* It has not been possible within the limited space of the present article to illustrate all the recorded drawings, and readers should consult the references cited in the Appendix.

1 Lambeth Palace Library, London, Papers of the Commission for Building Fifty New Churches in London and Westminster 1711-1759 (henceforth Lambeth), MS 2724, fol. 69V. St Mary’s, the smallest of the churches, cost just over £20,000 (MS 2711, fol. 55), and of the proposed churches only eleven were eventually realized.

2 Ralph, James, A Critical Review of the Publiek Buildings, Statues and Ornaments In, and about London and Westminster (London, 1734), p. 7 Google Scholar; moreover, ‘the whole deserves to be admired, for pleasing so much, at so little expence.’ See Stroud, D., George Dance Architect 1741-1821 (London, 1971), p. 30, pl. 13Google Scholar.

3 Langley, Batty (writing under the pseudonym of Hiram, the builder of Solomon’s Temple at Jerusalem) in The Grub-street Journal, No. 238 (18 July 1734), p. 1 Google Scholar.

4 Langley, Batty in The Grub-street Journal, No. 237 (11 July 1734), p. 1 Google Scholar.

5 In Wine and Walnuts; or After Dinner Chit-Chat (London, 1823), 11, p. 246, by Ephraim Hardcastle (the pseudonym of W. H. Pyne), in an imaginary conversation concerning Flitcroft’s fititious church at Hampstead, Thomas Gainsborough proclaimed that ‘he who built a church, should erect it in the old English architecture’ and asked ‘Why did you not make a Gothic church’?, ‘. . . because — because — because I have no opinion of Gothic’, stuttered the architect, to which the painter retorted, ‘“my Lord Burlington had a contempt for Gothic; ergo, the Burlington school have a contempt for Gothic.”’

6 Rocque, J., ‘A Plan of the Cities of London and Westminster and Borough of Southwark; with the Contiguous Buildings’ (London, 1746)Google Scholar, sheets 3 and 11 ( Hyde, R., The A to Z of Georgian London (Lympne Casde, 1981), pp. 7, 22Google Scholar). St Giles’s pre-Georgian history is recorded in Holborn Local Studies and Archives Centre (henceforth Holborn), B/3B18 Vestry Minutes 1673-1771; Thornton, W., The New, Complete, and Universal History, Description, and Survey of The Cities of London and Westminster, The Borough of Southwark, And the Parts Adjacent (London, 1784), pp. 462-63Google Scholar; The Survey of London, The Parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields (London, 1914), v, Pt II, pp. 127-28; Taylor, G. C., The Story of St. Giles-in-the-Fields Parish Church, London (London, 1971), pp. 4–5 Google Scholar. Parton, J., Some Account of the Hospital and Parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, Middlesex (London, 1822)Google Scholar, discusses the early history (pp. 191-207) and quotes from original but now untraced documents relating to the Georgian rebuilding. Paul Jeffery has plausibly suggested to me that Parton, who was the Vestry Clerk, had borrowed the relevant parish records, entered in a separate volume, and did not return them.

7 Guildhall Library, London, H4/GIL, inscribed ‘Ecclesia Sci Egidii in Campis Juxta London’; on verso ‘Del John Hall Med Templ London 24 Mart 1717/8’. A duplicate is in City of Westminster Archives Centre, T. Pennant, London (1825), iv, extra-illustrated, fol. 365. The drawing was issued in the early nineteenth century as a lithograph by G. Scharf inscribed ‘The Old Church of St. Giles in the Fields, as it Appeared in the Year 1718. Delt: John Hall. Med Templ London Marti 17 1718’ (as above and British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, Crace, Vol. 28, no. 116). Bodleian Library, Oxford, Gough Maps 44, fol. 158, is a sketch of the ‘South side of St. Giles Church’ perhaps also by Hall.

