¹ The literature on die Leistungsverwaltung includes Hans Heinrich, Blotevogel, ed., Kommunale Leistungsverwaltung und Stadtentivicklung vom Vormarz bis zur Weimarer Repubhk (Cologne, 1990);Google Scholar and Krabbe, Wolfgang R, Kommunalpolitik und Industrialisierung: Die Entfaltung der städtischen Leistungsverwaltung im 19. und frtihen 20. Jahrhundert: Fallstudien zu Dortmund und Miinster (Stuttgart, 1985).Google ScholarOn die aktive Stadt, see Gerhard, Melinz and Susan, Zimmermann, “Die aktive Städt: Kommunale Politik zur Gestaltung städtischer Lebensbedingungen in Budapest, Prag, und Wien (1867–1914),”Google Scholar in Gerhard, Melinz and Susan, Zimmermann, eds., Blütezeit der Habsburgermetropolen: Urbanisierung, Kommunalpolitik, gesellschaflliche Konflikte (1867–1918): Wien, Prag, Budapest (Vienna, 1996), 140–84.Google ScholarWithout using the precise language of die Leistungsverwaltung or die aktive Stadt,Google ScholarBrian, Ladd, Urban Planning and Civic Order in Germany, 1860–1914 (Cambridge, 1990) addresses the growth of municipal activism in imperial Germany;Google Scholar and Cohen, Gary B., “Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy: New Narratives on Society and Government in Late Imperial Austria,” Austrian History Yearbook 29, Part I (1998): 37–61, does so for Austria-Hungary.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Studies useful for studying the living conditions of the poor in other parts of nineteenth-century Central Europe include Michael, John, Wohnverhältnisse sozialer Unterschichten im Wien Kaiser Franz Josephs (Vienna, 1984);Google ScholarJürgen, Reulecke and Wolfhard, Weber, eds., Fabrik, Familie, Feierabend: Beitrage zur Sozialgeschichte des Alltags im Industriezeitalter (Wuppertal, 1978).Google Scholar

³ The imperial municipality law for the western half of the Habsburg Empire is found in Reichgesetzblatt für das Kaiserthum Österreich, Mar. 5, 1862. For a list of cities with their own municipal statutes,Google Scholar see Karl, Brockhausen and Richard, Weiskirchner, eds., Österreichische Städteordnungen: Die Gemeindeordnungen und Gemeindewahlordnungen der mit eigenen Statuten versehenen Städte der im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und Länder mit den Nachtragsgesetzen, sowie den einschlagigen Indicaten des Reichsgerichtes und Verwaltungsgerighthofes (Vienna, 1895), 10–16.Google Scholar

⁴ In a speech he gave to an imperial German audience at the Berlin Society for the Promotion of State Sciences, Redlich made one of the strongest and best-known statements about the very full municipal autonomy found in Austria-Hungary—a statement that was less than representative of reality. See Josef, Redlich, Das Wesen der österreichischen Selbstvenvaltung (Leipzig, 1910).Google Scholar

⁵ The powers of municipalities in Austria-Hungary receive substantial treatment in Ernst, Mischler and Josef, Ulbrich, eds., Österreichisches Staatswörterbuch: Handbuch des gesamten österreichischen öffentlichen Rechtes (Vienna, 1906), 2:325–34;Google Scholar and Jiff, Klabouch, Die Gemeindeselbstverwaltung in Österreich, 1848–1918 (Vienna, 1968).Google Scholar

⁶ See, for example, David, Blackbourn, Class, Religion, and Local Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Centre Party in Wurttemberg before 1914 (New Haven, 1989);Google ScholarDavid, Blackbourn and Geoff, Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford, 1984);Google ScholarGeoff, Eley, Reshaping the German Right: Radical Nationalism and Political Change after Bismarck (New Haven, 1980);Google Scholar and Evans, Richard J., Rethinking German History: Nineteenth-Century Germany and the Origins of the Third Reich (London, 1987).Google Scholar

⁷ A valuable list of work completed on this subject and a stimulating call for further work on it is Cohen, “Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy.” See also Celina, Bak-Korczarka, Juliusz Leo tworca wielkiego Krakowa (Wroclaw, 1986);Google ScholarBoyer, John W., Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848–1897 (Chicago, 1981);Google Scholaridem, Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897–1918 (Chicago, 1995);Google ScholarGiustino, Cathleen M., Tearing Down Prague's Jewish Town: Ghetto Clearance and the Legacy of Middle Class Ethnic Politics around 1900 (Boulder, forthcoming);Google Scholar and Jacek, Purchla, Krakau unter österreichischer Herrschaft, 1846–1918 (Vienna, 1993).Google Scholar

