Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-75dct Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-27T10:31:29.326Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Lost Chances of the House of Habsburg

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2009

William O'Reilly
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Of all the great questions of Habsburg history, perhaps the greatest is this: What would have been the consequence if Charles V had decided to prioritize differently his dealings with France, the Ottoman Empire, and Christian reformers? It is certain that the House of Habsburg would have proceeded along a different path, but such a truism hardly advances a better understanding of events in the empire, or in Europe more widely, in the sixteenth century. Charles V, as pater ecclesiae and as head of a monarchia universalis, stands astride the traditional and the modern. To him is attributed the last opportunity for Habsburg universal empire, with the long hand of the casa de Austria imprinting Habsburg ambitions on the world.

Type
Forum in Honor of R.J.W. Evans
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 40 , April 2009 , pp. 53 - 70
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See, inter alia, Lutz, Heinrich, Reformation und Gegenreformation, 3rd ed., (Munich, 1991), 148Google Scholar; and Rabe, Horst, “Elemente neuzeitlicher Politik und Staatlichkeit im politischen System Karls V.,” in Lutz, Heinrich, ed., Das römisch-deutsche Reich im politischen System Karls V, Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquien vol. 1 (Munich-Vienna, 1982), 161–87Google Scholar, here 163.

2 Evans, R. J. W., The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550–1700. An Interpretation (Oxford, 1979), 447Google Scholar.

3 Evans, R. J. W., “Introduction. State and Society in Early Modern Austria,” in Ingrao, Charles W., State and Society in Early Modern Austria (West Lafayette, IN, 1994) 1–23Google Scholar, here 7.

4 Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 446. The historian Carl J. Burckhardt recalled a conversation with the Austrian writer Hugo von Hofmannsthal, in which he said “In our old Austria, orient and occident still permeated each other, giving to one another, taking from one another. How much still belonged to us, Byzantium as well as Spain.” Burkhardt, Carl J., Erinnerungen an Hofmannsthal (Munich, 1964), 74Google Scholar; after: Remak, Joachim, “The Healthy Invalid: How doomed the Habsburg Empire?” The Journal of Modern History 41, no. 2 (June, 1969): 127–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 129–30.

5 Charles (Carlos) II Habsburg, king of Spain, b. 6 November 1661, d. 1 November 1700. Charles was both physically and mentally disabled. He reigned as king of Spain, Sicily, and Naples from 1665–1700, largely with the aid of his mother. Charles II's second wife, Maria Anna Pfalz-Neuburg, was Archduke Charles's aunt. von Radics, Peter, Kaiser Karl VI als Staats- und Volkswirth; nach zeitgenössischen Quellen dargestellt (Innsbruck, 1886): 9Google Scholar.

6 Bou, Pedro Voltes, La Guerra de Sucesion en Valencia (Valencia, 1964), 24–25Google Scholar; idem., L'Arxiduc Carles d'Àustria. Rei dels Catalans (Barcelona, 1967), esp. 25–38.

7 Torrejón, José Luis Cervera, Joan Babtista Basset: vida i mort del líder Maulet (València, 2006), 163Google Scholar. This date marks the historic “end of the Catalan nation,” as it marked the end of the principality of Catalonia within the kingdom of Aragon, the suspension of the Catalan government, and the introduction of Castilian rule. See also: Farreras, J. Nadal, L'Onze de Septembre i el centralisme borbònic (Barcelona, 1977), 24Google Scholar.

8 See details of the “Pactum mutuae successionis, 12 September 1703” in Turba, Gustav, “Zur pragmatischen Sanktion. Vorläufige Mitteilung,” Zeitschrift für das privat- und öffentliche Recht der Gegenwart 37 (1910): 319–322Google Scholar, here 319–20.

9 Leopold I is recounted as saying to Charles, when he departed the court, “I shall not see you again unless it is in heaven.” León, Virginia, Carlos VI. El emperador que no pudo ser rey de España (Madrid, 2003), 57–58Google Scholar.

10 Alfred Ritter von, Arneth, Feldzüge Eugens von Savoyen (Vienna, 1876), 42Google Scholar, writes of Galway: “Er besass persönliche Tapferkeit, aber kein Feldherrentalent”; others considered him a brilliant tactician: Parnell, Arthur, The War of Succesion in Spain during the reign of Queen Anne (1702–1711) (London, 1888), 312Google Scholar.

