1. Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire, 284–603 (Oxford, 1964), II, p. 719 Google Scholar; III, pp. 226–7, n. 16; Claude, D., Die Byzantinische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1969), pp. 204–6.Google Scholar

2. Pachymeres, George, De Michaele et Andronico Palaeobgis (CSHB), I, pp. 468–74 Google Scholar; Gregoras, Nicephorus, ByzantinaHistoria (CSHB), I, pp. 142–4 Google Scholar; Nicol, D. M., The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453 (London, 1972), pp. 91–2.Google Scholar

3. On this title, see Shahid, I., ‘The Iranian factor in Byzantium during the reign of Heraclius’, DOP, XXVI (1979), 293–320.Google Scholar

4. BMGS, I (1975), 1–9.

5. Theophanes, , Chronographia, ed. Boor, C. de, I (Leipzig, 1883; reprinted Hildesheim, 1963), p. 303 Google Scholar; on which see now Oikonomidès, N. ‘Les premiè res mentions des thè mes dans la chronique de Théophane’, ZRVI, XVI (1975), 1–8.Google Scholar

6. Hitherto Helenopolis seems to have been favoured; later the First Crusaders used Kibotos. Most references in Ramsay, W. M., The Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890; reprinted Amsterdam, 1962), pp. 187, 201, 211, 352 Google Scholar n. Pylai could be no more than the military port of Helenopolis ( Procopius, cf., Anecdota, XXX, 8 Google Scholar), but is not recorded before 622.

7. The sources, which are of the sort which fall into pieces in the hand, are, in more or less chronological order of compilation: George of Pisidia, Poemi, I. Panegirici epici, ed. A. Pertusi (Ettal, 1959), esp. pp. 109, 129, 188–9, who was an eyewitness of the 622 campaign, but there are no eyewitness accounts of the remaining Persian campaigns: Chronicon Paschale (CSHB), I, pp. 714–26; Antiochus Strategus, monk of St. Sabas, La prise de Jérusalem par les Perses en 614, ed. G. Garitte (CSCO, CCII-CCIII, Louvain, 1960) (Georgian), Expugnationis Hierosolymae A.D. 614, ed. G. Garitte (CSCO, CCCLX-CCCLXI, Louvain, 1973) (Arabic), and F. C. Conybeare, ‘Antiochus Strategos’Account of the Sack of Jerusalem in A.D. 614’, EHR, XXV (1910), 502–17 (incomplete English trans.); Histoire d’Hé racliuspar l’evèque Sebeôs, trans. F. Macler (Paris, 1904), esp. pp. 62, 80–84 (Armenian); In hymnum Acathistum, MPG, CXII, 1349; Theophanes, Chronographia I, esp. pp. 302–7; Nicephorus, Archbishop of Constantinople, Opuscula Histórica, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1904), esp. p. 15; George the Monk, Chronicon, ed. C. de Boor, II (Leipzig, 1904), esp. p. 670; Eutychius, Patriarch of Alexandria, Annales, pars posterior, ed. L. Cheikho (Beirut and Paris, 1909), esp. pp. 2, 12 (Arabic), and MPG, CXI, 1087–88 (Latin trans.); Leo Grammaticus, Chronographia (CSHB), esp. pp. 150–1; The History of the Caucasian Albanians by Movsēs Dasxuranci, trans. C. J. F. Dowsett (London, 1961), esp. pp. 78–87 (Armenian); M. G. Djanishvili, Sbornik Materialov diia opisaniia i plemen Kavkaze, XVII (Tblisi, 1900), esp. pp. 17, 44–5, now best approached through M. Van Esbroeck, ‘Une chronique de Maurice à Héraclius dans un ré cit des siè ges de Constantinople,’Bedi Kartlisa, XXXIV (1976), 74–96, esp. 82, 93 (Georgian) and the Georgian Annals, trans. M. Brosset, Histoire de la Géorgie, I [St. Petersburg, 1849], esp. p. 229; cf. C. Toumanoff, Studies in Christian Caucasian History [Georgetown, 1973], pp. 390–3); and George Cedrenus, Historiarum Compendium (CSHB), esp. pp. 719–20. Theophanes and Leo Grammaticus use George of Pisidia and Cedrenus uses George the Monk; only Theophanes (p. 134) is at all specific about where Heraclius wintered in 625; in 626 diose mentioning the birth of Heraclius (II) (Heraclonas) include Nicephorus (d. 829) and the Georgian. Older analyses of diis farrago include Drapeyron, L., L’empereur Heraclius et l’empire byzantin au Vile siècle (Paris, 1869), pp. 131–286 Google Scholar; and Pernice, A., L’imperatore Eraclio (Florence, 1905), pp. 111–82 Google Scholar. An excellent recent account, which identifies on the ground the havoc caused by the Persians, is Foss, C., ‘The Persians in Asia Minor and the end of Antiquity’, EHR, CCCLVII (1975), 721–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. Manandjan, Ja. A., ‘Maršruty persidskih pohodov imperatore Iraklija’, VV, II (1950), 133–53.Google Scholar