8 Notably St Katharine Cree (1628-30), which Laud consecrated on 16 January 1631 ( Clarke, B. F. L., Parish Churches of London (London, 1966), p. 22, pl. 6Google Scholar), seven days after he consecrated St Giles ( Jenkinson, W., London Churches Before the Great Fire (London, 1917), p. 251 Google Scholar).

9 As described in ‘Reasons humbly offered for a bill to rebuild the parish church of St. Giles in the Fields, as one of the fifty new churches’, quoted in Dobie, R., The History of the United Parishes of St. Giles in the Fields and St. George Bloomsbury (London, 1829), pp. 111-12Google Scholar, and in The Journals of the House of Commons (henceforth Journals) (29 January 1718), XVIII, p. 698.

10 Hatton, E., A New View of London; or, an Ample Account of that City (London, 1708), 1, p. 258 Google Scholar, and Paterson, J., Pietas Londinensis: Or, The Present Ecclesiastical State of London (London, 1714), pp. 93–94 Google Scholar, respectively.

11 Quoted in Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, pp. 111-15.

12 Holborn, B/3B18, fols 490-V (25 January 1718); Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, p. 115. No printed copy of this item has been traced.

13 Journals, XVIII, p. 698

14 Journals, XVIII, pp. 704-05.

15 Journals (14 February 1718), XVIII, p. 732.

16 Stat., 4. Georgii I, c.14, 1717/18 ‘An Act to empower the Commissioners ... to direct the Parish Church of St. Giles in the Fields, in the County of Middlesex, to be rebuilt, instead of one of the said Fifty new Churches.’

17 Lambeth, MS 2691, p. 22.

18 Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 16 (6 August 1724). During the next few years the fabric underwent various minor improvements: ‘the Church be forthwith clean’d & whitewashed’ (Holborn, B/3B18, fol. 522, 25 October 1726), ‘the Glass over the Comunion Table ... be taken down & repaired’ (fol. 527, 24 January 1728), George and Josiah Clarke ‘to make a New Clock’ for £80 (fol. 530, 24 October 1729); see also fol. 534V.

19 St George’s was virtually finished by 1728 (Lambeth, MS 2691, pp. 381, 445; MS 2701, pp. 295-302), though it was not consecrated until 28 January 1730 (MS 2711, p. 79).

20 Holborn, B/3B18, fol. 533V, Stat. 3, Georgii II, c.19 ‘An Act for providing a maintenance for the Minister of the new church near Bloomsbury Market, in the county of Middlesex; and for making more effectually an Act, passed in the 4th year of his late Majesty’s reign, for empowering the Commissioners for building the fifty new churches, to direct the parish church of St. Giles in the fields, in the said county, to be rebuilt, instead of one of the said churches’, quoted in Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, pp. 117, 408-11. The money was entrusted in thirteen trustees whose job it would be to oversee the building operation. Probably early in 1731 the vestry again reminded the Commissioners of the ‘very Ruinous’ condition of St Giles and pressed for assistance in rebuilding ‘in such manner, as you in your great Wisdom shall think fitt’ (Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 14).

21 Lambeth, MS 2711, p. 55.

22 A 1731 petition described the old church as ‘very Damp, and Unholsome, and otherwise very Inconvenient to the Parishioners’ because the floor was ‘at Least Eight feet Lower than the Street’ (Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 14).

23 Downes, K., Hawksmoor (London, 1959), pp. 167-70Google Scholar, fig. 32, pls 52b, 53a, 54.

24 Quoting from Ware, I., The Four Books of Andrea Palladio’s Architecture, Vol. IV (London, 1738), p. 91 Google Scholar; the relevant ‘compartments of the Chappels’ are illustrated in Leoni, G., The Architecture of A. Palladio; in Four Books, Vol. IV (London, 1719-20), p. 22, pl. XXVIGoogle Scholar, item A.