11 Torrejón, Joan Babtista Basset, 76–77.

12 Aparicio, Carme Pérez, De l'Alçament Maulet al Triomf Botifler (València, 1981), esp. 23–39Google Scholar; Kamen, Henry, “The Catalan Phoenix: Narcis Feliu de la Penya and the programme for industrial renewal in Catalonia,” in idem., Crisis and Change in Early Modern Spain (Aldershot, UK, 1993), essay XI, 1–15Google Scholar; Albareda, J., Els Catalans i Felip V. De la conspiració a la revolta (1700–1705) (Barcelona, 1993), 171–86Google Scholar.

13 The crowds were recorded as singing: “Dictar vull una canço/dell fill del Emperador/Carlos, arxiduch d'Austria;/Per cert que es bell senyor,/bonich, virtuos y molt bo/vingut d'Alemanya?” in Voltes Bou, La Guerra de Sucesion, 16. A slightly different version is given by Pedro Voltes Bou, L'Arxiduc Carles d'Àustria, 25. A collection of pro-Carlist poems and songs is reproduced in appendices to: Joseph Rafel Carreras y Bulbena, Carlos d'Austria y Elisabeth de Brunswich Wolfenbüttel a Barcelona y Girona (Barcelona, 1902).

14 Sanz, Virginia León, Entre Austrias y Bourbones. El Archiduque Carlos y la monarquía de España (1700–1714) (Madrid, 1993), 173Google Scholar.

15 Ibid., 46.

16 Riba, J. Mercader, Els Capitans Generals (Barcelona, 1963), 13–14Google Scholar.

17 The highest, 29 per annum, was in the Interregnum and period of rule of Louis XIII–XIV (1641–1652). Amelang, James S., Honored Citizens of Barcelona: Patrician Culture and Class Relations, 1490–1717 (Princeton, 1986), 40–1; 66–68; 178Google Scholar. See also: Bou, Pedro Voltes, “Noticias sobre las Mercedes nobiliarias otorgadas por el archiduque Carlos de Austria durante su gobierno en Barcelona,” Documentos y Estudios 10 (1962): 63–136Google Scholar.

18 M. Danvila y Collado, El poder civil en España (Madrid, 1885), vol. 3:240; Martinez, Teodoro, La Saga de Los Borbones en España (Madrid, 1987), 21–41Google Scholar.

19 León Sanz, Entre Austrias y Bourbones, 88. “The Bourbon Reforms” refers to the work begun under Philip V, which reached its highest expression under Charles III Bourbon who ruled from 1759–1788. The early reforms attempted to establish state-owned textile factories and invited foreign technical experts into Spain; agricultural practices were modernized, ship-building reorganized, and an infrastructure created that would facilitate regional and national economic integration and development. In the American colonies, the Bourbon Reforms gave little thought to free trade for Spanish colonists with non-Spanish America; rather, commercial reforms were designed to stop smuggling and the contraband trade that had flourished for decades and to reinforce the exclusive commercial ties between Spain and her colonies. Spain hoped to once again “reconquer” her colonies economically, as she had politically in the sixteenth century.

20 Lynch, John, Bourbon Spain 1700–1808 (Oxford, 1989), 26Google Scholar.

21 Ibid., 37, 41.

22 Taylor, Bruce, Structures of Reform: The Mercedarian Order in the Spanish Golden Age (Leiden, 2000), 421–23Google Scholar; Kamen, “The Catalan Phoenix,” 11–12. Narcís's brother, Padre Maestro Fray Salvador Feliu de la Penya, was prior of the Barcelona monastery of the Merced and a strong supporter of the cause of the archduke Charles in the War of Succession.

23 Amelang, Honored Citizens of Barcelona, 15, 73–84, 221–22. For more on de la Penya's support for Charles and his justification for the restoration and maintenance of privileges in the Catalan principality, see Xavier Baró i Queralt, “Els privilegis originaris de Catalunya segons Narcís Feliu de la Penya i d'altres Historiadors de l'èpocha,” Pedralbes 22 (2002): 111–32.

24 Lynch, Bourbon Spain, 41.

25 León, Carlos VI, 72–73.

26 Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 31 July 1711. Stoye, J.W., “Emperor Charles VI: The Early Years of the Reign.” Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichts-Quellen 16 (1856) (hereafter AfK): 203Google Scholar. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, Vol. 12 (1961): 63–84.

