¹ Kister, M. J., ‘Mecca and Tamīm', JESHO, III 2, 1965, 113–62.Google Scholar

² Acoording to Wāqidī, 10 men; an unspecified, but apparently samll number, according to Tabarī. Wāqidī, , Kitāb al-maghāzi, ed. Jones, M., London,, 1966, ii, 803–4. Tabarī Ta'rīkh al–rusulwa- 'l–mul؛k, ed. de Goeje, i, 1647.Google Scholar

³ BSOAS, xvii, 3, 1955, 416–25.

⁴ Kister, op. cit., 146–51. There is, however, one verse of Hassān's poem which is highly relevant to our discussion; it is descussed in n. 81 below. And see Y. al-Jab؛rī's representation of the Tamimite delegation (based mainly on Tabari and Ibn Hishām): al–Jab؛rī's, Y., ‘tamīm fil–islām', Hawliyyāt kulliyyat al–insāniyyāt kulliyyat al–insāniyyāt wa-'l-‘ul؛m al-ijtimā‘iyya bi-jāmi ‘at qatar, 3, 1401x002F; 1981, 179 ff.Google Scholar

⁵ Fazāra was a sub-group of Dhubyān/Ghatafān. At that the they were not yet. Muslims. only ‘Uyayna personally had joined Muhammad, before the conquest of Mecca, just as had the Tamīmite al-Aqra‘b. Hābis.

⁶ He is also called Nu‘aym b. zayd or Yazīd, and Nu‘ b. Badr; his not mentioned. Ibn al-‘Asqalānī, Hajar, al-Isāba fī tamyīz al-sahāba, cairo, 1328 A.H., iii, 566–7. Note that Wāqidī says that there were ten delegats, but mentions only eight names.Google Scholar

⁷ Wāqidī, iii, 973–50 (on the authority of al-zuhri and Sa‘īd b. ‘Amr؛) Ibn Sa‘d, Kitāb al-tabaqāt al-kabīr, Leiden, 1917, i, 2/40, ii, 1/166, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyaa, Zād al-ma‘ād fīhady khayr al-‘ibād, Dār al-kutub al-‘ilmiyya, Beirut, ii, 201 (apparently quotion Ibn Sa‘d).

⁸ Ibn Hishām, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, Cairo, 1936/1355, iv, 206–13. Tabaī, Tarīkh, i, 1711–16. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, ii, 203. Ibn al-Athir, al-Kāmill fī 'l-ta'rīkh, Beirut, 1965/1385. II, 255–7. See also Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isī‘āb fī am‘rifat al-ashāb, on the margins of Ibn Hajar's Isāba, Cario, 1328, I, 96 s.v. al-aqra‘b. Hābis, II, 536 s.v. ‘Amru b. al-Ahtam. Tabarsi, Majma‘'l-bayān fī tafsīr al-qur'ān, Beirut, 1955/1374, 26/83. Hassān b. Thābit, Dīwan, ed. Barquqi, Cairo. 1929/1347, 243–52.

⁹ Tabu؛k, according to him, was in Rajab, the delegation ot Tahqīf in Ramadān. Ibn Hishām, IV, 159, 182, 205.

¹⁰ On Mufākhara seeGoldziher, I., Muslim Studies, I, ed. Stern, S. M., London, 1967, 57–63.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibn HIshām, IV, 207. Ibn ‘Abrrrrd al-Barr, Istī‘āb s.v. al-Aqra ‘has ‘kānā ma‘hu', i.e. with the Prophet in Medina.

¹² Suy؛tī, al-Durr al-manth؛r fī ‘l-ma‘th؛r, Cairo, al-matba‘a' I-maymaniyya, 1314, VI, 87. Thābit, Hassān b.. Dīwān, ed. Hirschfeld, Leiden-London, 1910, 42.Google Scholar

¹³ See for instance his biography in Ḥajar, Ibn, Isāba, III, 54–5; his behaviour in the presence of the Prophet, Wāqidī, II, 478.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Note that here, too, eight names are mentioned, as was the case with the Mufākhara delegation.