25 Downes, Hawksmoor, fig. 36, pl. 67a.

26 Jeffery, P., The City Churches of Sir Christopher Wren (London, 1996), pp. 301–03Google Scholar, fig. 153.

27 Obelisk steeples appear in a number of Wren churches ( Cobb, G., London City Churches (London, 1977), pp. 38–39 Google Scholar, and at St Luke, Old Street, 1727–33, by Hawksmoor and John James (Downes, Hawksmoor, pl. 77a); the colonnaded and domed rotunda is a miniature version of Hawksmoor’s Mausoleum at Casde Howard, 1729-36 (pl. 92).

28 Jeffery, op. cit., pp. 238-39, fig. 110.

29 No. 3521, p. 1, further referring to Shepherd as having ‘built the Duke of Kent’s fine House in St. James’s Square, the Earls of Thanet’s and Albemarle’s in Grosvenor Square, and many other magnificent Buildings for his Grace the Duke of Chandos and other Persons of Quality and Distinction’ (British Library, Burney 283b).

30 Colvin, H., A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600-1840 (London, 1995), pp. 864-65Google Scholar.

31 No. 3551, p. 1 (British Library, Burney 287b). In 1729 Flitcroft was paid for designs for Boreham House, Essex, built 1727-28 under Edward Shepherd’s supervision (Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary, p. 367).

32 Friedman, T., James Gibbs (New Haven and London, 1984), pp. 78–79, 309-10, pl. 63Google Scholar.

33 ‘The Letter of Sir Chr. Wren upon the Building of National Churches’, 1712, in Wren Society (Oxford, 1932), IX, p. 17. Gibbs had already used these models for the Marylebone or Oxford Chapel, 1721-24 (Friedman, James Gibbs, pp. 75-76, pl. 60).

34 Toesca, I., ‘Alessandro Galilei in Inghilterra’ in Praz, M. (ed.), English Miscellany, No. 3 (1952), p. 220 Google Scholar, Doc. F, letter from John Molesworth to Galilei, 31 January 1726.

35 Colen Campbell described his proposed church for Lincoln’s Inn Fields, 1712 (Vitruvius Britannicus, Vol. 1 (London, 1715), p. 3, pls 8-9) as ‘dress’d very plain, as . . . more conformable to the Simplicity of the Ancients’, and his ‘Church in the Vitruvian Stile’ (Vitruvius Britannicus, Vol. 11 (London, 1717), p. 1, pl. 27), that is, an Antique prostyle hexastyle Ionic temple, as by ‘general Consent of the most judicious Architects, both Ancient and Modern . . . esteem’d the most beautiful and useful Disposition’, the exterior of which ‘abstained from any Ornaments . . . which would only serve to enfiarne Expence and clog the Building’. However, neither design was built nor enjoyed progeny.

36 For example, at Casde Ashby, Northamptonshire, attributed to Jones, and Campbell’s design for a house, 1724, in Vitruvius Britannicus, Vol. 111 (London, 1725), pls 8, 98; also Jones’s Whitehall Palace, ‘Designs for Rustiek Doors’ and ‘Rustick-Gates’ by Jones and Burlington in Kent, W., The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 1 (London, 1727), pls 1–52, 57, 59Google Scholar.

37 The design was not without influence on James Home’s Christ Church, Southwark, 1738-41, destroyed 1941 (British Library, Department of Maps, K.Top.XXVII-50-a to g). Horne worked with Gibbs at King’s College, Cambridge, 1729-30, and St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1730-33 (Friedman, James Gibbs, pp.29, 337, n. 39).

38 A 2 December 1734 report states only that after the old fabric was ‘Surveyed by skilfull Workmen’, including Henry Joynes in 1718, did the authorities come to ‘a Resolution to rebuild and after consulting a great Number of Architects and Builders and Examining severall Plans . . . approved a plan offered them by Henry Flitcroft’ (Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 19).

39 Now forming part of the Burlington-Devonshire Collection in the Royal Institute of British Architects Drawings Collection, London ( Harris, J. and Higgott, G., Inigo Jones Complete Architectural Drawings (London, 1989), p. 23 Google Scholar).

