¹ Rosa, Feigenbaum, ldquo;Der Stellung der jüdischen Frau zum Zionismus,” Die Neuzeit 3 (1902): 29–30.Google Scholar Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. Feigenbaum, who served as a delegate at the Sixth Zionist Congress, was a leader in Jewish charity work and a regular contributor to the Österreichische Wochenschrift and Die Neuzeit.

² Alison, Rose, “The Jewish Woman as ‘Other’: The Development of Stereotypes in Vienna, 1890–1914.” (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 1997).Google Scholar

³ Edith, Saurer, “Women's History in Austria: An Almost Critical Assessment,” Austrian History Yearbook 27 (1996): 265.Google Scholar

⁴ Gilman, Sander L., Inscribing the Other (Lincoln, 1991)Google Scholar; Judith, Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York, 1990);Google ScholarStephen Harold, Riggins, “The Rhetoric of Othering,” in The Language and Politics of Exclusion: Others in Discourse, ed. Riggins, S. H. (Thousand Oaks, 1997), 1.Google Scholar

⁵ Riggins, , “Rhetoric of Othering,” 2.Google Scholar

⁶ Related to critical discourse analysis is the field of feminist linguistics, which focuses on how women are represented in and use language. See Ruth, Wodak, “Introduction: Some Important Issues in the Research of Gender and Discourse,” in Gender and Discourse, ed. Wodak, R. (London, 1997), 7–13.Google Scholar

⁷ Robert, Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna in the Age of Franz Joseph (New York, 1989), 205. Wistrich asserts that “the multi-ethnic Habsburg Empire was the cradle of the most successful modern political movement based on anti-Semitism to emerge anywhere in nineteenth century Europe.”.Google Scholar

⁸ On the Jews of Habsburg Austria, see Marsha, Rozenblit, Reconstructing a National Identity: The Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I (New York, 2001)Google Scholar. For more on Viennese Jewry, see also idem, The Jews of Vienna, 1867–1914: Assimilation and Identity (Albany, 1983).

⁹ On Schönerer, see Wistrich, , Jews of Vienna; idem, Anti-Semitism: The Longest Hatred (London, 1991);Google Scholar and Whiteside, Andrew G., The Socialism of Fools: Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1975).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Carl, Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), 146Google Scholar. Others who question the sincerity of Lueger's anti-Semitism include Peter, Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria, rev. ed. (Cambridge, 1988);Google ScholarWistrich, , Jews of Vienna, 221–22;Google ScholarBruce, Pauley, From Prejudice to Destruction: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill, 1992), 42–43;Google ScholarHellwing, I. A., Der konfessionelle Antisemitismus im 19. Jahrhundert in Österreich (Vienna, 1972), 52;Google Scholar and John, Bunzl and Bernd, Merin, Antisemitismus in Österreich: Sozialhistorische und soziologische Studien (Innsbruck, 1983), 27–30.Google Scholar

¹¹ Richard, Geehr, Karl Lueger: Mayor of Fin de Siècle Vienna (Detroit, 1990), 16, 175–76.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid., 175. Geehr concludes: “Did Lueger himself believe his anti-Jewish remarks? We may never know.”

¹³ Wistrich, , Jews of Vienna, 221–22Google Scholar. According to Richard Mitten and Ruth Wodak, Austrian anti-Semitism prior to 1945 had a “syncretic” character, that is, lacking a clear dividing line between its various currents. Mitten explains anti-Semitism as a cluster of religious, economic, cultural, and racially inspired beliefs. Richard, Mitten, The Politics of Anti-Semitic Prejudice: The Waldheim Phenomenon in Austria (Boulder, 1992), 19–33;Google Scholar and Ruth, Wodak, “Das Ausland and Anti-Semitic Discourse: The Discursive Construction of the Other,” in The Language and Politics of Exclusion, ed. Riggins, , 68Google Scholar. While this is a reference to the Austrian First Republic, I believe that it applies to the prewar period as well.

¹⁴ Steven, Beller, “Otto Weininger as Liberal?” in Jews and Gender: Responses to Otto Weininger, ed. Harrowitz, Nancy A. and Barbara, Hyams (Philadelphia, 1995), 96–97.Google Scholar

¹⁵ According to John Boyer, it began in March 1897 “as little more than a crude lobbying group with raucous political aims.” John, Boyer, Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897–1918 (Chicago, 1995), 69. Although Lueger had won four elections in the space of two years, the emperor refused to appoint him mayor until after his fifth victory in 1897.Google Scholar

¹⁶ These events are recorded in the Freies Blatt, Organ zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus, under the heading ”Aus antisemitischen Vereinen und Versammlungen.” See, for example “Kauft nur bei Christen!” 51 (Mar. 26,1893): 9; “Die Boycottirung jüdischer Geschaftsleute” 56 (Apr. 30,1893): 7; “Das praktische Christenthum des Vereines ‘Christliche Familie’” 60 (May 28, 1893): 7; “Christlich-Social Verein und Christliche Familie’” 92 (Jan. 7,1894): 6.