¹⁵ Ibn Hishām, iv, 269–70. Tabarī, I, 1762. al-Athīr, Ibn, Usd al-ghāba fi ma ‘rifat al-sah'ba, Cairo 1280. v, 87 s.v. Wardān b. MUhriz. Short references to this delegation and/For the raid: Ibn Hajar I, 508 s.v. Rabi'a b. Rufay‘, III, 201 s.v. Firās b. Hābis. Ibn al-Authīr, Usd, IV, 176 s.v. firās B. Hābis. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidāya wa-‘l-nihāya fi‘-ta‘rīkh, Cairo, 1932/1351, V, 219. Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf. I, ed. Hamidullah, cairo, 1959, 382. Baghdādī, Khizānat al-adab wa-lubb lubāb lisāb lisān al-‘arab, Bulaq 1299, III, 397.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The story of ‘Uyayna and al-Aqra‘ appearing together before the authorities seems to bt an independent narrative unit. See below p. 270.

¹⁷ See above. n.3. And see the discussion about Wāqidī: did he or did he not plagiarize Ibn Ishāq, in J. M. B. Jones, ‘Ibn Ishaq and al-Wāqidī: the dream of ‘Ātika and the raid to Nakhla in ralation to the charge of plagiarism', BSOAS, XXII, I, 1959, 41–51

¹⁸ al-‘Asqalā, Ibn Hajar, Tahdhī al-tahadhīb, Hyderabad, 1325 (repr, Dār Sādir, Beirut), x, 338Google Scholar. For the mufākhara stories see: Isfahānī, , Kitāb al-aghānī, ed. al-Shanqītī. Cairo, IV, 7–9.Google Scholar Ibn ‘Asākir, III, 86–6 (with Ibn Manda's remark about al-Mu‘allā), IV, 129–31. Ibn al-Athir, usd, I, 107–9 s.v. al-Aqra‘ b. Hābis (with Ibn Manda‘s remark). Ibn al-Jawzi, Zād al-masiīr fī 'ilm at-tafsir, Damascus 1965, VII, 458. Wāhidī, , Asbāb al-nuz؛l, Cairo, 1968/1388, 259–61.Google Scholar Suy؛tț, Durr, VI, 87. Ab؛Hayyān, , al-kabīr al-kabīr, Cairo, 1328. VIII, 106–8.Google Scholar Hassān (Hirschfeld), 42–3. see aslo below p. 266.

¹⁹ The story is sometimes told on the authority of al-Aqra ‘himself, through Ab؛ Salama b. ‘Abd al-Rahamān. Ibn Hajar rejects this isnād, whiele other scholars accept ti; see Isāba, I 58 s.v. al-Aqra' Ibn al-athīr, zusd I, 109(the same). Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, Istī‘āb, I, 96 (the same). Suy؛tī, Durr, VI, 86–7. Ibn Kathīr, V, 46. See aslo below p. 266.

²⁰ Ibn Hajar, Isāba, I, 55 s.v. al-A ‘war b. Bashāma. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd I, 103(the same).

²¹ Ibn Hajar loc. Cf. other versions of this stsory, aslo attributed Ibn ‘Abbās: Haqqī, Ismā‘il, Tafsīr r؛h al-bayān, Istanbul, 1926, IX, 68. Al-Khāzin al-Baghdādī, Lubāb al-ta' wil fī ma'ānī l-tanzīl, Dā al-tibā‘a ‘l-āmira, 1320, VI, 42. Cf. the other stories, also attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās: (Ps.) Ibn ‘Abbās, Tanwīr al-miqyās, on the margins of Suy؛tī, al-Durr al-amnth؛r, Cairo, Cairo, 1314, V, 235–6. Tabarsī XXXVI, 83. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 459.Google Scholar

²² Samarqandi, Tafsir, MS chester Beatty, 3668, II, 229.Google Scholar

²³ Ahabu alkum thulthan wa-u‘tiqu thulthan wa-ākhudhu thulthan. Ibn Hajar, Isāba, III, 632, s.v. Wardān b. Mukharram. The difference between ahabu lakum and u‘tiqu is not entirely cler to me. It may have something to do with the status of the freed persons.

²⁴ Ibn Hajar, Isāba, II, 79 s.v. Samura b. ‘Amr؛. Ibn al-AthīrUsd, II, 355 (the same). Al-Murtadā al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-'ar؛s min jawāhir al-qām؛s, Cairo, 1306–7 III, 278 s.v.s m r.