40 Vol. 1, ‘Advertisement’, Vol. 11, pls 54-63. Flitcroft also made drawings of Palladio’s Tempietto Barbaro, Maser, 1579-80 ( Sicca, C. M., ‘Il Palladianesimo in Inghilterra’ in Palladio La Sua Eredità ‘Nel Mondo (Milan, 1980), pp. 36–37 Google Scholar), and plans, sections and elevations of Jones’s Queen’s Chapel, St James’s, 1623-25, and Somerset House Chapel, London, 1630-35 ( Harris, J., The Palladian Revival: Lord Burlington, His Villa and Garden at Chiswick (New Haven, 1994), pp. 155-58Google Scholar).

41 Campbell, , Vitruvius Britannicus, Vol. 11 (1717), p. 1, pls 20-22Google Scholar.

42 Ralph, A Critical Review, p. 29.

43 Ibid., p. 99.

44 Quoted in The Survey of London, The Parish of St. Paul Covent Garden (London, 1970), XXXVI, p. 107.

45 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Gough Maps 44, fol. 158, a drawing of the old church inscribed ‘This monument... to George Chapman Poet, by his affectionate Friend Inigo Jones Architect it stands in St. Giles (in the Fields) church yard against the South Side of the church (as it did to the old church till. 1730 so its placed again, and adjoyning to the new builded Church.’ A drawing of the monument (fol. 158V) is inscribed ‘South side of St. Giles Church’ and ‘this draught of Chapman’s Mont, was taken before the Old Church was pulled down near 10 years.’ See an engraving by Smith, N. dated 15 June 1795 and The Survey of London, The Parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields (London, 1914), v, Pt. II, pp. 135-36Google Scholar, illus. The much disintegrated monument is now kept indoors.

46 ‘How wildly Extravagant are the Designs of Boromini, who has endeavoured to debauch Mankind with his odd and chimerical Beauties’ ( Campbell, , Vitruvius Britannicus, Vol. 1 (1715), Introduction, p. 1 Google Scholar).

47 ‘The plain part of the Peers above the Basement to be either of Portland Ashler 9 inches thick or sawn out of Block in large faces 6 inches thick with bond Stones crampt & run with lead . . . The Walls of the Body . . . to be 3 feet thick with stone stiffners on the inside. All the [carcase] Brickwork to be flush’d Solid’ (‘Explanation’).

48 Campbell, , Vitruvius Britannkus, Vol. I (1715), p. 4, pl. 15Google Scholar; Vol. 111 (1725), pp. 7-8, pls 23-24, 29-30, 32-33, respectively.

49 ‘This House was designed by Inigo Jones, and executed by Mr. Webb. Here is a bold rustiek Basement’ ( Campbell, , Vitruvius Britannkus, Vol. 111 (1725), p. 7, pl. 7Google Scholar) and Kent, , The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 11, pl. 8 Google Scholar as ‘I: Jones Architectus’ with ‘H. Flitcroft Delin:’.

50 Bold, J., John Webb: Architectural Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1989), pp. 94–100, pls 63-64Google Scholar; Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary, p. 311.

51 Kent, , The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 1, pl. 32 Google Scholar. Ralph, A Critical Review, p. 101, objected to the St Giles doors because of their ‘smallness. . . and the poverty of appearance that must necessarily follow’.

52 Ware, I., Designs of Inigo Jones and others (London, 1731), pl. 30 Google Scholar. Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, p. 198, date the engravings c. 1731. Flitcroft added a cherub’s head to the crown. Kent illustrated similar pediments of his own design in The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 1, pl. 63, centre and right, based on the chimneypiece for Oatlands Palace, Surrey, 1639 (Harris and Higgott, op. cit., pp. 220-23).

53 Yeomans, D., The Architect & The Carpenter (London, 1992), pp. 43, 45Google Scholar, figs 24-25.

54 St Martin’s appears in Gibbs, J., A Book of Architecture (London, 1728), pls 1–15, 29-30, 110Google Scholar. ‘Mr. Henry Flitcroft’ is named in ‘A List of Subscribers’, p. xxvii.