⁸ For the 1850 Municipal Statute of Prague, see Landesgesetzblatt für das Königreich Böhmens, Apr. 27, 1850, Nr. 85. A copy of the law that includes subsequent changes is in Obecni řád královského hlavnĺho města Prahy (The municipal statute of the royal capital city of Prague) (Prague, 1888,1902). Prague's Building Code (which was revised in 1899) is in Landesgesetzblatt für das Königreich Böhmens, Apr. 10,1886, Nr. 40.Google Scholar

⁹ The statistics are found in Cohen, Gary B., The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914 (Princeton, 1981), 92–93.Google Scholar Throughout this article, municipal Prague (where the municipal administration had jurisdiction before 1914) includes the five historic wards of Old Town, New Town, Little Side, Hradˇany, , and Josefov, , along with the three suburbs incorporated before World W ar I, which were Vyšehrad (1883), Holešovice (1884), and Libeň(1901).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Melinz, and Zimmermann, , “Die aktive Stadt,” stress the role that the reproductive needs of industrial capitalism played in the intensification of municipal activism in Vienna, Budapest, and Prague and neglect the importance of extra-economic factors. Krabbe, Kommunalpolitik, stresses the role of industrial capitalism in this process in imperial Germany.Google ScholarHorst, Matzerath, “‘Kommunale Leisrungsverwaltung’: Zu Bedeutung und politischer Funktion des Begriffs im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert,” in Blotevogel, Kommunale Ltistungsverwaltung, 11, breaks from this economic reductionism, saying that economic growth, coupled with the growth of local administrations staffed with increasingly qualified professionals, fed the intensification of municipal activism. Ladd, Urban Planning, 240, usefully adds a symbolic element to these economic and administrative forces when he points out the role that mid e-class pride played in this process.Google Scholar

¹¹ An exception to the Central European practice of dividing its local citizenries into curias was the Galician town of Ľviv (Lemberg). There enfranchised residents (wealth and education determined who was enfranchised) all voted in a single curia. See Purchla, , Krakau, 52.Google Scholar

¹² On Vienna, see Boyer, , Political Radicalism, 509; on Budapest, see Andras, Sipos, “‘Stammes häuptling’ und Reformer:Google Scholar Kräfteverhältnisse und Strukturen in der Budapester Kommunalpolitik 1873 bis 1914,” in Melinz, and Zimmermann, , Blütezeit, 112; on Berlin,Google Scholar see Boyer, , Political Radicalism, 509; on Dortmund,Google Scholar see Krabbe, , Kommunalpolitik, 112,164.Google Scholar

¹³ Cohen, , Politics of Ethnic Survival, 92–93.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Discussions of the importance of institutions of municipal rule for Central European middle-class domination and studies for better appreciating their importance are found in Lothar, Gall, ed., Stadt und Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1990).Google Scholar

¹⁵ On the liberalism of the Old and Young Czechs, see Garver, Bruce M., The Young Czech Party, 1874–1901, and the Emergence of a Multi-Party System (New Haven, 1978);Google ScholarJan, Havránek and Martin, Sekera, eds., Český liberalismus: Texty a osobnosti (Czech liberalism: Documents and personalities) (Prague, 1995);Google Scholar and Otto, Urban, Die tschechische Gesellschaft, 1848 bis 1918 (Vienna, 1994).Google Scholar

¹⁶ This was, indeed, a Czech Christian Social threat and not a Czech National Socialist threat. See “K první valné hromadě katolického Iidového spolku” (On the first general assembly of the Catholic People's Association), Čech (Czech), Oct. 26,1896; and “Kompromis k volbám do obecnfho zastupitelstva pražského” (Compromise in the election for Prague's municipal representatives), Čech, Oct. 27,1896.

