¹ Calendar Patent Rolls Henry VI 1436–1441, p. 292. The licence is given in full in Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. Caley, J., Ellis, H., and Bandinel, B., vi, pt. III (London, 1830), pp. 1432–3.Google Scholar

² The best account of Ralph's career is Myatt-Price, E. M., ‘Ralph, Lord Cromwell (1394–1456)’, The Lincs. Historian, 2, No. 4 (1957), 4–13Google Scholar; see also Dictionary of National Biography, xxii (Oxford, 1921–2), pp. 515–17Google Scholar; Cokayne, G. E., The Complete Peerage, iii (London, 1913), pp. 552–3Google Scholar; and Curzon, Marquis of Kedleston and H. A. Tipping, Tattershall Castle, Lincolnshire (London, 1929), pp. 82–105Google Scholar.

³ For the Cromwell pedigree and the devolution of the manor and castle of Tattershall see my thesis, pp. 163–77, 249.

⁴ All these details are taken from Myatt-Price, op. cit., p. 5.

⁵ Cokayne, op. cit., p. 552.

⁶ Marquis Curzon and Tipping, op. cit., p. 37.

⁷ H.M.C, No. 72, p. 208.

⁸ Ibid., No. 219, p. 185.

⁹ Myatt-Price, op. cit., pp. 6–7.

¹⁰ Ibid., p. 6.

¹¹ Ibid., p. 9.

¹² Ibid., p. 10.

¹³ For Tattershall Castle see ‘The Building Accounts of Tattershall Castle 1434–1472’, ed. Simpson, W. Douglas, Lincoln Record Soc. lv (1960).Google Scholar

¹⁴ An inscription there read ‘Orate p aīa Dn̄i Radulphi Crumwell, qui Incepit hoc opus Ano Dn̄i 1450’ (Holies, p. 174).

¹⁵ ‘Testamenta Eboracensia, A Selection of Wills from the Registry at York, Part II’, Surtees Soc. xxx (1855), 199–200. In an indenture drawn up between 30th November 1446 and 23rd April 1469 by Ralph's executors, one of the outstanding charges is the estimated cost of £300 for building Lambley church (see Oxford, Magdalen College, Misc. 355 Cromwell Papers 432). But see also n. 32 below.

¹⁶ Holles, pp. 280, 335.

¹⁷ K.C.A., No. U.1475 T 326/6. A translation is given in H.M.C, No. 1045, pp. 204–6.

¹⁸ H.M.C., No. 6, p p. 172–3.

¹⁹ H.M.C., No. 219, p. 185.

²⁰ Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland Papal Letters, ii, pp. 159–65.

²¹ H.M.C., No. 220, p. 179

²² For example, in Pevsner, N. and Harris, J., The Buildings of England: Lincolnshire (Harmondsworth, 1964), p. 387.Google Scholar

²³ ‘Testamenta Eboracensia’, p. 197.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 199.

²⁵ K.C.A., No. U.1475 T 326/7 (H.M.C., No. 1046, p. 210).

²⁶ For the history of Fotheringhay see A. Hamilton Thompson, ‘The Statutes of the College of St. Mary and All Saints, Fotheringhay’, Arch. J. lxxv (1918), 241–309 and Marks, R., ‘The Glazing of Fotheringhay Church and College’, J.B.A.A. cxxxi (1978), 79–109Google Scholar. The contract is printed in Salzman, L. F., Building in England down to 1540 (Oxford, reprinted with corrections and additions, 1967), pp. 505–9.Google Scholar

²⁷ Calendar Patent Rolls Henry VI 1452–1461, pp. 161, 195

²⁸ See D.N.B., xx (Oxford, 1921–1922), 996–1000Google Scholar, for details of his career.

²⁹ These are published in H.M.C., No. 219, pp. 179–84, where they are dated c. 1460. T h e statutes were evidently based on those of Archbishop Courtenay's college at Maidstone (Kent), founded in 1439, for in 1459 Richard Hert was sent from Tattershall to copy them (H.M.C., No. 73, p. 212).