55 ‘Posts and Columns ioin Square fram’d into Plates 10in which are let into Iron spindles which are fix’d thro’ the Stone Capitals into the Shafts of the Columns . . . The Columns with their Bases & Capitals of Portland Stone on Solid Stone Peers. . . The naked Timbers of the Galleries to be made with the best of the old Oak and if Deficient to be made good with new . . . About 100 pews below & abt 54 in the Galleries with Seats & desk boards’ (‘Explanation’).

56 ‘The Entablature and other Moldings of the Cieling in plaster, the Coves and Cieling floated’ (‘Explanation’).

57 Flitcroft returned to this pattern at St Olave, Southwark, 1738-39, demolished 1929 (The British Library, Department of Maps, K.Top. XXIII-32-c.). It appears in other conservative London churches of the 1720s and 1730S, such as John James’s St George, Hanover Square, 1720-24 (Clarke, Parish Churches of London, p. 180, pl. 140) and Benjamin Timbrell’s Grosvenor Chapel, Mayfair, 1730-32 (The Survey of London, The Grosvenor Estate in Mayfair, Part II (London, 1980) XXXIX, pp. 298-302, figs 68-69, pls 76c-d). Hawksmoor and James’s St Luke, Old Street, 1727-33, had a straight entablature on giant Ionic columns bisected by galleries ( Downes, K., English Baroque Architecture (London, 1966), pl. 433)Google Scholar.

58 ‘The Windows glaz’d with the best Crown Glass in strong Lead. Lock and Hinges to be approv’d by Patterns. . . The Steps and paving at the altar of marble. The Altar of Right Wainscot The Rails & Balusters below the Altar of do’ (‘Explanation’).

59 J. Wilton-Ely, The Architect’s Vision, Nottingham University Art Gallery (1965), cat. no. 8, and this paper Appendix: Scheme II.

60 Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 19.

61 On 9 December 1731 ‘Mr. Flitcroft Mr. Lownds [unidentified] Mr. Withall [a builder] Mr. Saunderson [probably Joseph Sanderson, a carpenter and joiner living in Litde Queen Street, Bloomsbury, see Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary, p. 847] and Mr. Phillips [Jenkin Thomas Philipps, the New Churches Commissioners’ secretary] be desired to View the Church and report in what Condition they found it’; Flitcroft, Withall and Palmer, a mason, reported on 22 December 1731 that they ‘found Severall Defects’ (Holborn, P/GB/M/1–3 St George, Bloomsbury Vestry Minutes 1730-1751, fol. 19). Flitcroft received £10 10s. for ‘Surveying the Church & making an Estimate of the Charge of Repairing p Order’; ‘Expended on Mr. flitcroft Mr hawksmore & others at several times Viewing the Church’ £6 14s. (‘Extraordinary Disbursements on Account of Defects in the Church’, 1731).

62 The pediment of whose west portico is inscribed ‘Jacobo Gibbs, Architecto’.

63 A Book of Architecture, pls 5-6. The motif also appears in Gibbs’s Rules For Drawing The several Parts of Architecture (London, 1732), pls LII bottom (‘large Mouldings for Pannel or Picture frames fixed in Rooms’), LV centre (‘Guilochi’s’) and LVII item m (‘Sofites of Arches’).

64 Serlio, S., Tutte l’opera d’architettura et prospettiva (Venice, 1584), IV Google Scholar, fols 68, 71 ( Hewlings, R., ‘Chiswick House and Gardens: Appearance and Meaning’, in Barnard, T. and Clark, J. (eds), Lord Burlington Architecture, Art and Life (London, 1995), p. 62 Google Scholar, figs 26a-b), the latter ceiling of which Flitcroft had drawn for Burlington (Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, p. 198, Harris, J., Catalogue of the Drawings Collection of the Royal Institute of British Architects: Inigo Jones & John Webb (Farnborough, 1972), p. 15 Google Scholar, no. 39, fig. 35).