27 “… dass wan er machen kan dass der Pabst mich re catolico di Spagna erkene, qua tali alle notige bullas vnd brevia erfolgen lasse…” Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 27 December 1708. AfK, 80. “Ich hoffe auch mit nechsten ein Nuncio zu haben dan nun die Nomina von Pabsten komen ist, …” Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 28 March 1711. AfK, 141.

28 León Sanz, Entre Austrias y Bourbones, 193.

29 “Auch bericht euch (welches ihr auch der Kayserin sagen kont) dass ich ein condolenzbrif von Duc d'Anjou eigenhandig mit der Vberschrift au Roy de boheme Monsieur mon cousin e frere bekomen hab welchen nicht aufgebrochen sondern nach dem ich zuvor den alijrten ministren communicirt hab, widter zurukgeschikt hab.” Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 27 May 1711. AfK, 163.

30 León Sanz, Entre Austrias y Bourbones, 209.

31 Count Wratislaw to Charles, Vienna, 16 December 1706. AfK, 32; “… glaub nie dass sie spanien vndt Indien in des feinds handten lassen wurdten wegen Ihres selbsteigenen interesse, …” Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 25 April 1711. AfK, 152.

32 Count Wratislaw to Charles, Vienna, 5 August 1711. AfK, 209.

33 Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 31 July 1711. AfK, 203.

34 Bernard, G., Le Sécretariat d'Etat et le Conseil espagnol des Indes (1700–1808) (Geneva, Paris, 1972)Google Scholar; Schäfer, E., El Consejo Real y Supremo de Indias, 2 vols. (Seville, 1935–1937)Google Scholar. Little relating to the War of the Spanish Succession took place on American soil; and where the American colonies were concerned, there was a tacit loyalty to the Bourbon claim.

35 Pimentel, Juan, “The Iberian Vision: Science and Empire in the Framework of a Universal Monarchy, 1500–1800,” Osiris, 2nd ser., vol. 15, Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise (2000): 17–30, here 21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 22 April 1711. AfK, 148–49.

37 Quoted in Mikoletzky, Hanns Leo, Österreich das grosse 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1967), 99, my translationGoogle Scholar.

38 Carreras y Bulbena, Carlos d'Austria y Elisabeth, 316; Lhotsky, Alphons, “Kaiser Karl VI. und sein Hof im Jahre 1712/13,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichte 66 (1958): 52–80, here 63Google Scholar. The empress returned to Vienna politically adroit, later becoming involved in promoting an alliance between the empire and Russia. Mecenseffy, Grete, Karls VI. spanische Bündnispolitik 1725–1729. Ein Beitrag zur österreichischen Außenpolitik des 18. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck, 1934), 68Google Scholar. And she remained a lifelong opponent of Philip V of Spain; Gehling, Theodor, Ein europäische Diplomat am Kaiserhof zu Wien: François Louise de Pesme, Seigneur de St Saphorin, als englische Resident am Wiener Hof 1718–1727 (Bonn, 1964), 205Google Scholar.

39 Rosenlehner, A., Die Stellung der Kurfürsten Maz Emmanuel von Bayern und Joseph Klemens von Köln zur Kaiserwahl Karls VI (Munich, 1899)Google Scholar; Rill, Bernd, Karl VI. Habsburg als barocke Großmacht (Graz, 1992), 91–106Google Scholar; Ziekursch, J., Die Kaiserwahl Karls VI, 1711 (Gotha, 1902)Google Scholar; Mikoletzky, Österreich, 106.

40 Bernalte, J. I. Asensio and Roig, J. Fabregas, “Incidencias corsarias en las costas catalanas durante el reinado de Carlos III (1759–1788) según la “Gazeta” de Madrid,” Primer Congrés d'Historia Moderna de Catalunya, vol. I (1984), 721–30Google Scholar.

41 Gehling, “Ein Europäischer Diplomat,” esp. 118. A large number of artists and craftspeople in royal employment left Catalonia for Vienna; one example are the royal decorators (Tapezierer) Wenzel Marcellini (c. 1666, d. 1720), Johann Christoph Partmann (d. 1739), Johann Pirchner (c. 1650, d. 1724), and Johann Peter Tratter (d. 1764); Haupt, Herbert, Kunst und Kultur in den Kameralzahlamtsbüchern Kaiser Karl VI. (Vienna, 1993), 173, 176, 177, 183Google Scholar.