¹⁷ Geehr, , Lueger, 214;Google Scholar Elisabeth Malleier, “A Emile Zola—Les jeunes filles de Vienne”: Die 500 Mädchen aus Wien oder: 500 gegen 4,000,” Ľhomme: Zeitschrift für Feministische Geschichtswissenschaft 10, no. 1 (1999): 95; Marianne, Hainisch, “Die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung in Österreich,” 1901, in Handbuch der Frauenbewegung, vol. 1, ed. Helene, Lange and Gertrude, Baumer (Weinheim, 1980), 179Google Scholar. Harriet, Anderson, Utopian Feminism: Women's Movements in fin-de-secle Vienna (New Haven, 1992), 55–56, describes the attacks from the Christian Social camp on Auguste Fickert and the General Austrian Women's Association.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Other newspapers that mocked the Women's League included the feminist Dokumente der Frauen and the Social Democratic Arbeiter Zeitung. Emil Kralik (pseud. Habakuk) parodied the Women's League in a column in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, “Der Genosse aus Wildwest.” Geehr, Lueger, 224.Google Scholar See also, Wistrich, Socialism and the Jews: The Dilemmas of Assimilation in Germany and Austria-Hungary (East Brunswick, 1982), 283.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Boyer, , Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848–1897 (Chicago, 1981), 378–79.Google Scholar

²⁰ In the first volume, Boyer writes that the history of the Christian Social women's movement properly belongs in the second volume of his study (which deals with the period 1897–1920), since its major impact came after Lueger's political victories of 1895–96. Later, however, he states that after 1896 the women returned to the political obscurity from whence they came. In the second volume, he discusses the Women's League but fails to mention their anti-Semitism. He focuses instead on the political implications and compares the Jews and Christian Socials as outcasts. Boyer, , Political Radicalism (Chicago, 1981), 120, 378–79;Google Scholar and idem, Culture and Political Crisis, 69–72. This contradiction is pointed out in Geehr, , Lueger, 365–66 n. 2.Google Scholar

²¹ Boyer, Political Radicalism, 378–79.Google Scholar

²² Christlicher Wiener Frauen-Bund—Wiens christliche Frauen und Mädchen haben gesprochen! Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung 6 (Feb. 24,1898): 2, cited in Malleier, “A Emile Zola,” 91. See also, Geehr, , Lueger, 213Google Scholar

²³ “Presse und Antisemitismus,” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Feb. 1,1903): 3, cited in Geehr, , Lueger, 225, 370 n. 98.Google Scholar

²⁴ Geehr, , Lueger, 225–26, citing Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Feb. 1,1903): 3, and (Oct. 8,1905):3.Google Scholar

²⁵ “Das Wort werde zur That! Kauft nur bei Christen!” and “Stützet die christliche Presse! Hinaus mit der Judenpresse!” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Dec. 12,1897).

²⁶ Geehr, , Lueger, 227, citing Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Dec. 12,1899).Google Scholar

²⁷ , J.R.B., “Was haben die christlichen Frauen und Madchen von den Judensocial-demokraten zu erwarten,” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Mar. 28,1898);Google Scholar “Der Mädchenjude,” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Feb. 27,1899), 1–2; Maria Seifer, “Was konnen wir vom Processe in Polna lernen?” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Oct. 1,1899). Leopold, Hilsner, a Jewish shoemaker's assistant, was condemned for the “ritual murder” of a young Christian girl in Polna in 1899.Google Scholar

²⁸ “Zur Judenfrage,” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Jan. 10, 1899). Founded in Paris in 1860, the Alliance Israelite Universelle was dedicated to the modernization of Jewish communities in North Africa and the Near East.

²⁹ Geehr, , Lueger, 224.Google Scholar The success of the Christian Social Party was in large part due to its alliance with the Catholic Church. Among the prominent figures in the party were the Catholic priests Joseph, Deckert and Father Abel, , both of whom espoused anti-Semitism. Wistrich, Jews of Vienna, 219–20.Google Scholar The evolution of Lueger's, alliance with the Catholic reform movement was not without tensions. It is traced in Pulzer, Rise of Political Anti-Semitism, 156–62.Google Scholar All in all, the issue of the religious affiruty of Christian Socials is complicated and much has been written on this topic. For example, see Pulzer, , Rise of Political Anti-Semitism; Pauley, , From Prejudice to Persecution, 38–44;Google ScholarGeehr, , Lueger, 80–86; and Boyer, Culture and Political Crisis, 164–74, especially 166–67, where he writes:Google Scholar “[F]or all the noise and animation with religious symbols and cultic performances, the party leadership in Vienna did not, at least in Lueger's time, conceive of itself as a confessional party by seeking to impose a dominant religious identity on civil society. Rather, its use of religion was more politically pluralistic and more culturally Unitarian.” He also refers to the Catholic family and especially women's associations as contributing new forms of public devotion, and specifically mentions “the noisy civic religiosity of the Christlicher Wiener Frauenbund.”

