.G., Aspects of the Masculine (London 1989), 17fGoogle Scholar.

90. On medieval Greek female daemons, see Sorlin, Irène, ‘Striges et géloudes: histoire d’une croyance et d’une tradition’, TM 11 (1991), 411–436 Google Scholar.

91. Augustine, Conf. 5.8 (15).

92. ibid. 3.4 (11).

93. Confessiones 9.9 (21) (Chadwick 170).

94. Philostratus, V. Apollonii 4.25. The έμποῦσαι were female monsters of various shapes sent by the goddess Hekáte. The term μουρμολυκία translates simply as ‘horrid monster’.

95. Cf.Jones, E., On the Nightmare (London 1951; repr. 1979), 106, 118 Google Scholar.

96. Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 3.38 in Life of Apollonius, ed. Bowersock, G., tr. Jones, C.P. (Hammondsworth 1970), 83fGoogle Scholar. Freud dealt with homosexual affection for the father-figure in the Scheber case. Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 61.

97. The Cynic philosopher Diogenes is reputed to have indulged in public masturbation (χειρουργέω, ‘do with the hand”). Diogenes Laetius, Diogenes 6.46, 6.69. Augustine cannot quite bring himself to admit that these things exist at De Civ. Dei 14.20. Cf. Diogenes Laertius, Hipparchia 6.97, where the female Cynic mentions a man doing it to himself (τύπτων έαυτόν), as also a woman doing it for him (Θεόδωρον τύπουσα).

98. Oneirocritica 1.78, with translation from Artemidorus, , The Interpretation of Dreams, tr. White, R.J. (Park Ridge, New Jersey 1975)Google Scholar.

99. Freud notes the work of Artemidorus at Dreams, 38.

100. Marinus of Neapolis, Vita Prodi 20, ed. Boissonade, J.F. (Leipzig 1814; Amsterdam 1966), 17 Google Scholar. Cf. Vita di Proclo, ed. and trans. Musullo, R. (Naples 1985)Google Scholar, where the text does not differ. It is not easy to see how Oikonomides, A.N. got ‘superficial’ for the adjective προπετήκ in Marinos of Neapolis: The Extant Works (Chicago 1977), 50-53Google Scholar. After noting Julian the Apostate’s complete chastity after his wife’s death, Ammianus Marcellinus observes that at night ‘he refrained from indulging even in such pleasures as human nature requires’ (…ad necessitatem quidem induisisse naturae). Res Gestae 25.4.6.

101. Libidinous urge or manipulation is a possible explanation for Proclus’s φαντασία, ‘a technical term of the Aristotelian and Stoic theory of cognition … [It] signifies the mental image which results from the action of an object on the bodily sense organs, or the process by which this mental image is produced.’ Hermetica, ed. and trans. Scott, W. 2 (Oxford 1927), 159fGoogle Scholar.

102. Oneirocritica 2.27.

103. Vita S. Nicolai Hagiae Sionitae (BHG 1347) in Hagios Nikolaos: Der heilige Nikolaos in der griechischen Kirche, ed. Anrieh, Gustav 1 (Leipzig 1913), 16 Google Scholar.

104. Jung, Aspects, 19f.

105. Polites, Μελέτη, 132.

106. For a useful revisionist critique, see Storr, A., Freud (Oxford 1989) 108–117 Google Scholar.

107. Trombley, , HRC 1, 157–160 Google Scholar.

108. Kaufmann, C.M., ‘Altchristliche Frauenvotivstatuetten der Menasstadt und ihre paganen Vorbilder’, BNJ 2 (1921), 303–310 Google Scholar.

109. I have borrowed the phrase from Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 165f.

110. Jung, Aspects, 20f.

111. ibid, 21.