42 Hughes, Michael, Law and Politics in Eighteenth Century Germany. The Imperial Aulic Council in the Reign of Charles VI (Suffolk, 1988), 86–87Google Scholar; Gehling, “Ein Europäischer Diplomat,” 125.

43 León Sanz, Entre Austrias y Bourbones, 84.

44 “Barcelona heut 30 Jahr.” Redlich, Oswald, “Die Tagebücher Kaiser Karls VI,” in Gesamtdeutsche Vergangenheit. Festgabe für Heinrich Ritter von Srbik (Munich, 1938), 141–51, here 147Google Scholar; Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, Zeremonialprotokolle 15 (1732–1734), 125.

45 The Marquis d'Este commented, in 1708, on Stella's influence over Charles, “Stella est celui qui a tout le credit sur le Roy parceque S.M. est persuadée qu'il n'y a que lui qui dise la verité sans seconde intention et qui n'est point intéressé.” von Arneth, Alfred, Prinz Eugen von Savoyen. Nach den handschriftlichen Quellen der kaiserlichen Archive, 3 vols. (Vienna, 1858), here 2:513n20Google Scholar.

46 “Francesc de Castellví va ser el primer a proposar una xifra global per als exilats austriacistes. En un comentari inclòs al capítol dedicat a 1715, el cronista afirma que, comptant els espanyols que eren a Nàpols, Sardenya i Milà a la mort de Carles II, els exiliats excedían del numero de 16.000 personas, entre ellas 2.784 oficiales.” Alcoberro, Agustí, L'exili austriarista (1713–1747), 2 vols., Textos i Documents 35 (Barcelona, 2002), here 1:54Google Scholar. Michael Hughes, Law and Politics, 87.

47 Rill, Karl VI, 235–48; Lynch, Bourbon Spain, 85–88.

48 Michael Hughes, Law and Politics, 194, 188.

49 Mayer, , “Zur Geschichte der österreichische Handelspolitik unter Karl VI,” Mittheilungen des Inst. für österr. Geschichte 18 (1897), 129Google Scholar; Radics, Kaiser Karl VI, “Trieste,” 60–63; “Fiume,” 64–65.

50 For Spanish trade to the Indies, see, inter alia, Gervasio de Artíñano y de Galdácano, Historia del comercio con las Indias durante el dominio de los Austrias (Barcelona, 1917); Haring, C. H., Trade and Navigation between Spain and the Indies in the Time of the Hapsburgs (Cambridge, MA, 1918)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Huisman and others have disavowed any Habsburg interest in the project, claiming it as a “Belgian” project. Pergameni, H., La Compagnie d'Ostende (Brussels, 1902)Google Scholar. See also Dumont, Georges H., La Compagnie d'Ostende (Brussels, 1942)Google Scholar; Laude, Abbé Norbert, La Compagnie d'Ostende et son activité coloniale au Bengale, 1725–1730 (Brussels, 1944)Google Scholar.

52 Hertz, “England and the Ostend Company,” 261.

53 Degryse, K. and Parmentier, J., “Maritime Aspects of the Ostend Trade to Mocha, India and China, 1715–1732,” in Bruijn, J. R. and Gaastra, F. S., eds., Ships, Sailors and Spices. East India Companies and Their Shipping in the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, NEHA Series III (Amsterdam, 1993), 139–75Google Scholar, Appendix; and Parmentier, J., Oostende & Co. Het verhaal van de Zuid-Nederlandse Oost-Indiëvaart, 1717–1735 (Ghent, 2002), 137–41Google Scholar.

54 Parmentier, J., Thee van overzee. Maritieme en handelsrelaties tussen Vlaanderen en China tijdens de 18de eeuw (Ghent, 1996)Google Scholar. For the factory at Banquibazar, see Parmentier, J., De Holle compagnie. Smokkel en legale handel onder Zuid-Nederlandse vlag in Bengalen, ca. 1720–1744, Zeven Provinciën-reeks 4 (Hilversum, 1992), 21, ffGoogle Scholar.

