^{page 330 note 1} Grid reference: SU 743735.

^{page 330 note 2} Registered No. in. 66. 1/6. Report on the bones p. 344, below.

^{page 330 note 3} Petersen, J., De Norske Vikingesverd (1919), pp. 89 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 330 note 1} Lorange, A. L., Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd (1889), Tab. 1, 3, 11, 2Google Scholar; Kirpichnikov, A. N., Drevne russkoye Oruzhiye. Vypusk pyervyi Myecki i Sabli IX-XIII vv. (Svod Arkheologicheskikh Istochnikov El–36) (1966), Taf. xviGoogle Scholar; Leppaäho, J., Spateisenzeitliche Waffen aus Finnland (1964), Taf. 17, 2a, b, Taf. 18–21Google Scholar.

^{page 330 note 5} Lorange, , op. cit. (1889), Tab. iv, 2, iv, 1Google Scholar; Kirpichnikov, , op. cit. (1966), Taf. XVII, 7, XVIII, 1 and 2Google Scholar.

^{page 330 note 6} Armstrong, E. C. R., ‘Irish Bronze Pins of the Christian Period’, Archaeologia, lxxii, 71–86Google Scholar.

^{page 330 note 7} Shetelig, H., Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland (1940), iiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 330 note 8} Stenberger, M., Die Schatzfunde Gotland; der Wikingerzeit, i (1958), 74 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 332 note 1} Thompson, J. D. A., Inventory of British Coin Hoards (1956), pl. XVIII, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 332 note 2} Armstrong, , op. cit., pl. xiv, 4, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 332 note 3} Bu'lock, J. D., ‘The Celtic, Saxon and Scandinavian Settlement at Meols in Wirral’, Trans. Hist. Soc. Lanes, and Cheshire cxii (1960), fig. 5j, k.Google Scholar

^{page 332 note 4} Ibid., fig. 5j.

^{page 332 note 5} Petersen, J., Vikingetidens Smykker (1928), pp. 193 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 332 note 6} Almgren, D. et al., The Viking (1966), p. 205, fig. 6Google Scholar.

^{page 332 note 7} Bersu, G. and Wilson, D., Three Viking Graves in the Isle of Man (1966), fig. 32, pp. 68 and 67 respectivelyGoogle Scholar.

^{page 332 note 8} Arbman, H., Birka I (1940), graves 490, 176, 476, 471, 1076Google Scholar.

^{page 332 note 9} Evison, V. I., ‘A Decorated Seax from the Thames at Keen Edge Ferry’, Berks. Arch. Journ. lxi (1963/1964), 30Google Scholar.

^{page 332 note 10} Ibid., pl. II c, d.

^{page 332 note 11} Wilson, D. M., Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalwork 800–1100 A.D. (1964), pl. XXIV, 43Google Scholar(where the scale 8/5 is a misprint for 5/8).

^{page 332 note 12} Waterman, D., ‘Late Saxon, Viking and Early Medieval Finds from York’, Archaeologia, xcvii (1959), fig. 7, 1 and 2Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 1} Genrich, A., Der Gemischbelegte Friedhof von Dorverden (1963), Tafs. 8.5, 9.10, 10.12, 10.13Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 2} Germania, xx (1936), 200, Taf. 42, 1,3Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 3} Rygh, O., Norske Oldsager (1880), fig. 539Google Scholar; Serning, I., Dalarnas Jarndlder (1966), pl. 25, 15Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 4} Rygh, , op. cit. (1880), fig. 541Google Scholar; Serning, , op. cit. (1966), pl. 25, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 5} Ibid., p. 48.

^{page 333 note 6} A possible fifth burial has been suggested at Gooderstone, Norfolk, where a sword was brought up by a plough. It is bent as some swords are in Viking burials, but as this may have been caused by the plough a funerary origin is doubtful. Wilson, D. M., ‘Some Neglected Late Anglo-Saxon Swords’, Med. Arch, ix (1965), 35Google Scholar; Wilson, D. M., ‘Archaeological Evidence for the Viking Settlements and Raids in England’, Fruhmittel-alterliche Studien 2 (1968), pp. 291–304.Google Scholar Mr. Wilson tells me that in the map of Viking grave finds, fig. 1, p. 295, the site of Mileham has been marked in error for Gooderstone, which is about 15 miles to the south-west.