¹⁷ The Prague Compromise of 1896 is the subject of Giustino, Cathleen M., “Parteien, Politik, Demokratie und der Prager Kompromiß von 1896,”Google Scholar in Melinz, and Zimmermann, , Blütezeit, 123–39.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Wenzel, Jaček, “Nach dem Brande des Prager Ghettos im Jahre 1754,” Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für Geschichte der Juden in der Čechoslovakischen Republik 6 (1934): 157–92.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The hold that German Jews had over Prague's Jewish Religious Municipality is discussed in Cohen, Politics of Ethnic Survival, 221–23.Google Scholar

²⁰ An excellent study of the protracted history of the emancipation of Prague's Jews from the ghetto is Frantisek, Roubík, “Die Verhandlungen über die Erweiterung der Prager Judenstadt in der ersten Hälfte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts,ür Geschichte der Juden in der Čechoslovakischen Republik 5 (1933): 338–91.Google Scholar

²¹ A description of the building's size and layout is found in “Protokol sepsaný magistrátní komisídne 23.června 1886” (Transcript recorded by a Magistral commission on June 23,1886), Archiv hlavního měta Prahy (Archive of the capital city of Prague; hereafter cited as AHMP), Magistrál, D/5/207 (1871–1910), Carton 4179. Throughout this article, the European system of numbering stories or floors is used that is, the ground floor will not be counted as the first floor.

²² Antonín, Boh´č, Hlavněsto Praha: Studie o obyvatelstvu (The capital city of Prague: A population study) (Prague, 1923), table 6 (table section, 16).Google Scholar

²³ Population densities, measured according to number of people per 100 square meters in each of the five historic wards of Prague, from highest to lowest were Josefov 11.48; Old Town 3.12; New Town 2.25; Little Side 1.81; and Hradčany 0.68. Data from “Městská zdravotní rada” (The Municipal Health Council), Národn^ílisty (The national pages; hereafter cited as NL), Dec. 19,1886.Google Scholar

²⁴ On subrenters in Vienna, see Michael, John, “Obdachlosigkeit—Massenerscheinung und Unruheherd im Wien der Spatgriinderzeit,” in Hubert Ch., Ehalt, ed., Gliicklich ist, wer vergiβt…? Das andere Wien urn 1900 (Cologne, 1986), 173–94.Google Scholar The practice of sharing small apartments with subrenters existed in imperial Germany as well. See, for example, Evans, Richard J., Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830–1910 (Oxford, 1987), 514; and Ladd, Urban Planning, 144.Google Scholar

²⁵ Wohnverhältnisse in der königlichen Hauptstadt Prag und den Vororten Karolinenthal, Smichow, Königl. Weinberg und Žžkow so wie in fünf anderen Vororten nach den Ergebnissen der Volkszählung vom 31 Dezember 1890 (Prague, 1895), 77, which reports that 10.3 percent of the general residential population of Josefov rented out space to both long-term subrenters and overnighters, 14.3 percent rented to long-term subrenters only, and 23.4 percent rented to overnighters only.Google Scholar

²⁶ On the number of health inspectors in 1884, see Zastupitelstvo a úfednictvo krého hlavního města Prahy, odbory a dozorstvi při správě obecni: Roku 1884 (Representatives and officials of the royal capital city of Prague, departments and supervisors in the municipal administration: year 1884) (Prague, 1884), 18; for 1888, see “Sbor obecra'ch staršich,” NL, June 15,1888; for 1900, see Status magistrátráich a obecnkh úředníkú král. hlav. města Prahy sestavený na zakladu úpravy platů sluiebnich sborem obec. staršch ve schuzi dne 5. června 1899 schválené, dle stavu ze dne 26. ledna 1900 (The positions of the Magistrat and municipal officials of the royal capital city of Prague arranged according to the revision of salaries approved by the Alderman Council in a meeting on June 5,1899 and acording to the situation on Jan. 26,1900) (Prague, 1900), 27–30. For population statistics,Google Scholar see Cohen, , Politics of Ethnic Survival, 92–93Google Scholar

²⁷ A list of the municipal health inspectors’ duties and the municipal public health director's complaints about so few officials having so many responsibilities is found in “Městká zdravotni rada pražská” (The Municipal Health Council of Prague), Hlas národa (The voice of the people), Apr. 15,1887; and “Městská zdravotni rada,” NL, Apr. 15,1887. Ludwig, Bendiener, the last German to serve as an alderman in Prague before 1918, presented a similar complaint in “Sbor obecnich staršich” (The Alderman Council), NL, June 15,1888.Google Scholar

²⁸ In October 1886, Záhoř reported that for a lengthy period, three of the fourteen municipal health inspectors had been away from work due to illness. See “Zdravotni stav v Praze a okresni lélcaři” (The state of health in Prague and district physicians), Hlas n´roda, Oct. 8,1886.