55 Geikie, R. and Montgomery, I. A., The Dutch Barrier, 1705–1719 (Cambridge, 1930), 349Google Scholar.

56 Beer, Adolf, “Zur Geschichte der Politik Karl VI,” Historische Zeitschrift 55 (1886): 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 K. van der Mynsbrugge, “De pamflettenoorlog rond de Oostendse Compagnie” (MA diss., University of Ghent, 2000). For the Vienna perspective on the founding of the GIC, see Huisman, M., La Belgique commerciale sous l'empereur Charles VI: la Compagnie d'Ostende: étude historique du politique commerciale et coloniale (Brussels, 1902)Google Scholar. For a critcal review of Huisman, see Goslinga, A., Slingelandt's efforts towards European peace, Part I (The Hague, 1915), Appendices I–IXCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 Compagnie impériale et royale établie dans le Pays-bas autrichiens, The importance of the Ostend-company consider'd (London, 1726), 4, 6, 31.

59 Patrice Count MacNeny, , The freedom of commerce of the subjects of the Austrian Nether-lands, asserted and vindicated. Done into Engl. (London, 1725)Google Scholar.

60 Enthoven, V., “Dan maar oorlog! De reacties van de republiek op de Oostendse Compagnie, 1715–1732,” in Parmentier, J., ed., Noord-Zuid in Oostindische perspectief (Zutphen, 2005), 131–48Google Scholar.

61 O'Reilly, William, “Divide et impera: Race, Ethnicity and Administration in Early 18th-Century Habsburg Hungary,” in Halfdanarson, Gudmundur, ed., Racial Discrimination and Ethnicity in European History (Pisa, 2003), 77–100Google Scholar.

62 An absolutum inalienabile domanium vel peculium regium.

63 Kallbrunner, Josef, “Zur Geschichte der Wirtschaft im Temescher Banat bis zum Ausgang des siebenjährigen Krieges,” Südost-Deutsche Forschungen 1, no. 1 (1936): 46–60, here 47n1Google Scholar.

64 “Den Cataloniern an den niederen Volksklassen, welche in Wien sich aufhielten und zumeist nur von der Freigebigkeit des Kaisers lebten, dachte man im Banate Wohnsitze anzuweisen.” Alfred Ritter von Arneth, ed., “Die Relationen der Botschafter Venedigs über Österreich im achtzehnten Jahrhundert,” Fontes rerum austriacarum II. Abtheilung, Diplomataria et acta, vol. 22 (Vienna, 1863): 34.

65 Takáts, A., “Spanyolok telepitése Pancsován,” Gazdaság-történelmi Szemle (1900), 44Google Scholar; idem., “Spanyolok telepitése Pancsován,” Gazdaság-történelmi Szemle (1903), 47–48; Réti, László, “Magyarországi spanyol telepek,” Ethnographia (1890), 300–03Google Scholar; Fallenbüchl, Zoltan, “Espagnols en Hongrie au XVIIIe Siècle,” Revista de Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos 82, no. 1 (March 1979): 85–147Google Scholar; vol. 82, no. 2 (April–June 1979): 199–224.

66 Adler, Philip J., “Serbs, Magyars, and Staatsinteresse in Eighteenth Century Austria: A Study in the History of Habsburg Administration,” The Austrian History Yearbook, 12–13 (part 1) (1976–1977): 116–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a consideration of the “nationalities.”

67 Rothfels, Hans, ed., Das Auslandsdeutschtum des Ostens, Auslandsstudien (Königsberg i. Pr., 1932), 122Google Scholar.

68 Erster Brief Kaiser Karls VI. an den Landgrafen Ernst Ludwig von Hessen-Darmstadt um eine weitherzige Erleichterung der hessischen Auswanderung in das Erbkönigreich Ungarn (20 April 1722), printed in full in Anton Tafferner, Quellenbuch, vol. 2, no. 47, p. 75.

69 Mensi, F., Die Finanzen Österreichs von 1701–1740 (Vienna, 1890), 121, ffGoogle Scholar.

70 AfK, 143 ff.

71 J.W. Stoye, “Emperor Charles VI: The Early Years of the Reign,” 69.

72 Charles to Count Wratislaw, Barcelona, 23 November 1709. AfK, 98.

73 Reitter, Hans, Der spanische Rat und seine Beziehungen zur Lombardei 1713–1720 (Diss., University of Vienna, 1964), 101Google Scholar; S. Sanpere i Miquel, Fin de la Nación Catalana (Barcelona, 1905), 352–54; for Italian interest in Vienna and elsewhere, see Gaeta, Giuliano, “Il Corriere di Vienna” del 1736. Nel quadro della politica Italiana di Carlo VI, Instituto di Scienze Politiche 4 (Trieste, 1965)Google Scholar.