9. Theophanes, , Chronographia, I, p. 314.Google Scholar

10. Cumont, F., ‘L’archevêché de Pédachtoé et le sacrifice du Faon’, B, VI (1931), 581–33 Google Scholar; the same and Cumont, E., ‘Voyage d’exploration archéologique dans le Pont et la Petite Arménie’, Studia Pontica, II (Brussels, 1906), 233 Google Scholar; AASS, July, IV, p. 219; Synaxarium CP, cols. 825–6.

11. Gelzer, H., Ungedruckte und ungenügend veröffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episcopatuum (Munich, 1901), p. 536, no. 74, p. 59a, no. 128, p. 612, no. 20 Google Scholar; Parthey, G., Hieroclis Synecdemus et Notitiae Graecae Episcopatuum (Berlin, 1866, reprinted Amsterdam, 1967), p. 59, no. 75, p. 149, no. 79, p. 153, no. 74, p. 165, no. 79 Google Scholar. It survives until an early fourteenth-century list.

12. LeQuien, M., Oriens Christianus (Paris, 1740), I, P. 437.Google Scholar

13. Cumont, , B, VI (1931), 522 Google Scholar; Laurent, V., Le Corpus des Sceaux de l’Empire Byzantin (Paris, 1963), V (1), pp. 660–1 Google Scholar; ‘La localité fut ainsi appelée pour commémorer le séjour que l’empereur Héraclius y fit avec son armée durant l’hiver de 625’.

14. Where in 1461 Sara Hatun pleaded with the Fatih for her son, Uzun Hasan: Beg, Tursun, Tarihi Abul Fatih (Istanbul, 1921), p. 101.Google Scholar

15. Strabo, , Geography, XII, iii, 15 Google Scholar; Vasiliev, A. A., Byzance et les Arabes (Brussels, 1959), p. 148, no. 5 Google Scholar; Wittek, P., “Von der Byzantinischen zur Türkischen Toponymie’, B, X (1935) 53–9.Google Scholar

16. Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, De Caerimoniis (CSHB), I, pp. 444–5.Google Scholar

17. Ramsay, , Historical Geography, pp. 76, 14, 220, 263, 266–7, 326, 328 Google Scholar; Anderson, J. G. C., ‘A Journey of Exploration in Pontus’, Studia Pontica, I (Brussels, 1903), 39–40 Google Scholar; Bury, J. B.. ‘The aplekta of Asia Minor’, Byzantis, II (1911), 218 Google Scholar; Honigmann, E., Die Ostgrenze des Byzantinischen Reiches von 363 bis 1071 (Brussels, 1935), P. 60 and n. 7 Google Scholar; Vasiliev, A. A., ed. Canard, M., Byzance et les Arabes, II (I) (Brussels, 1968), p. 36 and n. 2.Google Scholar

18. Huxley, G., ‘A list of aplekta’, GRBS, XVI (1975), 87–93.Google Scholar

19. Anderson, , Studia Pontica, I, pp. 39–40 Google Scholar; Cumont, , Studia Pontica, II, p. 215.Google Scholar

20. Anderson, , Studia Pandea, I, p. 40 Google Scholar. Other travellers through the gorge include: Kinneir, J. M., Journey through Asia Minor, Armenia and Koodistan in the years 1813 and 1814 (London, 1918), pp. 555–6 Google Scholar; Burnaby, F., On Horseback through Asia Minor (London, 1877), I, pp. 279–80 Google Scholar; Childs, W. J. C., Across Asia Minor on Foot (London, 1917), p. 141 Google Scholar: ‘the deep narrow valley of the Yildiz Irmak’(i.e. Cebilirmak), over which travellers habitually noted a handsome ten-arch, apparently Seljuk, bridge.