³⁰ For Gygur's career see Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, ii (Oxford. 1958), pp. 840–1.Google Scholar

³¹ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 23 (H.M.C., No. 221, pp. 185–6). In H.M.C. the memorandum is dated c. 1456. From the wording it was certainly drawn up after Cromwell's death, but as it also mentions internal fittings of the hall it probably dates from after 1457–8 (see above, p. 135). The significance of this memorandum is pointed out in Jacob, E. F., ‘Founders and Foundations in the Later Middle Ages’, Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. xxxv (1962), 43.Google Scholar

³² Oxford, Magdalen College, Misc. 355 (Cromwell Papers 432), datable to between 30th November 1466 and 23rd April 1469. Unfortunately this document could not be found when I visited the college, so I have taken the reference from McFarlane, K. B., The Nobility of Later Medieval England (Oxford, 1973) P. 49.Google Scholar In one document I was able to examine, of c. 1469, is a note that £5,981. 6s. 8d. was paid ‘restitut’ ex conscientia executorum’ (Misc. 357). Dating between 1459 and 1477 are a series of agreements between the executors and various landholders whereby the latter released their rights in various properties, or their claims against the former (Misc. 322, 354, 258). One of Ralph Cromwell's heirs, Joan, and her husband Humphrey Bourchier, appear to have been particularly troublesome over three manors, judging from an agreement dated 30th April 1468 (Misc. 253).

³³ Ibid., p. 97, citing Magdalen College Misc. 355

³⁴ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/1 (H.M.C, No. 219, p. 198).

³⁵ ‘The Building Accounts of Tattershall Castle 1434–1472’, p. 2. In the 1409–10 accounts for the tower of Beverley Bar, bricks are referred to as ‘tegulae’ and roofing tiles as ‘thaktill’. See Salzman, op. cit., p. 141.

³⁶ ‘The Building Accounts of Tattershall Castle 1434–1472’, PP. 4. 15, 19. 20–1, 26, 28, 30, 35–7.

³⁷ The brick foundations of the gatehouse and outer courtyard of the college were excavated in 1967. See Med. Arch, xii (1968), 168–9, xiii (1969), 247.

³⁸ Leynton was a member of Lincoln's Inn and the college's attorney (H.M.C, No. 223, p. 186).

³⁹ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 23 (H.M.C, No. 221, p. 186).

⁴⁰ K.C.A., No. U.1475 A 83 (H.M.C, No. 73, pp. 211–12).

⁴¹ Med. Arch, xii (1968), 169, fig. 43. I am grateful to Mr. Laurence Keen, the director of the excavations, for the information on the cropmarks.

⁴² Oxford, Magdalen College, Misc. 355 (Cromwell Papers 432). In the absence of the original document (see above, n. 32) I was forced to rely on the typescript catalogue for this reference.

⁴³ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/2 (H.M.C, No. 197, p. 198).

⁴⁴ ‘The Building Accounts of Tattershall Castle 1434–1472’, p. 5.

⁴⁵ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/3 (H.M.C, No. 216, p. 198).

⁴⁶ The precise meaning is not clear as the transepts also have clerestory windows. In this context ‘Cross Ile’ probably refers to the lower parts, i.e. the main windows, with those in the upper parts given a separate designation.

⁴⁷ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/4 (H.M.C, No. 217, pp. 198–9).

⁴⁸ See above, p. 142.

⁴⁹ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/5 (H.M.C, No. 218, p. 199).

⁵⁰ See above, pp. 139–41 for a transcript and detailed discussion of the section related to the glazing.

⁵¹ The summary of Cowper's career is taken from Harvey, J., comp., English Medieval Architects, A Biographical Dictionary Down to 1550 (London, 1954), pp. 77–8.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid., p. 77. The contract is printed in full in Salzman, op. cit., pp. 538–40.