74 Spaniards and Italians made up 7 percent of the nobles at the Kaiserhof under Joseph, compared with 20 percent under Charles. Pecar, Andreas, Die Ökonomie der Ehre. Der höfische Adel am Kaiserhof Karls VI. (1711–1740) (Darmstadt, 2003), 36Google Scholar.

75 Vehse, Eduard, Memoirs of the Court, Aristocracy, and Diplomacy of Austria, trans. by Demmler, Franz (London, 1856), 114–15Google Scholar; Brachvogel, Carry, Maria Theresia (Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1911), 9Google Scholar.

76 Morandi, Carlo, ed., Relazioni di Ambascatori sabaudi Genovesi e Venneti durante il Periodo della grande alleanze e delle successione di Spagna (1693–1713) (Bologna, 1935), 119, ffGoogle Scholar.

77 “Alle Spanische undt Wellsche Exulanten werden E. M. vollgen wollen, in hoffnung sich allhier zu stabilliren, dieses aber wurde allhier die grösten Confusiones erweken…” von Arneth, Alfred, ed., “Eigenhändige Correspondenz des Königs Karl III. von Spanien (nachmals Kaiser Karl VI.) mit dem Obersten Kanzler des Königreiches Böhmen, Grafen Johann Wenzel Wratislaw,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte 16 (1856): 3–224, here 183Google Scholar. Some exiles chose to return to Spain after 1725; Mecenseffy, Karls VI. spanische Bündnispolitik, 26, ff.

78 Lünig, Johann Christian, Theatrum Ceremoniale Historico-Politicum oder Historisch und Politischer Schauplatz aller Ceremonien, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1719), here 2:1124Google Scholar.

79 Pecar, Die Ökonomie der Ehre, 40.

80 “… la diversidad de las dependencies que ocurren y pueden sobre venir por los reinos y estados pertenecientes a la Monarquía de España, pensando en mi Real Nombre he dispuesto la separación de las cuatro negociaciones correspindientes a los dominios de Nápoles, Cerdeña, Flandes y Milán en el establecimiento del Consejo de España.” Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, Italien-Spanischer Rat, B. Supremo Consejo de España, K. 22, after: León Sanz, Entre Austrias y Bourbones, 85. By 1715, a reorganization of the administration and government of Spain meant that the Consejos of Aragón, Flanders, and Italy were merged with that of Castille. Ibid., 64.

81 Evans, “Introduction,” in Ingrao, State and Society, 7.

82 Heraeus, Carl Gustav, Gedichte und lateinische Inschriften (Nürnberg, 1721), 128, 81Google Scholar.

83 Vocelka, Karl and Heller, Lynne, Die privat Welt der Habsburger: Leben und Alltag einer Familie (Graz, Styria, 1998), 273–74Google Scholar; Ingrao, Charles W. and Thomas, Andrew L., “Piety and Power: The Empress-Consort of the High Baroque,” in Clarissa Campbell Orr, Queenship in Europe 1660–1815 (Cambridge, 2004), 107–30, here 113–14Google Scholar. In the same year, 1707, and immediately after her arrival in Barcelona, Elizabeth Christine and Charles visited the Marian shrine at Montserrat, seeking a blessing for their marriage and for prosperity. Matsche, Franz, Die Kunst im Dienst der Staatsidee Kaiser Karl VI. (Berlin and New York, 1981), 179Google Scholar.

84 Jürgen Freiherr von Kruedener, Die Rolle des Hofes im Absolutismus, Forschungen zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. I (Stuttgart, 1973), 76.

85 Radics, Kaiser Karl VI, 31–32: “… das wachsamste Auge hatte der Kaiser …”.

86 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Vienna, Zeremonialprotokolle 8 (1713–1715), fol. 266–73.

87 Kaufmann, Thomas DaCosta, Court, Cloister, and City: The Art and Culture of Central Europe, 1450–1800 (Chicago, 1995), esp. chap. 12, 283–306, here 296–98Google Scholar.