²⁵ Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, II, 195–6 s.v. zabīb b. Tha'laba. Bakrī, , Mu'jam mā 'sta'jam, ed. al-Saqā, Cairo, 1951/1371, II, 669 s.v. Rukba, III 808 s.v. Dhā al-Shuq؛q. Bakrī adds the reason, or justification, for the attack: the raiding party did nto hear the adhān (the call for prayer) in the 'Anbarite camp, so they took them to be infidels. This justification is common in traditions about the ridda wars.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibn al-athīr, Usd, I, 103 s.v. al-A 'war b. Bashāma.

²⁷ op. cit., II, 195–6, s.v. Zabib, 174 s.v. Rudayh, 300 s.v. Zakhiyy. Ibn Hajar, Isāba, I, 490 s.v. Dhu'ayb b. Shu'thum, IV, 454 s.v. Umm Zaynab (read: Zabīb).

²⁸ Ibn Hishām, IV, 269. Tabarī, Ta'rīkh, I, 1762. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, V, 87 s.v. Wardān b. Mukharram. , Al-Haythamī, Majam' al-zawā'id wa-manba' al-fawā'id, Cairo, 1352–3, IV, 242, X, 46–7. Ibn Hajar, Isāba, I, 508 s.v. Rabi'a b. Rufay', where it is Qatāda, and not 'Āisha, who had taken the vow.Google Scholar

²⁹ Mubarrad, , al-Kitāb al-āmil, ed. M. Ab؛ 'l-Fadl Ibrāhīm Cairo, 1956/1376, II, 62–3.Google Scholar

³⁰ See M. J. Kister, ‘Kudā'', EI (2nd ed.).

³¹ goldziher, I.Muslim studies, I, 96.Google Scholar

³² IbnHazm, , Jamharat ansāb al-'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salām Hār؛n Cairo, 1962/1382, 7.Google Scholar

³³ Haythamī IV, 242, X, 46.

³⁴ Ibn Sa'd, VIII, 110 s.v. Safiyya b. Bashāma. Of course, they may have been telling the truth.

³⁵ A similar apologetic tendency can be detected in reports about the ridda. The descendants of those whot had rebelled against Islam did their best to make the world forget the part played by their forefather. See also below, p. 268.

³⁶ Nuwayrī, , Nihāyat al-arab fi fun؛nal-adab, Cairo, 1955/1374, XVII, 348–9, XVIII, 32–41.Google ScholarZurqānī, Sharh ālā 'l-mawāhib al-lāduniyya li-'l-Qastallānī, , al-Azhar, 1325, III, 43–6.Google ScholarHalabī, , Insā al-‘uy؛n fī sīrat al-amin al-ma' mīn (=sīra halabīyya), Cairo, 1320, III, 226–30.Google Scholar

³⁷ Haqqī IX, 67. The part about the 'Anbarites resembles the version attributed to Ibn 'Abbās (no. 2 of the 'Anbarite verisons recorded abovee), Other compiled or combined stories:Qurtubī, ,al-Jāmi' li-ahkām al-Qur'ān, al-sha'b, Dār, Cairo, VII, 6129–30. Nasafī, Madārik al-tazīl wahaqā'iq al-ta' wīl, on the margins fo Majm؛' al-tafāsīr, Dā al-tibā'a 'l-'āmira, VI, 41–2. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, II 201–5. Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, Ta'rikh al-khamīs fī fun؛n al-maghāzī wa-'l- shamaā'il wa-'l-siyar, Cairo, 1356, II, 203–5. Diyārbakrī Ta'rīkh al-khamīs fī ahwāl anfas nafīs, Cairo, 1283, II, 118–19.Google ScholarMaqrīzī, , Imtā' al-asmā' bi-mā li-'l-rasūl min al-anbā' wa-'l-amwāl wa-'l ḥafada wa-'matā, ed. Shākir, , Cairo, 1941, I, 433–9.Google Scholar Ibn kathīr, V. 41–4 follows Ibn Isḥāq in distinguishing between the mufākhara and the raid, but attaches to the former the verses 2–5 of sūrat al-ḥjurāt, instead of 4 alone as does Ibn Isḥāq. See below pp. 263f.

³⁸ Ibn Sa'd I, 2/45–6, 41, 48, 51–2.