⁵³ Harvey, op. cit., p. 77. See also ‘The Building Accounts of Kirby Muxloe Castle, 1480–84’, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton, Trans. Leics. Arch. Soc. xi (1913–1920), 193–345.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid., pp. 199–200, 234, 240–9, 253–6, 264–5, 268–71, 275–8, 281–3, 287, 294–5, 303, 305, 313. Harvey (op. cit., p. 77) says that Cowper probably designed the gatehouse of Esher (c. 1475–80) and Wainfleet school (1484) for Bishop Waynflete, but there is no documentary evidence to substantiate this.

⁵⁵ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/1.

⁵⁶ Salzman, op. cit., pp. 542–3. Harvey (op. cit., p. 20) suggests that Halsebrooke was the carpenter at Esher Palace.

⁵⁷ Holles, p. 187. His notes have been published: ‘Lincolnshire Church Notes made by Gervase Holies, A.D. 1634 to A.D. 1642’, ed. R. E. G. Cole, Lincoln Record Soc. i (1911).

⁵⁸ The contract is given in full in Salzman, op. cit., pp. 544–5.

⁵⁹ Holles, p. 186. 1424 pre-dates the founding of the college, so it is possible that the year was misread; the dates of the rood screen and screen between the transepts and choir suggest that 1524 is more likely.

⁶⁰ Ibid., p. 187.

⁶¹ Ibid., p. 189. For an account of the brasses and their indents see M. Stephenson, ‘Brasses in Tattershall Church, Lincolnshire’, Trans. Monumental Brass Soc. v (1904–9), 326–37, 371–80.

⁶² Marquis Curzon and Tipping, op. cit., p. 114.

⁶³ The will is given in Stephenson, op. cit., p. 378.

⁶⁴ Holles, p. 188. This screen was ruinous in 1762 (Gough, P. 174)-

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 189. The paint and gilding on this screen survived into the nineteenth century, when it was scraped off (Pickworth, M. A., History of Tattershall Lincolnshire, with its Collegiate Church and Castle (Lincoln, 1891), p. 32).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 16/3 (H.M.C, No. 205, p. 197).

⁶⁷ Marquis Curzon and Tipping, op. cit., p. 103.

⁶⁸ H.M.C, No. 17, pp. 176–7.

⁶⁹ H.M.C, No. 219, pp. 184–5.

⁷⁰ ‘Visitations in the Diocese of Lincoln 1517–31’, iii, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton, Lincoln Record Soc. xxxvii (1947), 111—13.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, vii(i883), No. 1121(9), p. 440.

⁷² H.M.C, No. 22, pp. 177–8.

⁷³ The church seems even barer now, having lost comparatively recently the paint and gilding on the stone screen and the wall-paintings of Death and Time on either side of the west door (Pickworth, op. cit., pp. 32–3).

⁷⁴ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/1 (H.M.C, No. 219, p. 198).

⁷⁵ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/4 (H.M.C, No. 217, p. 198).

⁷⁶ In 1349 John de Brampton was ordered to buy glass in Shropshire and Staffordshire for St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster (Salzman, L. F., ‘The Glazing of St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster, 1351–2’, J. Brit. Soc. Master Glass-Painters, i, No. 4 (1926), 14).Google Scholar In 1418 white glass for York Minster was bought from John Glasman of Rugeley (Staffs.) (Salzman, Building in England…., op. cit., p. 183, citing the York Fabric Rolls). For other references to Staffordshire glass-making see Pape, T., ‘Medieval Glass-workers in North Staffordshire’, Trans. North Staffordshire Field Club, lxviii (1933–1934), 74–121.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ For opposing views see Thorne, W. T., ‘Was Coloured Glass made in Medieval England? Parts I and II’, J. Brit. Soc. Master Glass-Painters, xii (1955–1999), 9–14Google Scholar, 108–16 and J. Lowe, ‘The Medieval English Glazier, Part I’, Ibid., xiii (1959–63), 428–9.

⁷⁸ K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 17/5 (H.M.C., No. 218, p. 199).