112. Cf. Jung, ‘The Stages of Life’, ibid., 25-36.

113. Augustine, Conf. 9.12 (32).

114. Cf.Kirschner, S.R., The Religious and Romantic Origins of Psychoanalysis (Cambridge 1996), 115–129 Google Scholar.

115. Augustine, Conf. 9.8 (18) (Chadwick, 167).

116. The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York 1988), 387-427.

117. Conf. 10.30 (41).

118. De Civ. Dei 15.22.

119. Conf. 9.7 (15).

120. Storr, A., Music and the Mind (London 1992), 128-49Google Scholar. On the ‘soft voice’ of the intellect vis-à-vis instinctual life, see Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 67.

121. Conf. 10.33 (50).

122. Ibid.

123. Conf. 10.34 (51). Quasten, J., Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (Washington, D.C. 1983), 93fGoogle Scholar.

124. On the general problem, see Miller, P., Dreams in Late Antiquity: Studies in the Imagination of a Culture (Princeton 1994)Google Scholar. See also Fox, R.L., Pagans and Christians (London 1986)Google Scholar and Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety, 38-53.

125. Freud, Dreams, 37f. (following O. Gruppe’s Müller Handbuch volume). On divinatory dreams, see Athanassiadi, P., ‘Dreams, theurgy and freelance divination: the testimony of Iamblichus’, JRS 83 (1993), 115-117, 124–127 Google Scholar.

126. Ibid., 38f.

127. Nietzsche’s famous pronouncement on this subject had its intellectual ‘genealogy’ in pagan and Christian polemics, e.g. Martin of Braga’s reference to the dead (mortui) gods of the Romano-Celtic pantheon. De correctione rusticorum 9, in Opera Omnia, ed. Barlow, C.W. (New Haven 1950), 189 Google Scholar, line 13.

128. Trombley, , HRC 1, 139 Google Scholar. On the death of god among the Sudanse Dinka, see Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience, 107.

129. The text is reconstructed from the Syriac translation by Ishodad of Merv with reference to the poetry of Aratus and Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus 8-9. Harris, J. Rendel, ‘Introduction’, The Commentaries of Isho ‘dad of Merv Bishop of Hadatha (c. 850 A.D.), ed. and trans. Gibson, M.D. 4 (Cambridge 1913), xii-xvGoogle Scholar. Origen also refers to the controversy in Contra Celsum 3.43.

130. On hypnagogic phenomena, see Freud, Dreams, pp. 65-67. Cf. Dodds, Pagan & Christian, 8-53.

131. Berger, The Sacred Canopy, 51.

132. Copenhaver, B.P. (tr.), Hermética (Cambridge 1992), 1 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The phrase quoted in Greek has a close parallel in the story of the Transfiguration at Luke 9.32: ‘And Peter and those with him were heavy with sleep (βεβαρημένοι ὕπνω).’ Paul of Aegina, a 7th c. excerptor of Galen’s works, suggests in his Epitome of Medicine that the anxiety-dream is partly caused by sleeping after a heavy meal. Jones, Nightmare, 33. ‘Paul of Aegina’, ODB, 1607f.

133. Damascius, Philosophical History, Frag. 19 (Athanassiadi, 98f.).

134. Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 150f.

135. Tertullian, De Anima 47.2. He seems to have drawn much of the empirical evidence he cites on dreams from the 2nd c. grammarian Hermippos. See Lewis, Naphthali (ed. and trans.), The Interpretation of Dreams and Portents (Toronto 1976), 76-81Google Scholar. Tertulliano Christian Greek contemporaries reckoned that dream-visions were daemonic phenomena. Dodds, Pagan & Christian, 38.

136. De Somniis, PG 66, 1281ff. For extracts of these works in translation, see Lewis, Dreams and Portents, 81-95.

137. V. Apollonii 37 (Jones-Bowersock, 99).

138. Davies, Religious Experience, 102.

139. ibid., 129. Cf. the story of Kekule’s benzene ring, which was, like the vision of Freud’s distraught patient, a hypnagogic dream, ibid.

140. e.g. A. Storr, Music and the Mind, 105. idem, The Dynamics of Creation (London 1972), 192f.

141. See Fox, R.L., Pagans and Christians (London 1986), 150–166 Google Scholar, etc. For a sociological interpretation, see Kee, Miracle, 78-104, etc.