65 Holborn, B/3B18, dated 20 April 1731. This is the chapel shown in Hogarth’s print of Noon from The Four Times of Day, 1738, with St Giles’s steeple in the distance ( Paulson, R., Hogarth High Art and Low, 11 (Cambridge, 1991), pl. 55)Google Scholar. On 1 April 1731 George Vertue communicated to members of the Society of Antiquaries an ancient inscription on the south door of old St Giles (Minute Book 1718-32, p. 269).

66 The contents of the contract, now untraced, are summarized (plasterers’, plumbers’ and painters’ specifications are mentioned but not detailed) in Parton, Some Account, pp. 212-13, who refers to the Original agreement. . . still remaining among the parish records’ (p. 212 note 25). It incorporates ideas described in the ‘Explanation’.

67 Bath stone was introduced into the London building trades in 1730 at Gibbs’s St Bartholomew’s Hospital (Friedman, James Gibbs, p. 215), where Lord Burlington was a governor (p. 213).

68 Yeomans, The Architect & The Carpenter, pp. 43, 45, figs 24-25, who associates the roof structure as constructed more closely to Gibbs’s Oxford Chapel, 1721-24, in A Book of Architecture, pl. 25, than the Covent Garden arrangement in Scheme I.

69 This building, later demolished, is shown in the engraving by Anthony Walker after John Donowell of the Outside North-West View of St. Giles’s Church in the Fields’, a copy of which Gibbs owned (Ashmolean Museum, Gibbs Collection no. 46). Among the group standing in the foreground is a man holding a view of the church, who might represent Flitcroft. Several similar views are known, including one inscribed ‘Engraved by V. Woodthorpe No. 27 Fetter Lane Fleet Street’ (author’s collection), and in Thornton, The New, Complete, and Universal History, following p. 460. For a proposed addition of 1805 by Soane, see Sir John Soane’s Museum, London, Drawer 47, Set 1, No. 79.

70 Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 19. The inscription on P. Fourdrinier’s engraving of the west front (Appendix: Scheme V, 18-e) gives £8,000, the sum ‘granted by Parliament for mat purpose’. Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, p. 117, gives the final sum. However, The London and Westminster Guide (London, 1768), p. 41, Harrison, W., A New Universal History, Description and Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster (London, 1775), p. 536 Google Scholar and Thornton, The New, Complete and Universal History, p. 463, give the total as £10,026 15s. 9d., Revd Reeves, George, A New History of London . . . By Question and Answer (London, 1764), p. 78 Google Scholar, as around £11,000.

71 The Survey of London, v, p. 130.

72 The Gentleman’s Magazine (September 1731), p. 402, noting that the stone ‘had all their [the trustees’] Names inscribed upon it’. They are listed on the drawing in Appendix: Scheme IV.

73 Lambeth, MS 2715, fol. 19. R. and Dodsley, J., London and Its Environs Described (London, 1761), 111, p. 40 Google Scholar remarked that St Giles was ‘built in a very substantial manner, as indeed all churches should for the sake of duration’.

74 Hewlings, ‘Chiswick House and Gardens’, p. 58, figs 23a–b.

75 Malcolm, J. P., London Redivivum (London, 1803), 111, p. 491 Google Scholar praised the ceiling as ‘one of the best... in London’.

76 Kent, , The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 1, pls 4 Google Scholar (room marked C) and 50.

77 Ware, The Designs of Inigo Jones, pls 28-29, ‘Alter Piece at Somerset House Chapel Inigo Jones’. A note in the book states ‘Most of these Designs are already Executed; & the rest, are at Burlington House’. See this paper, note 53. Around 1795 Francesco Vieira, court painter to the King of Portugal, painted Moses and Aaron figures in the frames flanking the reredos, as well as the Commandments, Creed and Lord’s Prayer, all of which survive (Clarke, Parish Churches of London, p. 122; Murray, E. Croft, Decorative Painting in England 1537-1837 (London, 1970), 11, p. 290 Google Scholar).