²⁹ On municipal officials engaged in building activities in 1884, see Zastupitelstvo a úřednictvo, 16, 22; in 1900, see Status magistrátnich a obecnich úředníků;, 17–26. Comparing the numbers of municipal building officials cannot be readily done because the departments responsible for building matters between 1884 and 1900 were restructured, although preliminary study of the pages cited here points to a prodigious increase in the number of engineers working for the city.Google Scholar

³⁰ “Urban, J. to Slavný Magistrát!” (Honored Magistrát), Mar. 12, 1883, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207 (1871–1910), Carton 4178.Google Scholar

³¹ “Draft of Vymgr to Marie Werichová,” Apr. 1,1883, AHMP, Magistrat, D/5/207 (1871–1910), Carton 4178.

³² Her age (76 in 1882) is found in “Maria Werichova to Veleslavne' mistodržitelstvi” (Marie Werichová to the honored governor's office), n.d., AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178.

³³ “Marie Werichováa Slavnému magistrál královského méta Prahy!” (Marie Werichová to the honored Magistrát of the royal city of Prague!), May 18,1882, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178.

³⁴ A glimpse through literature into the activities of Prague's scribes and their concerns about language use is found in Jan, Neruda, “A Week in a Quiet House,” Prague Tales (London, 1993), 51–60. A glimpse into late-nineteenth-century Czech stereotypes of Jews can also be found there and in other writings by the anti-Semitic Neruda.Google Scholar

³⁵ Evidence of Maria Werichová's ownership of house 207-V in 1859 is found in Nikolaus, Lehmann, Adreβbuch der königlichen Hauptstadt Prag, der Stadtgemeinden Karolinenthal, Smichow und der Bergstadt Wyšehrad auf Grundlage ämtlicher Quellen bearbeitet und herausgegeben (Prague, 1859), 31.Google Scholar

³⁶ Prokeš did not provide his first name on his report regarding house 207-V. Prokeš's complete name, as well as the complete names of all fourteen of the municipal health inspectors and all five municipal midwives (who were women) working in 1884, is found in Zastupitelstvo a úřdnictvo, 18.1 was unable to ascertain the religion or political affiliation of Prokeš.Google Scholar

³⁷ Bericht über die Thätigkeit des Prager städtischen Gesundheitsrathes im Jahre 1885 (Prague, 1887), 45.Google ScholarLadd, , Urban Planning, 145, writes that in imperial Germany the minimum amount of space per occupant was “typically ten cubic meters per adult and five cubic meters per child.”Google Scholar

³⁸ The complete names and addresses of the ten officials working in the Municipal Department of Building in 1884, including those of Váaclav Machulka, who did not write his whole name on his report regarding house 207-V, are found in Zastupitelstvo a úřednictvo, 16. I was unable to determine the religion or political affiliation of Machulka.Google Scholar

³⁹ “Marie Werichová Slavnému magistrátu královského mésta Prahy!” (Marie Werichová to the honored Magistrát of the royal city of Prague!), May 18,1882, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178.

⁴⁰ “Marie Werichová Slavnému magistrátu královského mésta Prahy,” n.d.; and “Maria Werichová to Veleslavné mistodržitelství,” n.d., AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178. While Werichová did not date either letter, they are stamped with dates of receipt indicating they were sent in October and November, 1883.

⁴¹ Rental price found in “Maria Werich to Slavný magistrát,” Apr. 27, 1883, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178. “Marie Werich to Slavný magistrát,” June 4,1883, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178. In these letters, Werichová signed her own name, using the German spelling.

⁴² “Nález,” Dec. 13,1882, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207, Carton 4178.

⁴³ “Marie Werichová to Slavný magistrát,” July 12,1883, AMHP, Magistrát, D/5/K37, Carton 4178.