³⁹ Ibn Hajar, Isāba, I, 543 (the reference to Ibn Ishāq) s.v. Zibriqān. I, 111 s.v. Aktham b. Sayfiyy. Cf. Ab؛ Ḥātim al-Sijistānā, al-Mu'ammar؛n wa-'l-wasāyā, ed. al-Shanqītū, 11, and thd editor's note there.

⁴⁰ Tabarsi, XXVI, 83. Ab؛ Ḥayyān, VIII, 106, 108, 109.

⁴¹ Translation Pickthall, M., The glorious koran, a bilingual edition with English traslation, intoduction and notes, London, 1976, 683–4.Google Scholar

⁴² , T؛sī, Tafsī, Tafsīr al-tabyān, Najaf, 1963–1382, XXVI, 122. Suy؛tī, Durr, 6/87. According to Jeffery, however, this is not the qirāa of Ibn Mas'؛d, but of Ubayy b. Ka'b and Rabīī b. Khuthaym al-Thawrī; A. Jefery, Materials for the history of the the Qur'ān, Leiden, 1937, 166, 304.Google Scholar

⁴³ hym al-jufāt min banā tamīm lawlā annahum min ashadd al-nās qitālan li-'l-a'war al-dajjāl la-da ‘awtu'  l-lāh 'alayhim an ynhlikahum, Suy؛tī, loc. cit. Qurtubī, VII, 6130.

⁴⁴ Ibn al-Kalbī, Jamharat al-nasab, MS Br. Mus. ADD23297, 90a. Ibn Hajar, Isāba, I, 508 s.v. Rabi' b. Rufay'. Naqāid Jarīr wa-'l-Farazdaq, ed. Bevan, Leiden, 1908–12, 747, 696. Baghdādī, Khizāna, III, 670. See also below p. 266.

⁴⁵ Ibn al-Barr, 'Abd, al-Durar fī 'khtisār al-maghāzī wa-'l-siyar, ed. Dayf, Shawqī, Cairo, 1966–1386. 271, Istī'āb, II, 536 s.v. 'Amur؛ b. al-Ahtam. and see above nn. 18and 37.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ see above n. 22.

⁴⁷ Tabarsī, XXVI, 83. Similarly Ibn Kathir, V, 41–4. But it may be a different riwāya.

⁴⁸ See A. T. Weleh, ‘al-Kur'ān.' EI (2nd ed.) and the bibliography there.

⁴⁹ (1) yā ayyuhā 'l-ladhīna āman؛ lā tuqaddim؛ bayna yaday 'l-lāh wa-rasīlishi wa-'ttaq؛ 'l-lāh inna 'l-lāh samī' 'alīm. (2) yā ayyuhā 'l-ladhīna āman؛ lā tarfa'؛ aswātakum fawqa sawt 'l-nabiyy wa-lā tajhar؛ lahu bi-'l-qawl ka-Jahri ba'dikum li-ba'd an tahbata a'malukun wa-antum lā tash 'ur؛n. (3)inna 'l-ladhīna yaghudd؛na aswātahum 'inda rasūl 'l-lā'h '؛lā'ika 'l-ladhina 'mtahana 'l-lāh qul؛bahum li-'l-taqwa lahum maghfira wa-ajr 'azīm. (4) inna 'l-ladhīna yunād؛naka min warā' 'l-hujurāt aktharuhum lā ya'qil؛n. (5) Wa-law annahum sabar؛ hattā takhruja ilayhim la-kāna khayran lahum wa-'l-lāh ghaf؛r rahīm. Translation M. Pickthall, 683–4.

⁵⁰ Suy؛tī, Asbāb al-nuz؛l, on the margins fo Tafsī al-Jalālayn, ed. Khālid al-Jawjā Damascus, 685, Durr, VI, 84–5. Haqqī, IX, 65. Ab؛ Hayyān. VIII, 106. Tabarī, Tafsīr XXVI, 118–19. (Ps.) Ibn 'Abbās V, 233, 234–5. Qurṭubī, VII 6124, 6125, Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 456. al-Khāzin, VI, 40. Sira halabiyya, III, 228. Al-Hākim al-Naysab؛rī, al-Mustadrak 'alā; 'l-sahīhayni fī 'l-hadīth, Riyād, 1968, III, 234, 235.

⁵¹ Ab؛ Hayyān loc. cit. Qurtubī, VII, 6128. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 457. Al-Khāzin, VI, 41. Wāhidī, 258.