21. Bryer, A. and Winfield, D., ‘Nineteenth-century monuments in the city and vilayet of Trebizond, Part 3’, Archeion Pontou, XXX (1970), 254 Google Scholar: ‘The first train did not leave Samsun until 1924, only reaching Sivas in 1932 and setting up some sort of record for dilatoriness’.

22. Skylitzes, John, Synopsis historiarum, ed. Thurn, J. (Berlin, 1973), p. 691 Google Scholar; Ramsay, , Historical Geography, p. 267.Google Scholar

23. Genesios, Joseph, Regna, (CSHB), p. 124 Google Scholar; Lemerle, P., ‘L’histoire des Pauliciens d’Asic Mineure d’après les sources grecques’, Travaux et Mémoires, V (1973). 98, 100. 103.Google Scholar

24. Kent, J., ‘Roman Payola’, Observer Magazine (27 March 1977), p. 29 Google Scholar; , cf. Wealth of the Roman World A.D. 300–700, ed. Kent, J. P. C. and Painter, K. S. (London, 1977), pp. 104–12.Google Scholar

25. See n. 7, and on the mints, Hendy, M. F., ‘On the administrative basis of the Byzantine coinage c. 400-c. 900 and the reforms of Heraclius’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, XII (1970), 149 Google Scholar and Whitting, P. D., Byzantine Coins (London, 1973), p. 132 Google Scholar. The Georgian and Armenian chronicles give what appears to be a sequence of information on the Khazar negotiations. The Georgian chronicle has two disconnected passages on Heraclius in the Pontos and at sea. The first (p. 82 in Van Esbroeck’s version) is derived from George of Pisidia, but the second (p. 93) comes in passages which ‘semblent des sutures rédactionelles avec quelques détails que nous n’avons pas trouvés ailleurs’(p. 76). This runs in part: ‘Cependant le roi Héraclius s’empressa de recruter et de rassembler de tous côtés une expédition, et il recruta un peuple innombrable de combattants, des nombreuses nations de tous côtés et du Pont-Euxin… Il se dirigea avec une multitude innombrable de bateaux, et prit avec lui sa femme, et alla à Trébizonde, aux confins de la Mingrélie. Il eut un fils qu’il appela Héraclius.’ The succeeding passage owes something to Nicephorus (see n. 7): ‘Et de là il envoya des messagers avec de nombreux présents au roi des Turcs. Or le roi des Turcs reç ut largement les envoyés d’Héraclius et lui fit un pacte d’alliance…’ The Khazars’ return visit in 626 is described by Movsēs Dasxuranci (Kaghankatowats’i): they ‘swooped down like eagles upon the great river Kur, and sparing none who came to meet them, made their way over the lands of Georgia and Egeria [Lazica] and cut across the great sea up to the royal palace. They entered into the presence of the great emperor Heraclius, swore mutual oaths each according to his own law, and received their instructions from him concerning their expedition which no one suspected’: trans. Dowsett, p. 87-the translator is unaccountably against either Heraclius or the Khazars taking ship: see p. 78, n. 4.

26. Baynes, N. H., ‘The military operations of the emperor Heraclius’, Part VI, The United Service Magazine, XLVII (1913), 404.Google Scholar

27. Vasiliev, A. A., ‘Notes on the history of Trebizond in the seventh century’, Eis mnemen Spyridonos Lamprou (Athens, 1935), 32 Google Scholar; cf. Foss, p. 727.

28. Vasiliev, p. 33.

29. Stratos, A. N., trans. Ogilvie-Grant, M., Byzantium in the Seventh Century, I. 602–634 (Amsterdam, 1968), p. 176.Google Scholar

30. Baynes, , Part IX, The United Service Magazine, XLVII (1913), 666 Google Scholar: ‘it is certain that the imperial residence mentioned by our authority was not Constantinople’. See n. 25 above.

31. Procopius, , Wars, VIII, i, 5–13; ii, 1–33.Google Scholar

32. See Bryer, A., ‘Some notes on the Laz and Tzan,’ Bedi Kartlisa, Part I, XXI–XXII (1966), 174–95 Google Scholar; Part II, XXIII-XXIV (1967), 129–36.