142. Marinus, V. Prodi 6.

143. Marinus, V. Prodi 30. Trombley, , HRC 1, 299f.Google Scholar, 310f.

144. Greek Anthology 9. 441. Trombley, , HRC 1, 129–145 Google Scholar.

145. Inscr. Didyma no. 496 = L. Robert, Hellenica 10-11 (1960), 544.

146. Origen, Contra Celsum 7.35 (Chadwick, 422f.).

147. Synesius, De insomniss 8. Cf. Dodd, Pagan & Christian, 38.

148. Christian objections even to allegorical interpretations of the cult of Athena are found at Origen, Contra Celsum 8.67.

149. Trombley, , HRC 1, 13-17Google Scholar.

150. Trombley, , HRC 1, 18fGoogle Scholar.

151. Trombley, , HRC 1, 311, 342-44Google Scholar.

152. Plato, Rep. 413e, 554e, 401c; Leg. 797h. Its superlative form is used of a noble lady in a papyrus. P. Flor. 16. 20 (3rd c. A.D.).

152a See below, p.41.

153. Marinus, V. Prodi 28. Origen quotes Celsus on the ‘apparitions of Hekate or of some other daemon or daemons’, and notes that mysteries of Hekate were still being celebrated at Aegina c. 246-48. Origen, Contra Celsum 1.9; 6.22. But the phantasms Celsus and Origen have in mind seem mostly to be those summoned by sorcerers, e.g. ibid., 7.36. Cf. the luminous phenomenon observed by the empirically-minded Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic, 11.

154. James, Varieties, 194, 205.

155. Freud, Dreams, 66.

156. Iamblichus, De mysteriis 3.2. (Des Places, 100). The ‘migraine’ hypothesis is somewhat suggested by Taylor, Th. (tr.), Iamblichus on the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians (London 1895), 116fGoogle Scholar.

157. Cf. Iamblichus’ phrase μεταξὺ τοῦ ένρηγορέναι καὶ καθεύδειν. De mysteriis 3.2 (Des Places, 100).

158. Freud, Dreams, 392. idem, ‘Anna O.,’ 75. But cf. the prison dream of Perpetua where she escapes a snake — here a daemonic symbol — up a ladder to meet a divine shepherd. Dodds, Pagan & Christian, 50f. Snakes are also associated with incubi and revénants in more modern folklore. Jones, Nightmare, 107, 127.

159. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica 2.13. Key, Miracle, 81.

160. Origen rejects the daemon Asklepios’ ‘virtue’ for healing, Contra Celsum 5.2.

161. ‘… it is not clear that these daemons, in whatever way they are worshipped, are ever capable of healing bodies. A man ought to use medical means to heal his body if he aims to live in a simple and ordinary way. If he wishes to live in a way superior to that of the multitude, he should do this by devotion to the supreme God Contra Celsum 8.61 (Chadwick, 498).

162. Cf.Haldon, J.F., ‘Supplementary Essay’, The Miracles of St. Artemios, ed. trans. Crisafulli, V. and Nesbitt, J. (Leiden 1997), 33-73Google Scholar. My translation is directly from the text of Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. (ed.), Analecta Graeca Sacra (St. Petersburg 1909), 1-79Google Scholar. (BHG 173) Hereinafter cited as Miracula of S. Artemii.

163. Miracula S. Artemii 2 (Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 3).

164. Miracula S. Artemii 3 (Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 4).

165. Miracula S. Artemii 15 (Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 15f.).

166. Reprinted in The Penguin Freud Library 14: Art and Literature (London 1990), 42f., 45, 48, 52.

167. Tertullian, De anima 9 = Dodds, Pagan & Christian, 66.

168. The ‘kin’ aspect of dream-visions turns up in anthropological literature. Cf. the gunik, personified numina of the forest who help humans against the opposite forces, the mara’ (‘they that eat us’), and are summoned into the settlement by reciting the ‘dream-song’. Robarchek, C., ‘Motivations and material causes: on the explanation of conflict and war’, The Anthropology of War, ed. Haas, J. (Cambridge 1990), 66fGoogle Scholar.