⁷⁹ Rackham, R. B., ‘The Nave of Westminster’, Proc. Brit. Acad. iv (1909–1910), 79Google Scholar, n. 3.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 79, n. 4.

⁸¹ Ibid., pp. 79–80.

⁸² For these dates see above, p, 151, and my thesis, pp. 77–81. There are no certain references to Thomas Wodshawe other than in the Tattershall accounts. In 1477 someone bearing this name witnessed a document concerning manors and lands in Gloucestershire, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire, i.e. the area in which the glazier was working, but unfortunately the document does not mention his trade or profession (Calendar Close Rolls, Edward IV, Edward V, Richard III, 1476–1483, P. 35).

⁸³ Major-General the Hon. Wrottesley, George, ‘Early Chancery Proceedings, Richard II to Henry VII’, Historical Collections Staffordshire, New Series, VII (1904), 273Google Scholar, 275, 283.

⁸⁴ Major-General the Hon. George Wrottesley, ‘Extracts from the Plea Rolls Temp. Edward IV, Edward V and Richard III‘, Ibid., New Series, VI (1903), 155.

⁸⁵ ‘Descriptive Catalogue of the Charters and Muniments belonging to the Marquis of Anglesey sometime preserved at Beaudesert but now at Plas Newydd, Isle of Anglesey’, comp. I. H. Jeayes, ibid. (1937), 178, No. 732.

⁸⁶ V.C.H., Staffordshire, iii (Oxford, 1970), p. 206.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ ‘Peterborough Local Administration’, ed. W. T. Mellows, Northamptonshire Record Soc. ix (1939), 9.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 12.

⁸⁹ London, Public Record Office, SC6/914/1. I owe this and the following five references to the kindness of Dr. Alan Rogers.

⁹⁰ Stamford Municipal Offices, Hall Book 1, f. 19.

⁹¹ Ibid., f. 22.

⁹² Calendar Patent Rolls, Edward IV, Edward V and Richard III, 1476–1485, p. 148. The document describes him as late of Stamford, but in the context this must be a mistake.

⁹³ Stamford Municipal Offices, Hall Book 1, f. 53.

⁹⁴ London, Public Record Office, E 210/1529.

⁹⁵ ‘Peterborough Local Administration’, pp. 71, 74, 84, 105, 107, 109, 112.

⁹⁶ The total costs for the Holy Cross and Seven Sacraments windows are the same as that for the Magnificat, and the Seven Sacraments window has the same area of glass as the latter.

⁹⁷ The 10d. price is calculated by dividing the total cost (£6. 4$.) by the number of square feet (156).

⁹⁸ The total costs of each ‘group’ of clerestory windows are mentioned in the accounts, and the 8d. rate is given for those executed by John Glasier.

⁹⁹ Salzman, L. F., ‘Mediaeval Glazing Accounts’, J. Brit. Soc Master Glass-Painters, iii (1929–1930), 28.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ The original contract is now lost, but it is printed in Dugdale, W., The Antiquities of Warwickshire, 2nd edn., i (London, 1730), pp. 446–7Google Scholar. Dugdale gives the date of the Chapel's completion as 1464, but the V.C.H. has 1462 (Warwickshire, viii (London, 1969), p. 526). Contrary to usual statements, this glazing is not the most expensive known in England. In 1401 William Burgh was paid 3s. 4d. per foot for work in Eltham Palace (Salzman, op. cit., 26).

¹⁰¹ Knowles, J. A., Essays in the History of the York School of Glass-Painting (London, 1936), p. 48.Google Scholar

¹⁰² The accounts are printed in Willis, R. and Clark, J. W., The Architectural History of the University of Cambridge and of the Colleges of Cambridge and Eton, i (Cambridge, 1886), pp. 393–4Google Scholar, 403.

¹⁰³ See above, pp. 142, 147–8.