33. In 1377 the 203 km. from Makraigialou (Kemalpaşa) to Trebizond was covered in fourteen days; in 1405 the 60 km. from near the ‘Cauo d’ croxe’ (Eski Pazar) to Trebizond was covered in six days. See Lampsides, Od., ‘Michael tou Panaretou peri ton Megalon Komnenon’, Archeion Pontou, XXII (1958), 78 Google Scholar, and Ruy Gonzales Clavijo, his embassy from Henry III of Castille to Tamburlaine the Great at Samarkand, 1403–1406, trans. G. Le Strange (London, 1928), p. 336.

34. That is, if the chronology of F. Barišić is correct: ‘Le siè ge de Constantinople par les Avares et les Slaves en 626’, B, XXIV (1954), 378, 391.

35. See Bryer, A., ‘The Latins in the Euxine’, XVe Congrès International de’ Etudes Byzantines, Rapports et Co-Rapports, I, 3 (Athens, 1976), p. 4.Google Scholar

36. Seeck, Otto, Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae et Laterculi Prouindarum (Berlin, 1874) pp. 84–5 Google Scholar; Procopius, Buildings, III, iv, 2–5; Sebeôs, p. 62 (into which I think Foss, p. 722, reads too hard a fate for Satala); Studia Pontica, II pp. 342–51; Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris, 1975), pp. 266–71, 295, 297 Google Scholar; Mitford, T. B., ‘Biliotti’s Excavations at Satala,’ Anatolian Studies, XXIV (1974), 221–44 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; its bishopric survived until after 1256: Parthey, op. cit., pp. 37, 64, 108, 187, 207, 249; A. Bryer, ‘Greeks and Türkmens: the Pontic exception,DOP, XXIX (1975), 139.

37. Allen, W. E. D. and Muratoff, P., Caucasian Battlefields. A History of the Wars onthe Turco-CaucasianBorder, 1828–1921 (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 380–2, 397–9.Google Scholar

38. The Sourmaina site will be published, and the history of the Apsaros site discussed, in the authors’ forthcoming Dumbarton Oaks Study on The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos. See Procopius, Buildings, III, vii, 3–4; Wars, VIII, ii, 3, 14; F. Uspenskii, ‘Starinnaia kriepost’ na ust’ ie Chorokha’, Bulletin de l’ Académie Impérial des Sciences, VIe série, XI (Petrograd, February 1917), 163–9; V. A. Lekvinadze, ‘Material ‘i po istorii i arkhitekture Apsarskoi kreposti’, VV, XX (1961), 225–42.

39. See n. 36 above, and Baschmakoff, A., La synthè se des périples pontiques (Paris, 1948), pp. 82–7, 124–5 Google Scholar; Procopius, , Wars, VIII, ii, 16 Google Scholar; and Miller, K., Itineraria Romana (Stuttgart, 1916)Google Scholar, col. 648.

40. AASS, June, IV (Antwerp, 1707), pp. 809–11; June, V (Paris-Rome, 1867), pp. 694–6; Synaxarium CP, p. 767; cf. St. Andrew’s supposed visit to the place in MPG, CXX, 241; Procopius, Buildings, III, vii, 1; P[eeters], ‘La légende de S. Orentius et de ses six frè res martyrs’, AB, LVI (1938), 241–64; Gབkbilgin, M. T., ‘XVI, yüzyil başlarinda Trabzon Iivasi ve doğu Karadeniz bölgesi’, BTTK, XXVI (1962), p. 321 Google Scholar (on ‘Ayo-Randos’). The problem is complicated by the fact that the Notitia Dignitatum lists bom as Ysiporto and a Caene Parembole (see n. 36 above). So Apsaros could be either Ualentia or the parembole— Frick, cf. C., Chronica Minora (Leipzig, 1892), I, p. 216 Google Scholar. Our ‘hagiography’ is more likely to be at fault than the Notitia. The whole question of the interrelation of the Pontic Group Passions is explored in Winfield and Bryer’s forthcoming Study.

41. Laurent, V., ‘Deux chrysobulles inédits des empereurs de Trébizonde Alexis IV—Jean IV et David II’, Archeion Pontou, XVIII (1953), 264.Google Scholar

42. Wellesz, E., ‘The “Akathistos.” A study in byzantine hymnography’, DOP, IX-X (1956), 152.Google Scholar

43. See most recently Schmiedt, G., ‘Città scomparse e città dìnuova fondazione in Italia in relazione al sistema di comunicazione’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’ Alto Medioevo, XXI, ii (Spoleto, 1974), 526–7 Google Scholar, and Pertusi, A., ‘L’iscrizione torcellana dei tempi di Eraclio’, ZRVI, VIII, ii (1964), 315–39 Google Scholar (a virtually identical article with the same title appeared in Bollettino dell’ Istituto di Storia della Società e dello Stato, IV [1962], 9–38). Cessi, Cf. R., ‘Da Roma a Bisanzio,’ in Storia di Venezia, I (Venice, 1957), 381–5 Google Scholar, who wrongly implies that the name Heracliana appears in the Torcello inscription.