^{page 333 note 7} Bury and W. Suffolk Arch. Soc. iv (1874), 208Google Scholar; Arch. 1 (1887), 531Google Scholar; V.C.H. Norfolk, i (1901), 347–9 and 329, fig. 12Google Scholar; British Museum Guide to Anglo-Saxon Antiquities (1923), p. 94Google Scholar; Shetelig, , op. cit. iv (1940), 12–13, fig. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 333 note 8} Petersen, , op. cit. (1919), pp. 112 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 333 note 9} Evison, V. I., ‘A Sword from the Thames at Wallingford Bridge’, Arch. Journ. cxxiv (1968), 181Google Scholar; cf.Wilson, , op. cit., (1965), 32–54Google Scholar, Fiskerton, 33, pl. we and III a, Kersey, 37, pl. IV B, C, Langora, 38, pl. VA, Wensum pl. VIB, Wensley pl. VIIIA; for the blade see Anstee, J. W. and Biek, L., ‘A Study in Pattern-welding’, Med. Arch, v (1961), 71–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 334 note 1} Almgren, , op. cit. (1966), pp. 200 and 202Google Scholar; cf. 209 for the method of manufacture.

^{page 334 note 2} Petersen, , op. cit. (1928), pp. 59 ff.Google Scholar; Rygh, , op. cit. (1880), fig. 652.Google Scholar Two other brooches of this type have been found in the British Isles: Brøgger, A. W., Den Norske Bosetningen pa Shetland-Orknoyene (1903)Google Scholar, Skrifter utgitt av det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo II Hist. Filos. Kl. 1930, no. 3, Reay, fig. 98, Tiree, fig. 137; Paulsen, P., Studien zur Wikinger-Kultur (1933), pp. 67–8Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 3} Laking, G., European Arms and Armour, i (1920), 16, fig. 20Google Scholar; Wheeler, R. E. M., London and the Vikings (1927), p. 32, fig. 15Google Scholar; Hatley, A. R., ‘Early Days in the Walthamstow District’, Wal-thamstow Ant. Soc. Official Pubn., no. 28 (1933), 24–5Google Scholar; Wheeler, R. E. M., London and the Saxons (1935). pp. 183–4, pl. XVIIGoogle Scholar; Shetelig, , op. cit. iv (1940), 12Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 4} P.S.A. 2nd ser., iii (1864-1867), 461Google Scholar; Dunning, G. C. and Evison, V. I., ‘The Palace of West-minister Sword’, Archaeologia, xcviii (1961), pl. XXXVIIbGoogle Scholar.

^{334 5} Stukeley, W., Abury (1743), pp. 41–2, 49Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 6} Petersen, J., Vikingetidens Redskaper (1951), fig. 16; cf. Rygh 574Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 7} Waterman, , op. cit. (1959), fig. 8, 1Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 8} Petersen, , op. cit. (1951), fig. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 334 note 9} I am grateful to Professor R.J. C.Atkinson who kindly pointed this out to me as follows:

‘The Bodleian MS. Eng. misc. c. 323 is entitled “The History of the Temples of the Antient Celts”, and is written and paginated in Stukeley's hand. It appears to be the original draft of what was later published by Stukeley in his A bury (1743); ant^ Stuart Piggott tells me that he thinks for various reasons that it was written by Stukeley while he was staying at the Catherine Wheel in Avebury (now the Red Lion) in 1723. Th e relevant passage (p. 158) reads as follows:

“In the year 1723 M r Holford owner of the Lordship ordered some trees to be planted at top for which purpose they sunk a great hole in the middle of the area & filld it with mold for the hill is composd entirely of chalk they found the bones of a man but excessively rotten, out of his jawbone they pulld his teeth… there were likewise abundance of deers horns, which were were very rotten & an iron knife with a bone handle And two brass bits of money all which things are now in Mr Holfords hands, but an old iron bridle of an unusual shape & for what use I can't imagine that was found this year in making a way up to the hill I bought of John Fowler who took it up & gave the former information being workman there.”

This makes it clear, I think, beyond any doubt that the bridle-bit was not associated with the burial on the top. Notwithstanding this, Stukeley wrote in his Abury twenty years later (p. 42) that “it was the bridle buried along with this monarch”.

Evans, Joan, in her History of the Society of Antiquaries (1956), p. 121,Google Scholar gives a reference to and a quotation from B.M. Egerton MS. 2381, describing Stukeley's exhibition of the Silbury bit to the Antiquaries on 15th February, 1759. So far as I know that was its last public appearance, and I have not been able to trace any subsequent reference to its survival.’

^{335 1} Smith, H. Eckroyd, ‘An Ancient Cemetery at Saffron Walden’, Trans. Essex Arch. Soc. ii, N.S (1884), pl. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 335 note 2} Ibid., pl. IX.

^{page 335 note 3} Ibid., pl. VIII, 8.