³⁰ The Diaries of Theodor Herzl, trans, and ed.Marvin, Lowenthal (NewYork, 1962), 69.Google Scholar

³¹ McGrath, William J., Freud's Discovery of Psychoanalysis: The Politics of Hysteria (Ithaca, 1987), 184.Google Scholar

³² Stefan, Zweig, The World of Yesterday, trans. Cedar, and Eden, Paul (Lincoln, 1964), 23;Google ScholarClaudio, Magris, Der habsburgisch Mythos in der österreichischen Literatur, trans. Madeleine von, Pasztory (Salzburg, 1966);Google ScholarKlein, Dennis B., Jewish Origins of the Psychoanalytic Movement (Chicago, 1985), 13–14.Google ScholarAdler, 's attitude toward the Christian Social Party was shared by many of his colleagues.Google Scholar See Wistrich, , Socialism and the Jews, chaps. 6–7.Google Scholar

³³ Wistrich, , Jews of Vienna, 274–75.Google Scholar

³⁴ Joseph Samuel, Bloch, My Reminiscences, trans. Smith, Jessie L. (Vienna, 1923), 229.Google Scholar

³⁵ Wilhelm, Ellenbogen, “Der Wiener Antisemitismus,” Sozialistische Monatshefte 1 (09. 1899): 418–19Google Scholar, cited and translated in Wistrich, Socialism and the ]ews, 275; Bloch, My Reminiscences, 227; Franz, Stauracz, Dr. Karl Lueger. Zehn ]ahre Bürgermeister (Vienna, 1907), cited and translated in Geehr, , Lueger, 209.Google Scholar

³⁶ Hugo, Bettauer, The City Without Jews: A Novel of our Time, trans. Salomea Neumark, Brainin (New York, 1926), 10.Google Scholar Bettauer was a Viennese journalist who converted from Judaism to Protestantism at the age of eighteen. He was assassinated in 1925 by Otto Rothstock, an unemployed dental technician. See Beth Simone, Noveck, “Hugo Bertauer's assassination by Otto Rothstock in Vienna marks the first political murder by the Nazis in Austria,” in Yale Companion to Jewish Writing and Thought in German Culture, 1096–1996, ed. Sander, Gilman and Jack, Zipes (New Haven, 1997), 440–47.Google Scholar

³⁷ Although I have looked at Zionist newspapers such as Die Welt, Die jüdische Zeitung, and Neue National-Zeitung, I have not found discussions of the Christian Social Women's League. With fewer articles on Viennese anti-Semitism and a greater focus on the international Jewish community, it is not surprising that this topic is not addressed.

³⁸ J, “Die Frauen und der Antisemitismus,” Die Neuzeit 1 (1885): 7–8.Google Scholar While this was written early in Lueger, 's rise to power when he was first being assisted by women not yet organized in a formal women's league, it seems likely that the article is based on Lueger's female supporters.Google Scholar

³⁹ J, “Geistliche und Weibliche Antisemiten,” Die Neuzeit 15 (1886): 139–10.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid.

⁴¹ This differentiated the treatment of female anti-Semites from their male counterparts who were not mocked on the basis of gender.

⁴² ”Vom Jahrmarkt des Lebens: Fanatisirte Weiber,” Österreichische Wochenschrift 12, no. 49 (Dec. 6,1895): 897–98.Google Scholar

⁴³ “Das Muster einer Frauen-Mobilisirung durch die Jesuiten,” Österreichische Wochenschrift 12, no. 50 (Dec. 13,1895): 919.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., 919–20.

⁴⁵ Acher, , “Dialoge. II.” Österreichische Wochenschrift 12, no. 50 (12. 13,1895): 920.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ “Die Frau bei uns undum uns” Österreichische Wodienschrift 12, no. 51 (Dec. 20,1895): 937–38.

⁴⁷ For his pro-suffrage argument, see Victor, Adler, Die allgemeine, gleiche und direkte Wahlrecht und das Wahlunrecht in Österreich (Vienna, 1893), 34–35.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Victor, Adler, “Die sozialdemokratischen Frauen,” Arbeiter-Zeitung (Nov. 10, 1903).Google Scholar Reprinted in Victor, Adler, Gross Gestalten Des Sozialismus, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1947), 121.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Adler, , “Sozialdemokratischen Frauen,” 122.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Bertha von, Suttner, “Ein Wort an die antisemitischen Frauen,” Freies Blatt 122 (08. 5, 1894): 2–3; D-f, “An eine Annsemitin,” Freies Blatt 184 (Oct. 13,1895): 10.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Emerlich, Kowalek, “Die Frau und der Antisemitismus,” Freies Blatt: Organ zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus 33 (11. 20, 1892): 2.Google Scholar

⁵² For their views on women and domesticity, see Boyer, , Culture and Political Crisis, 70.Google Scholar

⁵³ “Die christlichen Frauen und der Antisemitismus,” Österreichische Frauen-Zeitung (Jan. 15,1898).