¹⁰⁴ e.g. on 9th April 1351 John Cosin was paid 2s. for travelling from Westminster to Windsor in order to measure the windows. On 18th March 1352 payment was made for making cases to carry the glass panels from Westminster to Windsor, for hay and straw to be put in them, and for freighting them (Salzman, op. cit., ii (1927–8), 188). Another example is the glass of Winchester College. In 1393, 19s. 3d. was paid for two wagons going from Esher to Oxford and then to Clere and Winchester, carrying the glass made by Glazier, Thomas of Oxford (J. D. Le Couteur, Ancient Glass in Winchester (Winchester, 1920), pp. 63Google Scholar, 117).

¹⁰⁵ Holles, pp. 184–9.

¹⁰⁶ London, College of Arms, M S. 2 C.23, ff. 42^v-43^r. This manuscript is undated, but it is known that Chitting visited Lincolnshire in 1634 (London Survey Committee, The College of Arms (London, 1963), p. 124).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Gough, pp. 174–5.

¹⁰⁸ It is not quite clear whether or not the arms of Neville and Waynflete were in the glass. Just above this entry is the mention of the date of the rood loft, so they may have been carved or painted on this.

¹⁰⁹ See my thesis, p p. 40–1, for details.

¹¹⁰ The whole story is recounted in E. L. Grange, ‘The Removal of the Glass from Tattershall Church’, Lincolnshire Notes and Queries, i (1889), I–3.

¹¹¹ In 1756 there are payments on account of the glass and for wood for cases in which to pack the glass (Ibid., p. 3).

¹¹² Gough, p. 174. He does not mention St. Martin's, but the glass there is from the same series as the panels in Burghley House. Neither does Gough give the date of the gift to the Earl of Warwick, but it is in the window itself. No trace has been discovered of more Tattershall glass apparently decorating the summer house of an eighteenth-century rector of Louth (Lincs.) (see C. Woodforde, ‘Ancient Glass in Lincolnshire. III. Tattershall—The History of the Glass’, The Lincolnshire Magazine, i, No. II (May-June 1934), 367).

¹¹³ Pickworth, op. cit., p. 53.

¹¹⁴ Gough, p. 174, n. 3.

¹¹⁵ Pickworth, op. cit., p. 37.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., p. 39.

¹¹⁷ Glass remaining in these two windows is mentioned in Weir, G., A Topographical Account of Tattershall in the County of Lincoln (Horncastle, 1813), p. 11.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Peckitt's Commission Book (York City Art Gallery Box D3), ff. 6^r and 6^V. I owe these references to the kindness of Mr. Trevor Brighton. A quarry in either window s III or s IV once bore this inscription: ‘William Pecket, Ebor., fecit, 1760’ (Lincolnshire Notes and Queries, i (1889), 76).

¹¹⁹ Medieval and later glass from several other places is also incorporated in the scheme.

¹²⁰ Gough, p. 174, n. 3.

¹²¹ T. Willement, Works Executed in Stained Glass, privately printed, 1840, p. 62.

¹²² Peckitt was paid for six windows at St. Martin's, but only five containing ancient glass can be seen there. The sixth thus appears to be that at Warwick.

¹²³ Grange, op. cit.

¹²⁴ Pickworth, op. cit., pp. 37–8.

¹²⁵ Dixon, A. E., ‘Shields in Ancient Glass in the Church of St. Martin, Stamford Baron in the County of Northampton’, Associated Architectural Society Reports and Papers, xxxvii (1923–1925), 316–21.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ C. Woodforde, ‘Ancient Glass in Lincolnshire. III. Tattershall—The History of the Glass’, The Lincolnshire Magazine, i, No. II (May-June 1934), 363–7, and ‘IV. Tattershall—The Glass that Remains’, ibid, ii, No. IX (January—February 1936), 265–7.

¹²⁷ Binnall, P. B. G., ‘The Remaining Painted Glass in Tattershall Church, Lincolnshire’, J. Brit. Soc. Master Glass-Painters, vii (1937–1939), 80–5.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ pevsner and Harris, op. cit., p. 389.