⁴⁴ Brummel did not use his first name in his reports. It was found in Status magistrátniacute;ch a obecních úředníků, 28. The names of two of the nineteen municipal health inspectors from 1900 are found in Jewish Religious Municipality's tax rolls from 1891. They are Moric Vodn'anský and Jindřich Brummel, whose first names appear with German spellings on the Jewish Religious Municipality's tax rolls. Of the twelve, in 1884, only one, Vodn'anský, appeared on the 1891 Jewish Religious Municipality's tax rolls (Brummel began his employment for the city too late to appear on the 1884 list). For the tax rolls, see Knihy poplatníkůltovni dané (Books of the payees of the religious tax), 120730 (1891), Archiv židovského muzea—židovská naboženská obec, Praha (Archive of the Jewish Museum—Jewish Religious Commune, Prague). I am grateful to Gary B. Cohen forsharing this archival material with me. In 1888, the Jewish Religious Municipality considered Brummel for the directorship of the Jewish Hospital, an appointment he did not receive. See “Sitzungsprotokolle,” Nov. 25, 1888, Archiv židovského muzea. I could not ascertain his political affiliation.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ “Dr. Brummel to Slavný magistrát,” Mar. 9,1886, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/207 (1871–1910), Carton 4179.

⁴⁶ Ibid..

⁵⁶ “Die Affaire Werich,” Isrealitische Gemeindezeilung 26, no. 7 (04. 1898): 80.Google Scholar Another article on Werich in this same German Jewish weekly was “Der Inhaber der ‘ausschließlich’ Čchischen und christlichen Modewaaren-Handlung,” Isrealitische Gemeindezeitung 26, no. 3 (02. 1898): 31.Google Scholar An anti-Semitic report applauding Werich's inflammatory activities, including his comment on the streets during the riots that the violence “was still insufficient for these circumcised people,” is “Dozvuky prosincových bouří v Praze,” Nové listy 3, no. 4 (01. 1898): 6.Google Scholar On the December 1897 riots, see Cohen, , Politics of Ethnic Survival,239–41.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Roubík, , “Die Verhandlungen,” 371.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Studies of the Finis Ghetto plan include Pražská asanace: K 100. výročí vydání asanační;ho zákona pro Prahu (Prague's sanitation: Commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of the promulgation of the sanitation law for Prague) (Prague, 1993); Marie BenešováGoogle Scholar and Rudolf, Pošva, Pražské ghetto: Asanace (Prague, 1993);Google Scholar and Giusrino, , Tearing Down Prague's Jewish Town.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ On Vienna, see Schorske, Carl E., Fin-de-Siécle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), chap. 2;Google ScholarElisabeth, Lichtenberger, Wirtschaftsfunktion und Sozialstruktur der Wiener Ringstrasse (Vienna 1970);Google Scholar and Renate, Wagner-Rieger, Wiens Architektur im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1970).Google ScholarOn Paris, see Jordan, David P., Transforming Paris: The Life and Labors of Baron Haussmann (Chicago, 1995);Google ScholarAnthony, Sutcliffe, The Autumn of Central Paris: The Defeat of Town Planning (Montreal, 1971);Google ScholarPinkney, David H., Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton, 1958).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Péter, Hanák, The Garden and the Workshop: Essays on the Cultural History of Vienna and Budapest (Princeton, 1998), 13–14.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Evans, , Death in Hamburg, 508–15.Google Scholar

⁶² Josef, Žalud, “Finis Ghetto: Z denníku českého žida” (Finis Ghetto: From the diary of a Czech Jew), Kalendář česko-židovský; (The Czech-Jewish almanac) 11 (1891-1892): 117–22.Google Scholar