88 Sedlmayr, Hans, Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach [1956] (Stuttgart, 1997), 292, ffGoogle Scholar.

89 Lorenz, Hellmut, “Der habsburgische Reichsstil – Mythos und Realität,” in Gaethgens, Thomas W., ed., Künstlerischer Austausch. Artistic Exchange. Akten des XXVIII. internationalen Kongresses für Kunstgeschichte (15.-20. Juli 1992) (Berlin, 1992), 163–76, here 169, ffGoogle Scholar.

90 Reference to a “pillar of prayer” is made in Psam 75. For examples of these virtues used in praise of Charles, as King Charles III of Spain, see the libretti written by Apostolo Zeno between 1708–1710 for Atenaide and Scipione nelle Spagne; Elena Sala di Felice, “Apostolo Zeno,” in New Grove Opera 4, 1227; after Elisabeth Theresia Hilscher, Der Kaiserliche Hofpoet Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782). Zur Kulturgeschichte des Hofes Kaiser Karls VI, Johann-Joseph-Fux-Gesellschaft 23 (2000), 6. Graf Johann Waldstein described Charles, in his doctoral dissertation “Philosophia scholastica ethica” at the Charles University, Prague, in 1726 as a model of Christian virtue. Winter, Eduard, Barock, Absolutismus und Aufklärung in der Donaumonarchie (Vienna, 1971), 122Google Scholar.

91 Rosenthal, Earl, “Plus Ultra, non Plus Ultra, and the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 204–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Ollinger, Elisabeth et al., Der Traum vom Weltreich. Österreichs unvollendeter Escorial (Vienna, 1999), 9–16Google Scholar.

93 DaCosta Kaufmann, Court, Cloister, and City, 300; Hofmann-Randall, Christina, Das spanische Hofzeremoniell von 1500–1700 (Frankfurt, 1985)Google Scholar.

94 Matsche, Die Kunst im Dienst.

95 Haupt, Kunst und Kultur, 174.

96 Seifert, Herbert, “Die kaiserliche Hofkapelle im 17.-18. Jahrhundert,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 53 (1998): 21–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., “The Institution of the Imperial Court Chapel from Maximilian I to Charles VI,” in Juan José López, Carreras et al. , The Royal Chapel in the Time of the Habsburgs (Woodbridge, UK, 2005), 40–47, here 46Google Scholar.

97 See Aurenhammer, Hans, J. B. Fischer von Erlach (Cambridge, MA, 1973), 169Google Scholar; Tapié, Victor Lucien, The Rise and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy (New York, 1971), 166Google Scholar.

98 Construction was halted soon after the death of Charles VI in 1740, with only a quarter of the originally planned complex completed by the time of his death. Principally for financial reasons, Maria Theresa was reluctant to oversee the project to completion and work soon stopped; a brief revival of the building project began in 1776, and finally the architect Joseph Kornhäusel saw the last episode in the part-completion of a section of the building between the years 1834 and 1842. See Beales, Derek, Prosperity and Plunder: European Catholic Monasteries in the Age of Revolution, 1650–1815 (Cambridge, 2003), 54Google Scholar.

99 Pecar, Die Ökonomie der Ehre, 141–252.

100 See Massuet, L. M. D., Histore de l'Empereur Charles VI (Amsterdam, 1741)Google Scholar and Lande, P. A. La, Histoire de l'Empereur Charles VI (La Hâte, 1743)Google Scholar; “… l'empereur Charles VI mourut, au mois d'octobre 1740, d'une indigestion de champignons qui lui causa une apoplexie; et ce plat de champignons changea la destinée de l'Europe.” Voltaire, Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire Tome I: Introduction et Biographie (Paris, 1759); Pick, Robert, Empress Maria Theresa. The Early Years 1717–1757 (New York, 1966), 32–56, here 56Google Scholar.

101 Konstantin Pachner, “Sind Papst Klemens VII. und Kaiser Karl VI. an den Folgen einer Pilzvergiftung gestorben?” Zeitschrift für Pilzkunde 16 (n.s.), no. 3:74–79 and no. 4:118–20, here 78–79.

102 Redlich, Oswald, “Die Tagebücher Kaiser Karls VI.” Gesamtdeutsche Vergangenheit: Festgabe für Heinrich Ritter von Srbik zum 60. Geburtstag (Munich, 1938), 145Google Scholar.