⁵² wa-munāsabat hadhihi 'l-aaya li-mā qablahā zāhira wa-dhālika anna 'l-munādāh min warā' 'l-hujurāt fīhā raf' 'l-sawt wa-isā' at 'l-adad wa-'lāh qad amara bi-tawqīr ras؛lihi wa-ta 'ẓīmithi. Ab؛ Hayyān. VIII, 108.

⁵³ Suy؛tī, Durr. VI, 83–4. Al-Khāzin, VI, 38. Sahīh al-Bukhārī, Matābi' 'i-sha'b, 1378, III, 213. Sahīh al-Tirmidhi, Cairo, 1931/1350. XII, 153 ('an al-Barā' b. 'Āzib).

⁵⁴ Ibn 'Asākir, III, 89.

⁵⁵ Tirmidhi, XII, 151–2. Wāhidī. Haqqi, IX, 63. Qurtubī, VII, 6123–4. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 456.

⁵⁶ Suy؛tī, Durr VI, 84. Tabarī, Tafsī, XXVI, 119.

⁵⁷ Suyītī, Asbād, 682. Qurtubī, VII, 6120–1. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 454.

⁵⁸ inṭaliqū binā ilā hādha 'l-rajul fa-in yakun nabiyyan fa-naḥs bihi wa-in yakun malikan na'ish fi jināḥihi. Tabarīr, XXVI, 121. Suyūṭī Durr VI, 86, Nuzīl, 686. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 459. Qurtubī VIi, 6129.

⁵⁹ Suyūṭī, loc. cit. Tabarī loc. cit., and 122. Tirmidhi, XII, 153. Ibn ‘Asākir, III, 86. Ibn kathīr, V, 46. Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad, Cairo, 1313, (repr. Beirut 1978), VI, 393–4, III, 488. And see above n. 19.

⁶⁰ Tabarī, Tafsīr, XXVI, 122('an al-Hasan).

⁶¹ Ibn Hishām etc., see a bove n. 8. Iṣfahānī, Ibn ‘Asākir, etc., see above n. 18.

⁶² QurṠsī, VII, 6124–25. Samarqandi, II, 228.

⁶³ Ṭabarsī, XXVI, 83. Ibn Kathīr, v, 44

⁶⁴ Samarqandī, II, 229, and above nn. 21 and 44.

⁶⁵ Ibn Sa'd, I, 2/40, and above n. 37 (except Maqrīzī).

⁶⁶ Wāqidī, III, 979. Maqrīzī, I, 438–9 males it 2–5.

⁶⁷ See above n. 50.

⁶⁸ There are, however, several other stories which are not related to Tamin, associated with verse I. See e.g. Abū ṫyyān, VIII, 105. SuyūṠī, Durr, VI, 84. Qurṫubī, VII, 6121. Ḥaqqī, IX, 62. (ps.) Ibn ‘Abbās, v, 233. Ṭabarīabarī, Tafsir, XXVI, 117. Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 454–5. Nasafi, VI, 38.

⁶⁹ nazalat fī thābit b. qays b. shammās bi-raf‘ ṣawtihi ‘inda rasūl 'l-aāh (ṣ) ḥīna qadima wafd tamīm. (Ps.) Ibn ‘Abbās, loc. cit.

⁷⁰ Wāqidī, III, 979. Sī ḥalabiyya, III, 228.

⁷¹ It is Perhaps interesting to note that verse 6 of al-ḥujurāt is associated with the withholding of the ṣadaqa by the Banū al-MuṣṠaliq, a clan of Khuzā'a. This corresponds to the version about the Banū al-‘Anbar preventing their Khuzā'ite relatives from paying the ṣadaqa, which is connected with verses 4–5 (or 2–4). The withholding of the უasaqa, and Khuzā'a, may have been the link which tied verse 6 to the preceding verses, and brought it to its place in the Qur'ān. It does not, however, belong to group 1–5, because it does not express the same idea. See (for the story of Banū al-MusṠaliq) Ṭabarī, Tafsīr, XXVI, 123–5. The relation between the Qur'ānic text and (pseudo) historical narrative was discussed by Wansbrough, J in Quranic studies, Oxford, 1977, examines the use of Qur'ānic verses by both Wāqidi and Ibn isḥāq.Google Scholar

⁷² See below n. 81.

⁷³ See above p. 258.