¹²⁹ Binnall, P. B. G., The Collegiate Church of the Holy Trinity, Tattershall, Lincs. (Gloucester, 1962), pp. 13–25.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, The Town of Stamford (London, 1977), pp. 19–21.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Now in Mr. Dennis King's possession at Norwich.

¹³² The National Monuments Record has photographs of these.

¹³³ For a full catalogue see my thesis, pp. 250–327.

¹³⁴ At the time of writing (1977) there are plans for this glass to be removed for conservation and rearrangement.

¹³⁵ The distinction between main and tracery light subjects can be made from the shape and size of the surviving panels, and from a comparison of their measurements with those of the actual windows. For a detailed analysis of the iconography see my thesis, pp. 191–237.

¹³⁶ Almost all of the inscriptions are identical with those in the ‘Biblia Pauperum’, and most of the scenes are based upon its woodcuts. For the dating of the ‘Biblia Pauperum’ see A. Stevenson, ‘The Quincentennial of Netherlandish Blockbooks’, Brit. Mus. Q. xxxi (1966–7), 83–7.

¹³⁷ See above, p. 134.

¹³⁸ K.C.A., Nos. U.1475 Q 18/1, Q 18/2, Q 18/3 (H.M.C., Nos. 224, 213, 214, pp. 190–2).

¹³⁹ In 1479, 5s. 2d. was paid on a declaration made by Erneys at the time of his pilgrimage (K.C.A., No. U.1475 Q 19/1, H.M.C., No. 198, pp. 192–3).

¹⁴⁰ The motto occurs over the chapel door at Magdalen College.

¹⁴¹ Precisely what went where can be deduced from a comparison of the dimensions and shapes of the surviving panels with the chancel window lights. Further proof that the various panels described above belong together lies in the fact that they are all related stylistically; also only chancel glass was removed to Stamford.

¹⁴² See above, p. 142.

¹⁴³ It is, of course, possible that the remaining contents of the north window were transferred to the south transept between the dates of the visits by Holles and Gough.

¹⁴⁴ The fragments may have come from one of the two St. Catherine windows; see my thesis, Chapter Eight, p. 218.

¹⁴⁵ See above, pp. 151–2, for a summary, and Chapter Five of my thesis for details.

¹⁴⁶ It is possible, however, that either Style 5 or Style 6 was the work of whichever one of Glasier or Wymondeswalde was not responsible for Style 4.

¹⁴⁷ For the traditional view see especially Med. Christ. Im., pp. 50–4, and B. Rackham, ‘The Glass-Paintings of Coventry and its Neighbourhood’, Walpole Soc. xix (1930–1), 89–110. Dr. P. A. Newton was the first to draw attention to the origin and widespread distribution of the style (Schools of Glass Painting in the Midlands 1275–1430, University of London, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 1961, pp. 98–134).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ e.g. the figure of Bishop Alnwick of Lincoln (1436–49) in Lyddington Bedehouse (Rutland) and the glazing of St. John's church at Stamford (Lincs.) of 1451, are very close to glass of the first third of the century at Wrangle (Lincs.) and Rushden (Northants.). See my thesis, pp. 66–7.

¹⁴⁹ This point has been made in Rickert, M., Painting in Britain: The Middle Ages, 2nd edn. (Harmondsworth, 1965), p. 249Google Scholar, n. 2a, and in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1^er Exhibition Catalogue, English Illuminated Manuscripts 700–1500 (Brussels, 1973), p. 91.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ London, British Library, Harley MS. 4605 (Rickert, op. cit., pp. 182–3).

¹⁵¹ See above, p. 145.

¹⁵² See above, p. 136. Other Netherlandish block-books were copied in England from the third quarter of the fifteenth century; see Pächt, O. and Alexander, J. J. G., Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 3: British, Irish, and Icelandic Schools (Oxford, 1973)Google Scholar, No. 1110, p. 96, pl. ciii.