44. The Venetian chroniclers misinterpreted an agreement made between Paulicius and a magister militum named Marcellus in the time of King Liutprand (712–44) as a treaty concluded with the Lombard King. See Cessi, R., ‘Paulicius dux,’ Le origini del ducato veneziano (Naples, 1951), pp. 155–73 Google Scholar, who identified the ducal election with that recorded in Le Liber Pontijualis, ed. L. Duchesne, I, 404, and identified Paulicius with the exarch Paul (c. 723-c. 727). Since the treaty was signed between Paulicius and a Byzantine official, the magister militum, it makes better sense to see the former as a Lombard, possibly an otherwise unknown duke of Treviso. Pactum Hlotharii: Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereafter MGH), Capitularia regum Francorum, II, ed. A. Boretius and V. Krause (Hanover, 1897), 135. The definition of the boundaries of Civitas Nova was later confirmed by the Lombard King Aistulf (749–756): Codice Diplomatico Longobardo, III, i, ed. C. Brühl, Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, LXIV (Rome, 1973), 312 (who wrongly saw the lost document as the confirmation of a donation).

45. Kehr, P., Italia Pontifica, VII, ii (Berlin, 1925), 78 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Rom und Venedig bis ins XII. Jahrhundert,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XIX (1927), 31–4.

46. Schmiedt, loc. cit., and plates V and VI.

47. Seen. 1 above.

48. Schmiedt, art. cit., 503–607. Two prominent new foundations are Argenta and Ferrara, whose fortification tradition ascribed to the exarch Smaragdus: Rossi, G., Historiarum Ravennatum libri XI (Venice, 1591), p. 192.Google Scholar

49. Lamboglia, N., ‘Topografia storica dell’Ingaunia nell’ antichità,’ Collana storico-archeologico di Liguria occidentale, II, no. 4 (1953), 77–8; idem, Liguria Romana (Alassio, 1939), p. 160 Google Scholar; Le Synekdèmos de Hiéroklès et l’opuscule géographique de Georges de Chypre, ed. E. Honigmann (Brussels, 1935); Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia, ed. J. Schnetz, Itineraria Romana, II (Leipzig, 1940).

50. Kehr, , Italia Pontificia, VII, ii, 214—15 Google Scholar. The inscriptions purporting to record the foundation of the city (CIL, V. 12, 13) are forgeries.

51. Dandolo, , Chronicon, VI.8.1, V.5.3, ed. Pastorello, E., in Muratori, L. A., ed. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, new ser., XII, i (Bologna, 1938), 98, 59 Google Scholar. Constans II was generally called Constantinus in official documents. The suggestion made by Pastorello, ibid., p. 98, note, that the place was named after Constans I (337–50). is unlikely.

52. Pertusi, art. cit.; Cessi, Le origini, pp. 33–6;idem ‘Alcuni osservazioni sulla basilica di S. Maria di Torcello …,’ Atti dell’ Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, CXIX (1961), 665–74.

53. Mansi, J. D., Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Collectio, XI (Florence, 1765), col. 311Google Scholar; Kehr, , Italia Pontificia, VII, ii, 78 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Romund Venedig,’ p. 32. On the circumstances in which a new bishopric was founded at Ceneda on the mainland in place of the destroyed see of Oderzo while the nominal episcopus Opiterginae civitatis was ‘lurking on a certain island’ (latitans in quadam insula—i.e. Civitas Nova), see Cessi, R., ‘La crisi ecclesiastica veneziana al tempo del duca Orso,’ Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, LXXXVII, ii (1927–8), 829–30 Google Scholar, discussing a forged document of King Liutprand.

54. MGH, Capitularia, II, 131, 135 (840), MGH, Diplomata regum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum, II, ed. P. Kehr (Berlin, 1935), 27, 30, (880), 126 (883); Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, De Administrando Imperio, chap. 28, ed. Moravcsik, Gy., Dumbarton Oaks Texts, (Washington, D.C., 1967), p. 121 Google Scholar; Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille, ed. R. Cessi, I (Padua, 1942), 95, no. 53.

