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Henry Lakenham, Marbler of London, and a Tomb Contract of 1376

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 November 2011

John Blair
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Summary

The marblers Richard and Henry Lakenham, perhaps father and son, worked in London during the period c. 1355–87. In 1376 Henry contracted to supply a tomb comprising a freestone effigy resting on a plain marble chest with a moulded ledger and brass shields and inscription. This monument (now lost) seems to have resembled the standard tomb-chests of London ‘series B’ brasses. Henry Lakenham's suggested association with this workshop tradition is strengthened by the fact that William West, a known major producer of ‘B’ brasses in the early fifteenth century, was his apprentice.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Antiquaries Journal , Volume 60 , Issue 1 , March 1980 , pp. 66 - 74
Copyright
Copyright © The Society of Antiquaries of London 1980

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References

NOTES

1 Stone, L., Sculpture in Britain: the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1955), p. 182Google Scholar.

2 Kent, J. P. C., ‘Monumental brasses-a new classification of military effigies’, J.B.A.A. 3rd ser., xii (1949), 70–97Google Scholar;Stone, op. cit., n. 1, pp. 184–6.

3 References cited McLees, D., ‘Henry Yevele: disposer of the King's works of masonry’, J.B.A.A. 3rd ser., xxxvi (1973), 62Google Scholar. The contracts are printed Rymer, T., Foedera, vii (1709), 795–8Google Scholar.

4 Lethaby, W. R., Westminster Abbey and the King's Craftsmen (London, 1906), p. 289Google Scholar; Harvey, J., Henry Yevele (London, 1944), pp. 35, 66–7Google Scholar.However McLees, loc. cit., n. 3 concludes that ‘the designer of Edward Ill's tomb is quite unknown’.

5 Norris, M., Monumental Brasses: the Memorials (London, 1977), i, pp. 52–3Google Scholar. Yevele had a tenement in St. Paul's churchyard containing ‘marble and latten goods’ (Harvey, J., English Medieval Architects (London, 1954). P. 318)Google Scholar.

6 A lost contract of 1381 for a brass in York Minster is known from a later abstract:Harvey, J., Medieval Craftsmen (London, 1975), p. 162Google Scholar; Badham, S., Brasses from the North East (London, 1979), pp. 15–16Google Scholar.

7 Original, Northamptonshire Record Office SS 4239; printed (with many errors)Hartshome, A., The Recumbent Monumental Effigies of Northamptonshire (London, 1876), p. 117Google Scholar.

8 Original, printed Bark, G. M., ‘A London alabasterer in 1421’, Antiq.J. xxix (1949), 89–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 For migration to London see Thrupp, S. L., The Merchant Class of Medieval London (Chicago, 1948), pp. 206–22Google Scholar. A marbler named Gilbert de Corfe was admitted freeman of Norwich in 1349 and worked on the Cathedral Priory cloister (L'Estrange, J. and Rye, W., Calendar of the Freemen of Norwich (London, 1888), vii, p. 38)Google Scholar. For the use of Purbeck in the Priory see Fernie, E. C. and Whittingham, A. B., The Early Communar and Pittancer Rolls of Norwich Cathedral Priory, Norfolk Rec. Soc. xli (1972), 38Google Scholar.

10 Colvin, H. M. (ed.), History of the King's Works, i (London, 1963), pp. 521–2Google Scholar.

11 Cf. the Corfe marbler Thomas Canon, who made stone images for Westminster Hall in 1385 (Colvin, op. cit., n. 10, i, p. 528).

12 Cal. London Letter-Book G, p. 172Google Scholar; Cal.Close R. 1364–8, p. 489Google Scholar.

13 Cal. Pat. R. 1367–70, p. 25Google Scholar; Surrey fines, P.R.O. CP25(i)/2 30/57(22).

14 Cal. Close R. 136–74, p. 470Google Scholar; Kerling, N. J. M., The Cartulary of St. Bartholomew's Hospital (London, 1973), No. 272Google Scholar. Richard Lakenham is perhaps identical with the Richard Marborer who was acting on behalf of St. Bartholomew's Hospital in 1380 (Cal. Close R. 1377–81, pp. 478–9).

15 Cal. London Plea and Mem. Rolls 1364–81, pp. 175–6Google Scholar.

16 First register of London Commissary Court wills, Guildhall Lib. MS. 9171/1 fo. 154 v.

17 Norris, M., Monumental Brasses: the Craft (London, 1978), pp. 81, 116Google Scholar.

18 John Ramsey III was more a contemporary of Richard Lakenham, and there is no evidence that he made tombs (Harvey, op. cit., n. 5, p. 214). Thomas Canon and John Mapilton only became prominent at about the time of Henry Lakenham's death (ibid., pp. 51, 177).

19 E210/6436. Dimensions 21·3 X 11·6 cm. Indented at head. Turn-up threaded with three seal-tags, showing that this was the copy sealed by the purchasers and kept by the marbler. No endorsement.

20 et quod remanet written twice.

21 Sic MS.

22 Cal. Inq. P.M. xiv, 184–5Google Scholar. For Loveyne see Lambert, U., Godstone: a Parish History (1929), pp. 132–52Google Scholar; Sheppard, W. L. jnr, ‘Sir Nicholas de Loveyne and his two wives’, Genealogists' Magazine, xv (1965-1968), 251–4, 284–9Google Scholar.

23 Lambeth Palace Lib., Reg. Sudbury fo. 86; made 20th September 1375, proved 25t h November. A very incomplete abstract of the will is printed by Nichols, N. H., Testamenta Vetusta, i (London, 1826), pp. 98–9Google Scholar.