78 Page 4, pl. 27, as ‘design’d by another [unidentified] Hand,’ mat is, not Colen Campbell.

79 Flitcroft made an elegant measured drawing, after Jones, of the interior (Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, pp. 182-83, figs 48-50, cat. no. 51).

80 In The Weekly Register and again in the pamphlet A Critical Review on 11 April 1734 ( Harris, E., British Architectural Books and Writers 1556-1781 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 381-85Google Scholar), issued only three days before St Giles first opened for public worship, on 14 April (Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, p. 117).

81 Ralph, A Critical Review, pp. 4-6.

82 Ibid., pp. 100-01, repeated in Dodsley, , London, 111, pp. 41–42 Google Scholar and The London and Westminster Guide (1768), pp. 41-42, which thought that the church was ‘Proof. . . that the most undeniably elegant Edifices are not the most cosdy’. Reeves (A New History of London, p. 79) thought it had ‘a decent simplicity and elegance’. Harrison (A New Universal History, p. 536, illus.) called it a ‘magnificent edifice [with an] exceeding lofty ‘steeple]’, Malcolm, (London Redivivum, 111, p. 491)Google Scholar ‘very chaste and beautiful, and the contour . . . grand and Jinely proportioned . . . The steeple is one of the handsomest in London.’ Phillips, H., Mid-Georgian London (London, 1964)Google ScholarPubMed, fig. 297.

83 Page 101. The London and Westminster Guide (1768), p. 42 thought this deprived the building of ‘a farther Transcendency in Merit’.!

84 Lambeth, MS 2690, p. 42, 16 July 1712.

85 Ralph, op. cit., p. 99.

86 The Grub-streetjoumal, No. 237 (11 July 1734), p. 1.

87 Scamozzi, O. B., Le Fabbriche e i Designi di Andrea Palladio (Venice, 1796), IV, pls III–IV, X, XVIGoogle Scholar; Kent, , The Designs of Inigo Jones, Vol. 11, pls 55, 60-63Google Scholar.

88 Friedman, T., ‘“Behold the Proud Stupendous Pile”: Eighteenth Century Reflections of St Paul’s Cathedral’, in Bold, J. and Chaney, E. (eds), English Architecture Public and Private (London, 1993), pp. 135-46Google Scholar.

89 Downes, English Baroque Architecture, pl. 418.

90 Kent, , The Designs of Inigo Jones, 1, pls 7–10, 14-17, 20-23, 28-31Google Scholar, particularly pl. 27.

91 A Book of Architecture, p. viii, pl. 30 left.

92 For example, St Magnus Martyr, 1671-66, and St Benet Gracechurch, 1681-86 (Jeffery, The City Churches, figs 43, 92).

93 Downes, English Baroque Architecture, pl. 405. Ralph, op. cit., p. 105, praised this feature as ‘handsome, and well proportion’d’. Gibbs’s St Giles design (Appendix: fol. 69) also features a domed steeple.

94 Dobie, The History of the United Parishes, p. 112.

95 Page viii, writing of St Mary-le-Strand.

96 Ralph, A Critical Review, p. 31.

97 The clock face was given its final curvaceous crown, a version of one in A Book of Architecture, pl. 29 middle.

98 One writer described the spire as ‘an Octagon Obelisk qarter’d or rusticated on a Pedestal’ (British Library, Add. MS 22,926, ‘Some Observations made in A Journey, begun June the 7th, and finish’d July the 9th. 1742’, fol. 41). Malcolm, , London Redivivum, 111, p. 491 Google Scholar, condemned it as ‘short and clumsy, and deformed by five horizontal bands’.

99 Anotfier Burlingtonian, Roger Morris, explored the problem at St Lawrence, Mereworth, Kent, 1744-46, where a soaring St Martin’s steeple rides a low Covent Garden-like body ( Parissien, S., ‘The Eclecticism of Roger Morris’ in Hind, C. (ed.), New Light on English Palladianism (London, 1988), pp. 52–54)Google Scholar.

100 Harris, British Architectural Books, pp. 129, 382.