55. MGH, Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae, II (2nd ed., Berlin, 1956), 578, 734. Documents of Otto I and Otto II used only the name civitas nova: ibid., I, 480, 482 (967), II, 355 (983).

56. Monticolo, Ed. G., Cronache veneziane antichissime, Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, IX (Rome, 1890), 64 Google Scholar. On the dates of the early chronicles see Fasoli, G., ‘I fondamenti della storiografia veneziana,’ in La storiografia veneziana fino al secolo XVI, ed. Pertusi, A. (Florence, 1970), pp. 11–44.Google Scholar

57. Pertusi, art. cit., pp. 332–3;and n. 58.

58. Chronicon Gradense, ed. Monticolo, op. cit., pp. 44–6; Chronicon Altinate, ed. R. Cessi, Origo civitatum Italie seu Venetiarum, Fonti per la Storia d’ Italia, LXXII (Rome, 1933), 154.

59. Dandolo, , VI. 7.10, Viii. 1.14, ed. cit., pp. 95, 141.Google Scholar

60. Cessi, R., Venezia ducale, I (Padua, 1927), 65, 237–8.Google Scholar

61. Weitzmann, K., ‘The Ivories of the So-called Grado Chair’, DOP XXVI (1972), 51–3.Google Scholar

62. Toubert, P., Les structures du Latium médiéval (Rome, 1973), I, p. 655, n. 1 Google Scholar. On the acquisition of Byzantine dignities by Venetian duces and their imitation of imperial models, see Pertusi, A., ‘Quaedam regalia insignia’, Studi Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica (2nd ed., Padua, 1969), pp. 195–200 Google Scholar, and Cessi, R., ‘Bizantinismo veneziano,’ Archivio Veneto, 5th series, LXIX (1961), 3–22.Google Scholar

63. Ibid., p. 10.

64. Chronicon Gradense, ed. cit., pp. 45–46; Dandolo, VII. 14.11, ed. cit., p. 129. On Dandolo’s attitude to the noble migration from Heraclea, Arnaldi, G., ‘Andrea Dandolo, doge-cronista’, in La storiografia, cit., p. 190, n. 2, p. 252 Google Scholar. The indices in the MGH Capitularia and Diplomata volumes make no distinction between the Venetian Civitas Nova, its Istrian namesake and another place of the same name near Modena.

65. Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, V. 28, ed. L. Bethmann and G. Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum (Hanover, 1878), p. 153.

66. Ibid., IV.45, p. 135. Dandolo, VI.8.17, ed. cit., p. 99, records a major influx of settlers into Civitas Nova at the time of the second sack of Oderzo.

67. Advanced by Pertusi, art. cit., p. 353, who also suggested that Heraclius contributed financially to the new city.

68. Liber Pontificalis, ed. cit., pp. 321, 323, 328, 329; the only other contemporary Italian source, the continuation of the Comutaria Italica known as the Auctarii Havniensis Extrema has only three references to Heraclius: ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, Auctores Antiquissimi, IX (Berlin, 1892), 339, cc. 18, 20, 21. On Fredegar, , Lemerle, P., ‘Les répercussions de la crise de l’empire d’Orient au Vile siècle sur les pays d’Occident’, Settimane cit., V, ii (Spoleto, 1958), 730.Google Scholar

69. On these revolts and Italian separatism in general, Guillou, A., Régionalisme et indépendance dans l’empire byzantin au VII^e siècle: l’exemple de l’Exarchat et de la Pentapole d’Italie (Rome, 1969), pp. 204–6.Google Scholar

70. Isaac: Bertolini, O., ‘Il patrizio Isacio esarco d’Italia’, Scritti scelti di storia medievale (Livorno, 1968), I, pp. 65–8 Google Scholar. Theological negotiations with Rome: idem, , ‘Riflessi politici delle controversie religiose con Bisanzio nelle vicende del secolo VII in Italia’, Settimane cit., V, ii, 754–7 Google Scholar; Llewellyn, P. A. B., ‘The Roman Church in the Seventh Century: the Legacy of Gregory I’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXV (1974), 371–5 Google Scholar. Heraclius had sufficient interest in the West to consider moving his capital to Carthage in a period of crisis: Nicephorus, , Historia Syntomos, ed. Boor, C. de (Leipzig, 1880), p. 12.Google Scholar