24 Cal. Pat. JR. 1374–7, pp. 213–4Google Scholar.

25 tost MS.

26 Kingsford, C. L. (ed.), Stow's Survey of London, ii (Oxford, 1908), p. 287Google Scholar.

27 See Clapham, A. W., ‘On the topography of the Cistercian abbey of Tower Hill’, Archaeologia, lxvi (1951), 353–64Google Scholar.

28 Or possibly ‘painted with his coat of arms’; cf. the will of Sir Pembruge, Richard de (1368) which asks for ‘uno cheval-ritto de petra cisso de armis meis’ (Cal. Husting Wills ii, p. 188)Google Scholar.

29 Dr. Amanda Simpson suggests to me that a medieval French word meanin g ‘niches’ is intended, citing a reference to the painting of ‘touz les aysshelers et touz les ymages deinz ycelles’ around the tomb of Blanche duchess of Lancaster in 1380 (Lodge, E. C. and Somerville, R., John of Gaunt's Register 1379–1383, i (Camden 3rd ser. lvi, London, 1937), No. 231)Google Scholar. But ‘a base and niches of marble’ seem s a strange way of saying ‘a marble tom b and a marble base decorate d with niches’, while the text reads ‘in quo assheler’ where this interpretation would require quibus. ‘Ashlar’ in the normal English sense still seem s to me the preferable interpretation. Mrs. Helen Suggett corroborates this from her study of Anglo-French usage.

30 e.g., £40 set aside in 1372 by John earl of Pembroke for his tomb (Lambeth Palace Lib., Reg. Sudbury fo. 9i v ); £40 and £22 13s. d. in the Lowick and Bisham Abbey contracts respectively.

31 Cf. the tomb contracts of 1312, 1325 and 1339 printed Dehaisnes, C., Documents et extraits divers concernant I'histoire de I'art dans la Flandre, VArtois et le Hainault (Lille, 1886), pp. 202–3, 261–3, 330–3Google Scholar; and building contracts printed in Salzman, L. F., Building in England (Oxford, 1952)Google Scholar.

32 This is specified in the Bisham Abbey contract, and occurs on Archbishop Langham's tomb at Westminster (cf. n. 3).

33 Adhémar, J., Les tombeaux de la collection Gaignieres (Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Paris, 07-09 1974), Nos. 54, 611, 641, 657, 670, 724, 752, 763, 800, 827, 846, 885, 1036, 1039Google Scholar.

34 Effigy illustr. Stothard, C. A., The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain (London, 1817)Google Scholar.

35 e.g., Winterbourne (Glos.), c. 1400, illustr. Fryer, A. C., ‘Monumental effigies made by Bristol craftsmen’, Archaeologia, lxxiv (1925), pl. vGoogle Scholar.

36 Somner, W., The Antiquities of Canterbury (London, 1640), p. 264Google Scholar.

37 Bodleian Lib. Gough Maps 222, opposite pp. 120, 131.

38 The tomb is clearly not in situ, and two rough-worked panels in one end must be either re-used or replacements. The badly eroded original panels retain a baffling (and probably incomplete) pattern of rivet-plugs which may reflect large asymmetrical achievements on the sides of the tomb.

39 Illustr. Harvey, J. H., Catherine Swyn-ford's Chantry (Lincoln Minster Pamphlets, 2nd ser. No. 6), together with a drawing of 1640 showing the brasses in situGoogle Scholar.

40 Illustr. Norris, op. cit., n. 17, pls. 163–5, together with a drawing of 1641 showing the complete tomb.

41 Illustr. V.C.H. Warwicks. iii, opposite p. 190.

42 Rather later, brasses of th e related ‘series D’ were set on similar tombs, as at Thame (Oxon.), c. 1425Google Scholar.

43 The reference to the effigy in the past tense (concessit et vendidit) may possibly suggest that it was a stock figure already in the workshop, perhaps obtained from a freestone carver.

44 Emmerson, R., ‘Monumental brasses: London design c. 1420–85’, J.B.A.A. cxxxi (1978), 65–8Google Scholar; Norris, op. cit., n. 17, pp. 81–2. indications that a few important brasses were made or purveyed by major architects (Harvey, op. cit., n. 6, pp. 160–1; and cf. notes 3–5) need not affect our view of the trade as a whole: specialist marblers would scarcely have subcontracted to such men.

45 Kent, op. cit., n. 2, 94.

46 Emmerson, op. cit., n. 44, 52–8, 66–7.

47 The similarity between ‘B’ brasses of 1412 and 1454 at Standon (Herts.) and Morley (Derbys.) is the most striking illustration of this conservatism (Norris, op. cit., n. 17, figs. 89–90).

48 The overseer of Loveyne's will (n. 23) was Bishop William de Wykeham, who presumably ordered the ‘series B’ brass still remaining at Bray (Berks.) when the choice of this monument was placed in his hands in 1378 (Emmerson, op. cit., n. 44, 51; illustr. Norris, op. cit., n. 17, fig. 174). It is tempting to suggest that he patronized the same marbler on both occasions.

49 The contract is printed by permission of the Controller of H.M.S.O. The upper part of fig. 2 is based on a drawing kindly made by Mr. Jeffrey West. For information and comments I am most grateful to Miss Sally Badham, Messrs. Claude Blair, Howard Colvin, Robin Emmerson, Eric Fernie, Miss Elizabeth Gue, Dr. John H. Harvey, Messrs. Philip Lankester, Ronald Lightbown, Nicholas Mac-michael, Malcolm Norris, Nigel Ramsay, Dr. Amanda Simpson, Miss Philippa Tudor and Mr. Arthur Whittingham.