^{page 337 note 1} Arch. Journ. cxix (1962), 186–7Google Scholar; Wilson, , op. cit. (1964), pp. 62–3Google Scholar; Arch. Cant, lxxxii (1967), 282–3Google Scholar; and one with a missing panel was found at Lansdown, Bath, Som., Arch. News Letter, v (1955), 252Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 2} Smith, , op. cit. (1884), p. 328, pl. xi, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 3} Petersen, , op. cit. (1951), fig. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 4} Waterman, , op. cit. (1959), fig. 8, 1Google Scholar.

^{337 5} Smith, , op. cit. (1884), p. 313Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 6} Ravetz, A. and Spencer, G., ‘Excavation of the Battle Ditches, Saffron Walden’, Trans. Essex Arch. Soc. 3rd ser., i (1962), 1–16Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 7} Brown, G. Baldwin, The Arts in Early England, iii (1915), 171–2, pl. XVI, 2Google Scholar; V.C.H. Essex, i, 329–30, figs. 4–10; Brøndsted, J., Early English Ornament (1924), p. 255, fig. 182Google Scholar; Kendrick, T. D., Late Saxon and Viking Art (1949), p. 38, pl. LXXXIII, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 337 note 8} Antiq. Journ. xxxvi (1956), 70–1Google Scholar; ibid. xxxvii (1957), 220–2; Wilson, , op. cit. (1964), pp. 48–9Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 1} Stenberger, , op. cit. i (1958), 32 ff. Textabb. 1 and 2Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 2} Stenberger, , op. cit. ii (1947), Textabb. 44Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 3} Ibid., Textabb. 30.

^{page 338 note 4} Petersen, , op. cit. (1928), fig. 121Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 5} Jankuhn, H., ‘Sechs Karten zum Handel des 10 Jahrhunderts im westlichen Ostseebecken’, Archaeologla Geographies, i (1950), 8–16, Karte 1Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 6} Jankuhn, H., Haithabu, Ein Handelsplatz der Wikingerzeit (1956), Taf. 12bGoogle Scholar.

^{page 338 note 7} Strömberg, M., Untersuchungen zur jüngeren Eisenzeit in Schonen (1961), Taf. 74, 4Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 8} Jankuhn, , op. cit. (1950), Karte 3Google Scholar.

^{page 338 note 9} Arbman, H., Birka I (1940), Taf. 70, 7Google Scholar.

^{page 340 note 1} Smith, , op. cit. (1884), p. 321Google Scholar.

^{page 340 note 2} Wilson, , op. cit. (1964), p. XVIIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 340 note 3} Jankuhn, H., Die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu (1937-1939, 1943), Taf. 3fGoogle Scholar; Antiq. Journ. xxviii (1948), 181, fig. 1Google Scholar from Ballinaby, Islay. This perhaps is the reason for the mention of a pin by Ravetz, and Spencer, , op. cit. (1962), p. 13Google Scholar, of which there is no other trace.

^{page 340 note 4} Stenberger, , op. cit. ii. (1947), Abb. 171, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 340 note 5} Arbman, , op cit. (1940), Taf. 117, 8Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 1} V.C.H. Cambs. i (1938), pl. x, l, oGoogle Scholar.

^{page 341 note 2} Ibid., p. 322, pl. XIId.

^{page 341 note 3} Meaney, A., A Gazetteer of Early Anglo- Saxon Burial Sites (1964), p. 171Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 4} Shetelig, , op. cit. (1940), iv. 12Google Scholar and (1954), vi. 80–1, 242. Seaby, W. A. ‘Late Dark Age Finds from the Cherwell and Ray’, Oxon. xv (1950), 29–43Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 5} P.S.A. 2nd ser., xxii (1908), 79–80, figs. 18–22; Shetelig, , op. cit. (1940), iv, 11Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 6} Evison, V. I., ‘Sugar-loaf Shield Bosses’, Antiq. Journ. xliii (1963), 46–7, 62, figs. 26 c-h, 27, 28 a-hGoogle Scholar.

^{page 341 note 7} Antiq. Journ. xi (1931), 5Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 8} Ibid, xlix (1969), 108.

^{page 341 note 9} Shetelig, , op. cit. (1954), pp. 95–6, 72Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 10} Wilson, D. M., ‘The Vikings’ Relationship with Christianity in Northern England’, J.B.A.A. 3rd ser., xxx (1967), 37–46Google Scholar.

^{page 342 note 1} Arch. Journ. viii (1851), 425Google Scholar; Evison, , op. cit. (1968), 165–6, fig. 8fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 342 note 2} Davies, R. H. C., ‘East Anglia and the Danelaw’, Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 5th. ser., v (1955), 23–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sawyer, P. H., The Age of the Vikings (1962)Google Scholar.

^{page 343 note 1} Kendrick, , op. cit. (1949), pls. LXVII, LXVIIIGoogle Scholar.