⁶³ On the Hilsner affair, see Steven, Beller, “The Hilsner Affair: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism and the Individual in the Habsburg Monarchy at the Turn of the Century,” in Pynsent, Robert B., ed., T. G. Masaryk (1850–1937), vol. 2, Thinker and Critic (New York, 1992), 52–76;Google Scholar and Michal, Frankl, “The Background of the Hilsner Case: Political Antisemitism and Allegations of Ritual Murder,1896–1900,” Judaica Bohemiae 36 (2001): 34–118. An anti-Semitic version of the transcript of the Hilsner trial is found in the slightly censored piece, “Ukrutná vrada v Polné” (A brutal murder in Polna), Nove listy 4, no. 38 (Sept. 1899): 1–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ This view is stated in “Fanatismus přéˇary” (The fanaticism of the straight line), Novélisty 4, no. 8 (02. 1899): 2–3.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See, for example, “Podnes jest záhadou” (Until this very day there is a puzzle), Novélisty 6, no. 47 (11. 1901):2.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ On the City Council's decision not to build housing for Josefov's poor, see Vèstník obecní královského hlavního mésta Prahy (The municipal bulletin of the royal capital city of Prague) (1896), 26; and Bečková, “Asanace,” in Pražská asanace, 44.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ This was house 864–1, which contained thirteen workshops, four halls, four shops, twelve one-room apartments, and six two-room apartments. See “Valná hromada Řemeslnicko-živnostenské besedy v Praze“ (The general assembly of the Association of Artisans and Traders in Prague), Český řemesíník (The Czech artisan) 8, no. 10 (1904): 8Google Scholar; and “Obecní dům s řemeslnickými dílnami v Praze” (The municipal house with artisans' workshops in Prague), Český řemeslník 9, no. 11 (1905):2.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The great exception to this rule was the municipality of Budapest, which constructed an ambitious number of small apartments during the era of Mayor Bárczy in response to street demonstrations that broke out in 1909 to protest the soaring price of rents. On this, see Gerhard, Melinz and Susan, Zimmermann, Über die Grenzen der Armenhilfe: Kommunale und staatliche Sozialpolitik in Wien und Budapest in der Doppelmonarchie (Vienna, 1991), 92–103.Google Scholar On the less impressive housing policy of the municipality of Vienna, see Ibid., 136–41. Municipal inattention to the housing question in imperial Germany is discussed in Evans, , Death in Hamburg, 514–17Google Scholar (in Hamburg, as in Prague, indigents were expelled from their homes in the name of ghetto clearance without the municipality securing any replacement housing for them); and Ladd, , Urban Planning, chap. 5.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ In Hamburg, as well, local health inspectors had a great role in pushing forward ghetto clearance. Evans, , Death in Hamburg, 508–15Google Scholar, adds that middle-class fear of lower-class unrest also fed this particular chapter in intensified municipal activism.

⁷⁰ Matzerath, , “‘Kommunale Leistungsverwaltung,”’ 11. The author usefully argues that a precondition for municipal activism in Germany was the development of local administrations staffed with specialistsGoogle Scholar

⁷¹ Janovský, V., Soyka, J., and Záhoř, H., eds., Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Prager städtischen Gesundheitsrathes (Prague, 1887), 54–62, contains the full text of the Municipal Health Commission's report.Google Scholar

⁷² A complaint about the “silver foaming Vltava” being used as a site for the dumping of feces is found in “Pročje Praha poměrně nezdravým” (Why is Prague relatively unhealthy?), NL, Oct. 23,1878. Similar stories in the imperial German context are in Ladd, , Urban Planning, 53.Google Scholar

⁷³ “Méstská zdravotní rada,” NL, Mar. 31,1885.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ “Bericht der juridischen Commission des Herrenhauses über die Regulierungsvorlage, betreffend die Enteignung zum Zwecke der Regulirung des Assanirungsrayons der königlichen Hauptstadt Prag,” 205 der Beilagen zu den stenographischen Protokollen des Herrenhauses: XL Session,1, Fond Jan Podlipný, Památnik ndrodniho pisemnictví, Carton 32. Since I used this material, Podlipny's personal papers were moved to the Municipal Archive of Prague and reorganized.

⁷⁵ Emil, Svoboda, “Několik pohledů na hospodář ské a sociální důsledky asanace Josefova” (A few views of the economic and social results of the sanitation of losefov), Obzor národohospodářský; (The national economic observer) 15 (1910): 118.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Janovský, ; et al. , Bericht über die Tátigkeit, 58.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Lehmann, , Adrefibuch, 31.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ The size of the apartment is found in “Actum u pražskélio magistráte dne 13 July 1890” (File at the Prague Magistrát on July 13,1890), AHMP, Magistrál, D/5/204 (1871–1910). Otto Muneles is well known for many studies of Jewish, Prague, including Bibliografický přehled židovske Prahy (A bibliographic review of Jewish Prague) (Prague, 1952);Google Scholar and Starý židovský hřbitov v Praze. (The Old Jewish Cemetery in Prague) (Prague, 1955),Google Scholar which he wrote with his second wife, Vilimková, M.;(his first wife and two sons died in Terezin). On his life, see “Dr. Otto Muneles und sein wissenschaftliches Werk (8.1.1894–4. m. 1967),” Judaica Bohemiae 3, Part 1 (1967): 73–78;Google Scholar and Hana, Volavková; “O domě čislo 204” (On house 204), Věstník židovských náboženských obcí v Československu (The bulletin of the Jewish Religious Commune in Czechoslovakia) 26, no. 1 (1954): 5.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ “Actum u pražského magistratu,” July 21, 1890, AHMP, Magistrat, D/5/204 (1871–1910); and “Popis zájemní (Pfändungs-Inventar)… proti Janu Náprstkovi” (Property for seizure inventory concerning Jan Náprstek), Mar. 21,1893,” AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204 (1871–1910).4