⁷⁴ e.g. Ibn ǥajar, Iṣāba, I, 508 s.v. Rabi'a b. Rufay', III, 201, s.v. Firās b. Ḥābis. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, Iv, 176, s.v. Firās b. Ḥābis.

⁷⁵ Ibn ‘Asākir, II, 86. Sira ḥalabiyya, III, 229. Zurqānī, III, 44, Ibn Sayyid al-nās, II, 205. Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, I, 109, s.v.al-Aqra' b. Ḥābis. Baghdādī, Khizāna, III, 397.

⁷⁶ Naqa'id, I, 257, 264, 681, 697, 789. Ibn al-Athīr, Kāmil, I, 600 tells about a raid in which both al-Aqra' and his brother Firās took part. See Caskel, W., Gamharat al-nasab, das Genealog ische Werk des Hishām ibn Muḥammad al-Kalbi, Leiden, 1966, index s.v. al-Aqra' b. Ḥābis.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, IV, 176, s.v. Firās bo. Ḥābis.

⁷⁸ Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, Isti'āb, III, 211, and Ibn Ḥajar, Iṣāba, III, 201, s.v. Firās b. Ḥābis.

⁷⁹ cf. above n. 35.

⁸⁰ It should be noted that al-Aqra ‘is not the only non- ‘Anbarite mentioned in the ‘Anbarite delegation. There are also Qays b. ‘Āṣim of the Banū Mīnqar, and al-Qa‘qā' b. Ma'bad, of the Banū Dārim. However, I did not find any role ascribed to them, and their presence may be due to the general confusion, like ‘Uyayna's presence in the mufākhara (on which see below).

⁸¹ For this, and the intercession, see Naqāiḍ, 696, 747, 748. Ibn Hishām, IV, 270. Baghdādī, Khizāna, III, 397, 670. Ibn Ḥajar, Iṡāba, I, 58–9 s.v. al-Aqra'' b. Ḥāis. And see Kister, , ‘Mecca and Tamim', 150–1; he does not seem to doubt that al-Aqra' played the role ascribed to him. Two of Hassān's verses, however, must be mentioned here. They read: fa-in kuntum ji 'turn li-hagni dimāikum / wa-amwālikum an tuqsamū ‘l-maqāsimi fa-lā taj'alū li-'l-lāhi niddan wa-aslimū / wa-la talbasū ziyyan ka-ziyyi ‘l-a'ājimi ‘If you have come to save your lives and you property lest you be divided among the booty, then admit no rival to God, and become Muslims and wear not a similar attire to that of foreigners.' Ibn Hishām, IV, 212, trans. Arafat, 423. Kister took these verses to ‘describe a real situation' (loc. cit.). If that is so, it means that the mufākhara delegation did come to discuss the matter of the ‘Anbarite prisoners, which refutes the whole of my theory about the two disparate traditions. The verses, however, can be interpreted in general terms. The tribal delegations, generally, came to Muhammad in order to ensure safety for their lives and property. They acquired God's and Muhammad's protection in return for conversion. This is exactly what Hassān offers the Tamimīte delegation in these two verses; he is probably not referring to the ‘Anbarite captives. See also above, p. 255.Google Scholar

⁸² Wāqidī, in, 973.

⁸³ Jones, J. M. B., ‘The chronology of the maghāzī: a textual survey', BSOAS, XIX, 2, 1957, 279.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Hajar, Ibn, Isdba, III, 632–3, s.v. Wardān b. Mukharram.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See e.g. Ibn Hisham, IV, 207. Ibn 'Asākir, III, 90. Zurqāni, IV, 5. Balādhurī, Ansab, I, 385. Mubarrad, Kāmil, I, 226.

⁸⁶ Ibn Sa'd, II, 1/115. Wāqidi gave the list of tax-collectors, among whom was the one sent to Banū Ka'b of Khuzā'a. This list serves as an introduction to the story that Banū al-'Anbar prevented Banu Ka'b from paying, thereby bringing ‘Uyayna's raid upon themselves. In Ibn Sa'd, the reason for ‘Uyayna's raid (i.e. the ṡadaqa of Banū Ka'b) is missing. The list of taxcollectors is linked to ‘Uyayna's raid by making ‘Uyayna himself the tax-collector of Tamīm. I am grateful to Dr. E. Kohlberg and Mr. M. Cook for comments on the draft of this paper.