169. Freud, Dreams, 547f.

170. Dodd, Pagan & Christian, 51. Cf. the Miracula of Sts. Cosmas and Damian cited by Trombley, , HRC 1, 168 Google Scholar.

171. Modern examples exist, e.g.: ‘One night I awoke gasping for breath [in hospital] — I thought I was dying and felt I was — Just about to give up — I saw a vision of Jesus at the foot of my bed — the complete figure — He stretched out his hand and said, “No — not yet— Be not afraid”.’ Stark, ‘Taxonomy’, 104.

172. Cf. Kee’s sociological approach in Miracle in the Early Christian World (New Haven 1983), passim.

173. Eusebius of Caesarea, HE 6.5.

174. Cf.Frend, W.H.C., Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford 1965), 319-23Google Scholar.

175. There seem to be no examples of this in the extant martyrologies.

176. Heliodorus’ novel (3rd-4th c.) has a similar flavour, with dream-visions of gods and men, but its plot differs with the escape of the heroine. Aethiopica 8.10-11. Cf. the ‘scepticism’ of Theagenes’ dream-vision: ‘In the middle of the night I saw Apollo and Artemis — if I only thought so but did not see them’ (ὡζ ᾥμην, εἴ γε ᾥ’μην άλλά μὴ ἀληθῶζ έωρων). Aeth. 3.11.5. Sandy, G.N., Heliodorus (Boston 1982), 51, 54 Google Scholar.

177. Adapted from Eusebius, The History of the Church, tr. Williamson, G.A. (Hammondsworth 1965), 246 Google Scholar. Cf.Eusebius, , HE 6.5, ed. Bright, W. (Oxford 1881), 181fGoogle Scholar. This text corroborates the meaning of the noun έπίστασιζ suggested in the instance of the Alexandra inscriptions. See above, p.35.

178. Origen, Contra Celsum 1.46 (Chadwick, 42).

179. Buckler, W.H., Calder, W.M., and C.Cox, W.M., ‘Asia Minor, 1924. IV. — A Monument from the Upper Tembris Valley’, JRS 17 (1927), 51, 56fGoogle Scholar.

180. Damascius, Philosophical History, Frag. 11 (Athanassiadi, 86-89).

181. Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago 1980)Google Scholar.

182. Quoted from Jones, E., The Nightmare (London 1951), 46 Google ScholarPubMed. Paul of Aegina 3.15. Greek text in Paulus Aegineta, ed. Heiberg, I.L. 1 (Corpus Medicorum Graecorum 9/1 [Leipzig-Berlin 1921]), 158fGoogle Scholar.

183. Jones, Nightmare, 46-54, 98-130.

184. Augustine, Confessions 10.30 (41) (Chadwick, 203 and note 28).

185. Freud, Dreams, 621-625, etc. where he refuses to engage in direct discussion of the incubus and succubus in favour of giving less dramatic examples from his personal and clinical experience. Cf. Jones, Nightmare, 82-97, who adds incest to the list of unconscious motives.

186. By 1646 French physicians were arguing that dream hallucinations were caused by surpluses of semen and thereby explained succubi; they also suggested that women used the excuse of a incubus to explain away unwanted pregnancies. Jones, Nightmare, 90f.

187. Augustine, De Civitate Dei 15.23, (Bettenson, 638). Cf.Markus, R.A., The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge 1990), 55-62Google Scholar. Augustine’s language is reminiscent of Jerome’s in the latter’s life of Paul the Hermit. On the Dusius, see Jones, Nightmare, 158f.

188. Mark the Deacon, Vie de Porphyre, Évêque de Gaza, ed. tr. Grégoire, H. and Kugener, M.-A. (Paris 1930), Cap. 59 Google Scholar.