⁸⁰ “Actum u pražského magistrátu,” July 21, 1890, AHMP, Magistrat, D/57sol;204 (1871–1910);

⁸¹ Administračni zpráva obce královského hlavního mésta Prahy za léta 1893 a 1894 (Administrative report of the municipality of the royal capital city of Prague for the years 1893 and 1894) (Prague,1896), 178.Google Scholar

⁸² An extensive study of property relations in Josefov from a legal perspective, which stressed the impact of ghettoization on home ownership there, is Emil Svoboda, O reálním délení domů v obvodu bývalého pražského ghetta (On the material division of homes in the region of Prague's former ghetto) (Prague, n.d.). An earlier complaint about those property relations is “Zežidovskěho méta,” NL, Oct. 30,1881.Google Scholar

⁸³ The American labeling of floors of a building is used in discussing house 204-V, as was the case with house 207-V.

⁸⁴ “Edvard Werich to Slavný magistát,” June 21,1889, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204 (1871–1910).

⁸⁵ Ibid..

⁸⁶ “Slavný magistráte,” July 3,1890, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204 (1871–1910).

⁸⁷ “Actum Signed by Moric Pichler,” July 11,1890, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204.

⁸⁸ “Actum Signed for Rosa Osers by Dr. Eger,” Aug. 12,1890, AHMP, Magistrál, D/5/204.

⁸⁹ “Actum Signed by Bernard Muneles,” July 13,1890, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204.

⁹⁰ “Actum Signed by Václav Otčenášek,” July 21,1890; “Actum Signed by Jan Náprstek,” July 21,1890; “Actum Signed for Anna Červenková by Jaroslav Linek,” July 21,1890; “Actum Signed for Rosa Osers by Dr. Eger,” Aug. 12,1890, AHMP, Magistrat, D/5/204.

⁹¹ “Slavný magisáite!” Nov. 14,1890, pod. á. 132714, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204 (1871–1910).

⁹² Účtárna městská to Slavná rado městská” (Accounting office to the honored city council), Mar. 11,1893, AHMP, Magistrá, D/57sol;204 (1871–1910).

⁹³ “Popis zájemní (Pfändungs-Inventar) … proti Janu Náprstkovi” (Property-for-seizure inventory concerning Jan Náprstek), Mar. 21,1893, AHMP, Magistrát, D/5/204 (1871–1910).

⁹⁴ Studies containing evidence of the role that middle-class pride played in the reshaping of nineteenth-century Central European urban landscapes include Harms, Haas and Hannes, Stekl, eds., Bürgerliche Selbstdarstellung: Städtebau, Architektur, Denkmaler (Vienna, 1995);Google ScholarDieter, Hein and Andreas, Schulz, Bürgerkultur im 19. Jahrhundert: Bildung, Kunst und Lebenswelt (Munich, 1996);Google ScholarLadd, , Urban PlanningGoogle Scholar; Jacek, Purchla, ed., Mayors and City Halls: Local Government and the Cultural Space in the Late Habsburg Monarchy (Cracow, 1998);Google Scholar and Schorske, , Fin-de-Siècle Vienna.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Ladd points out the comparisons with other cities that city fathers in imperial Germany made and the force of pride behind those comparisons in Urban Planning, 240.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ “Finis Ghetto,” Zlatá Praha (Golden Prague) 4 (1887): 438.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ “Voličové na Novém méste' pražském” (Voters in Prague's New Town), NL, Oct. 23,1887. Emphasis in original.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ “Slavnostní purkmistra mět pražských dra. Jindřícha Šolce” (The ceremonial installation of Dr. Jindřích Šole as mayor of Prague), Hlas národa, Oct. 24,1887.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ The Young Czechs' 1888 election platform is found in “Voličové měst pražských” (Voters of Prague), NL, Oct. 26,1888; the Old Czechs' is in “Spoluobčané!” (Fellow citizens!), Hlas národa, Oct. 25,1888.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ “Spoluobčané!” Hlas národa, Oct. 27,1889.Google Scholar