¹⁵³ See above, p. 140.

¹⁵⁴ See L. Grodecki, ‘The Jacques Coeur Window at Bourges’, Magazine of Art, xlii (1949), 64–7. The author points out that this window was also strongly influenced by Flemish art.

¹⁵⁵ Aubert, M., et al., Le Vitrail Français (Paris, 1958), pls. 143Google Scholar and 50.

¹⁵⁶ Englishmen were by no means strangers to Flemish art in the middle of the fifteenth century. In 1446 Sir Edward Grymestone commissioned his portrait from Petrus Christus (Earl of Verulam Collection, on loan to the National Gallery), and there was considerable Netherlandish influence on English sculpture from the late 1440s (see Stone, L., Sculpture in Britain: The Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1955), pp. 204–10)Google Scholar and on manuscripts about a decade later; Cambridge, Trinity College, MS. R.14.5, executed for Thomas Chaundler between 1457 and 1461, and several other manuscripts suggest very strongly that Flemish illuminators were resident in England at this time (see Scott, K. L., ‘A Mid-Fifteenth-Century English Illuminating Shop and its Customers’, J. Warburg and Courtauld Insts. xxxi (1968), 170–96).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵⁷ These include Coughton nave south aisle west window, Warwick Castle chapel east window (from Tattershall), Coventry St. Mary's Hall north window (Warwicks.), Church Lench, Holt, Worcester All Saints’ church, and Great and Little Malvern Priories (Worcs.), Ludlow (Salop), Stockerston (Leics.), Browne's Hospital, St. John's (a very early example dating from 1451) and St. Martin's churches at Stamford, and some fragments at Tattershall (Lines.). In Gloucestershire there are the St. Christopher at Bledington, *he east window at Buckland, the fragment in the vestry at Ashleworth, the east window of Gloucester Cathedral Lady Chapel, and Cirencester nave south aisle window, as well as the Anglo-Flemish glass of Fairford.

¹⁵⁸ Dunston, Long Melford, Worlingworth and Yaxley (Suffolk), Clavering and Thaxted (Essex), Nettlestead and the ‘Royal’ Window in Canterbury Cathedral (Kent).

¹⁵⁹ See my thesis, Chapter Four.

¹⁶⁰ See above, p. 139.

¹⁶¹ This glass has been discovered since the completion of my thesis.

¹⁶² The heads were not included in the thesis.

¹⁶³ I owe this suggestion to Mr. Nigel Morgan.

¹⁶⁴ See my thesis, Chapter Five.

¹⁶⁵ For the variety of workshops at Chartres see L. Grodecki in Aubert, et al., Le Vitrail Français, pp. 129–34, and the same author's ‘Le Maître de Saint Eustache de la Cathédrale de Chartres’, Gedenkschrift Ernst Gall (Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1965), PP. 171–94.

¹⁶⁶ For Prudde, see above, p. 140. For John Glasier see Hutchinson, op. cit. For the three York glaziers see Aylmer, G. E. and Cant, R., A History of York Minster (Oxford, 1977), pp. 331Google Scholar, 358–9, 364–7 (with further bibliography). Robert Lyen is discussed in F. M. Drake, ‘The Fourteenth Century Stained Glass of Exeter Cathedral’, Reports and Transactions of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art, xliv (1912), 238–47, and Peghe in Rackham, B., ‘The Ancient Windows of Christ's College Chapel, Cambridge’, Arch. J. cix (1952), 132–42Google Scholar. For King's College Chapel see H. Wayment, The Windows of King's College Chapel, Cambridge (Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi, Great Britain, Supplementary Volume 1) (London, 1972), pp. 1–4, 11–15, 22–9. Thomas Glazier is discussed in C. Woodforde, The Stained Glass of New College, Oxford (Oxford, 1951), Le Couteur, op. cit., J. H. H. Harvey and D. G. King, ‘Winchester College Stained Glass’, Arch, ciii (1971). 149–77.