189. Trombley, , HRC 1, 208fGoogle Scholar.

190. Trombley, , HRC 2, 192fGoogle Scholar.

191. Apollon, Symeon bar and Chatar, Bar, Vita Symeonis Syriace 34, in ‘Lobrede auf den Herrn Simeon das Haupt der Eremiten’, tr. Hilgenfeld, H. in Das Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. Lietzmann, H. (Leipzig 1908), 98 Google Scholar. Cf.Trombley, , HRC 2, 184–204 Google Scholar.

192. Jones, Nightmare, 83f. Cf. Michel de Montaigne’s remark that the cross of St. Andrew was often erected in 16th c. France to ‘ward off nocturnal visions’. Essays, 646.

193. The Wisdom of the Desert, tr. Merton, Th. (New York 1960), 57 Google Scholar. Ward, B. (tr.), The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (London-Oxford 1975), 130 Google Scholar.

194. The most common type of maleficium in the Greek magical papyri is the erotic charm. The Greek Magical Papyri, ed. Betz, D. (Chicago-London 1992), xi-xxiiGoogle Scholar. Cf.Winkler, J.J., ‘The constraints of Eros’, Hiera Magika: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Faraone, C. and Obbink, D. (New York-Oxford 1991), 224 Google Scholar. A law of the emperor Hadrian that forbade intersexual bathing was reaffirmed in Canon 77 of the Council in Trullo (691-2). J.-P. Joannou (ed. tr.), Discipline générale antique (IIe-IXe s.) (Pontificia commissione per la redazione del codice di diritto canonico orientale, Fonti 9 [Rome 1962]), p. 214. Flusin, B. (ed. tr.), Saint Anastase le Perse et l’histoire de la Palestine au début du Vile siècle I: Les textes (Paris 1992), 172-75Google Scholar.

195. Merton, Wisdom, 79-81. Brown, The Body and Society, 217f.

196. PGM 10.24-35, Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 149.

197. ‘[The daemonic powers and projections are] derived from [primitive man’s] emotional life, particularly from excessively destructive or hateful wishes that were dealt with by displacement onto the external world’. Meissner, Psychoanalysis and Religious Experience, 61.

198. PGM 7.311-316, Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 125f.

199. Cited from Freud’s excursus into myth in ‘The theme of the three caskets’, The Penguin Freud Library 14. Art and Literature (London 1990), 244f.

200. Conf. 13.22 (47). (Chadwick, 302).

201. For previous discussion see Trombley, , HRC 2, 288–290 Google Scholar.

202. IGLS, no. 1409 = AAES III, no. 241.

203. IGLS, no. 1415 = AAES III, no. 248. The inscription lacks Christian symbols, but crosses were still a rarity in 364.

204. IGLS, no. 1410 = AAES III, no. 242 (with historical commentary). Cf. Stark, ‘Taxonomy’, 110f.

205. Cf. Stark, ‘Taxonomy’, 110f.

206. Iamblichus, De mysteriis 3.2 (Des Places, lOOf.). The phenomenon is also noted at Damascius, Philosophical History, Frag. 27 (Athanassiadi, 104f.). Cf. Fox, Pagans and Christians, 150f.

207. Lewis, Dreams and Portents, 80.

208. IGLS, nos. 652, 465. AAES III, no. 100. Trombley, , HRC 2, 144f.Google Scholar, 185, 248f., 253-55, 276.

209. Trombley, , HRC 2, 375fGoogle Scholar.

210. Mark the Deacon, Vie de Porphyre, Cap. 19.

211. IGLS, nos. 652, 653. Trombley, , HRC 1, 144 Google Scholar (Sarapis); HRC 2, 275-277, 320f., 327f., 348.

212. He is called ‘lord’ at the neighbouring villages of Dayr Sambil and Kapropera, and further afield at Taroutia Emporon (436 A.D.). Trombley, , HRC 2, 290–292, 296Google Scholar. Freud’s view that ideas of God are projections of the father figure might seem confirmed in the church building inscription at Abu Haniya (406/7 A.D.) which refers to the local bishop as ‘lord’, but this could also be a function of the bishop as the nominal supervisor of church lands. IGLS, no. 1605. CfTrombley, , HRC 2, 298, 310 Google Scholar.

213. For the religious history of the site see Trombley, , HRC 2, 359–365 Google Scholar.

214. AAESIII, no. 437a. Cf. AAES, Part II: Architecture and Other Arts, ed. Butler, H.C. (New York 1903), pp. 411-13Google Scholar; idem, Early Churches in Syria (Princeton 1929), 122-25. The phrase ‘angelic choir’ also turns up in the Latin version of Proclus’ On the Subsistence of Evil, tr. Taylor, T. (London 1833; repr. Chicago 1980), 98 Google Scholar.

215. ‘I have given the name of dream-work to the process which … converts the latent thoughts into the manifest content of the dream.’ ‘Autobiographical Study’, pp. 28f. Cf. Dreams, 311-546, etc.

216. Trombley, , HRC 2, 191–193 Google Scholar.

217. Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria in 1904-5 and 1909, Division IV: Semitic Inscriptions. Ed. Littmann, E.. Section C: Safaitic Inscriptions (Leiden 1943), no. 143 Google Scholar (al-ffifna).

218. Trombley, , HRC 2, 78fGoogle Scholar.

219. Freud, Dreams, 457. On ‘revenants’ or animate corpses, see Jones, Nightmare, 106f., etc.

220. De correctione 8 (Barlow, 193). Celtic spring numina seem to have included Mater Sequana at the sources of the Seine river, and Grannus (later ‘Apollo’ Grannus) at Aquae Granni, present-day Aachen. The Sklavinoi are said to have had a similar set of categories: ‘They worship rivers, nymphs, and certain other spirits, and offer sacrifices to them all ...’ Procopius, Wars 7.14.23.

221. Proclus, On the Subsistence of Evil, 100f., note 3.

222. George the Monk, V. Theodori Sykeon 16 (Festugière 1, 13f.).

223. Ovsyannikov, O.V. and Terebikhin, N.M., ‘Sacred space in the culture of the Arctic regions’, Sacred Sites, Sacred Space, ed. Carmichael, D.L. et al. (London-New York 1994), 44-81Google Scholar.

224. ‘Delusions and Dreams in Jensen’s Gradiva’, Penguin Freud Library 14: Art and Literature (London 1990), 42f., 45, 48, 52.

225. PGM 4. 3086-3124, in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 98.

226. Zachariah of Mytilene, Vie de Sévère, ed. tr. Kugener, M.-A. (Patrologia Orientalis 2/1 [Paris 1903]), 18fGoogle Scholar.

227. Ibid, 20. The Syriac text is seriously corrupt here. I follow Kugener’s reconstruction in the translation.

228. Freud, Dreams, 82f.

229. Zachariah, Vie de Sévère, 21.

230. The dependence of the person wishing for a vision of the divinity on its disposition is noted at Corpus Hermeticum V: ‘… the one who is alone unbegotten is also unimagined and invisible, but in presenting images of things he is seen through all of them and in all of them; he is seen especially by those whom he wished to see him’. Copenhaver, Hermetica, 18.

231. Identity and the Sacred: A Sketch for a New Social-Scientific Theory of Religion (Oxford 1976), 258.

232. Twentieth-century Russian and Greek orthodox traditions have a continuing tendency to represent religious experience in the ways described in this paper. For example, in August 1914 Matthias Erzberger, a politician of the Catholic Centre, supervised the distribution of propaganda leaflets in formerly Russian-controlled Poland, showing emperor Wilhelm II and pope Benedict XV, with a backdrop of German troops pushing back the Russians as Poles advance with church banners ‘blessed by the Madonna’. Quite ironically, the Russian newspapers suggested that Wilhelm II must have become mentally unbalanced after an alleged vision of the mother of Christ who told him ‘to liberate her home in Czenstochau’. Fischer, F., Germany’s War Aims in the First World War (New York 1967), 139 Google Scholar and note 4. See also the icon of the Panaghia of Skripou Orchomeniotissa, in which a German mechanised column passing through Orchomenos, Greece in April 1941 is immobilised by an apparition of the mother of Christ in front of her ninth-century church. Personal observation.