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⁷ For example, Wernicke, K., ‘Die Proedria und der Hellanodikeon’, in Jahrb. des deutsch. arch. Inst., 9 (1894), 129–31Google Scholar; Dyer, L., ‘The Olympian Council House and Council’, Havard Stud. Classical Philol., 19 (1908), 1–61, particularly 1–4 and 55–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gardiner, E.N., Olympia, its History and Remains (Oxford, 1925), 271–4Google Scholar; Dress, L., Olympia, Gods, Artists and Athletes (London, 1968), 128–9Google Scholar; Herrmann, H.-V., Olympia, Heiligtum und Wettkampfstätte (Munich, 1972) 104–5. 107. 162, 170.Google Scholar

⁸ For example, Mallwitz's model, in Mallwitz, A., Olympia und seine Bauten (Munich, 1972), 235–40Google Scholar; in Bol, P.C., Olympia, eine archäologische Grabung (Frankfurt, 1976), 50Google Scholar; and in Mallwitz, A. and Herrmann, H.-V., Die Funde aus Olympia (Athens, 1980), 17Google Scholar, fig. I, 21, fig. 4. Also K.Allen's model made for the British Museum, in Swaddling, J., The Ancient Olympic Games (London, 1987), 10–11, 22.Google Scholar

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¹² I must thank Duncan Hook of the Department of Scientific Research of the British Museum for analysing the metal of the ring, and also Lucilla Burn, who kindly read and commented on the text; Nick Nicholls took the photographs.

¹³ British Library Add. MS 5415 E 3.

¹⁴ The head was first recognized by Michael Montague when the stones from the demolished wall were delivered to the nearby site of the work on the Abbey Ruins restoration. The record of the stones, by Lorraine Mepham of the Trust for Wessex Archaeology, is held in the Berkshire Sites and Monuments Record, reference 1022. The stones have been donated to Reading Museum (accession number 1.91, the head being 1.91/569) by Berkshire County Council, who also funded the necessary work under the coordination of Paul Chadwick in their Heritage Group. Professor Brian Kemp and Dr Cecil Slade aided in all stages of the investigation of the head with comments and advice from their extensive knowledge of Reading Abbey.

¹⁵ Hurry, J.B., Reading Abbey (London, 1901).Google Scholar Kemp, B.R. (ed.), Reading Abbey Cartularies, 2 vols., Camden Soc. 4th ser., 31, 33 (London, 1986–7).Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Excavations by the Trust for Wessex Archaeology are to be published in J. Hawkes, Reading Waterfronts, forthcoming.

¹⁹ Cleaning of the head was carried out by Michael Eastham funded by the Berkshire Archaeological Trust with grant aid from Reading Borough Council.

²⁰ I am indebted to Professor D.T. Donovan who examined the stone of the head and in the Abbey Ruins area.

²¹ Paul Williamson, Curator of Sculpture at the Victoria and Albert Museum, kindly examined the head and suggested dating and comparisons.

²² I am indebted to Jerry Sampson, Archaeologist for the West Front of Wells Cathedral, for examining the head and discussing and suggesting comparisons with Wells and the interpretations of the weathering.

²³ Stevens, J., ‘Early effigy found in Reading’, Berks., Bucks, and Oxon. Archaeol. J., 1, no. 3 (October, 1895), 68.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Wells statue of Thomas Becket has the saint with the top of the head cut off but held in his hands.

²⁵ See further, Hopkins, J.H., ‘Francis Grose, F.S.A., and “The Antiquities of England and Wales”’, Antiq. J., 56 (1976), 253–5.Google Scholar

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²⁷ I am indebted to our Secretary for discussing these pieces with me, and also to Nick Griffiths for supplying me with information from his collection of drawings of such items.

²⁸ Lewis, J.M., ‘The Oxwich brooch’, Jewellery Stud., 2 (1985), 23–8.Google Scholar

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³⁰ Steingräber, E., Antique Jewellery. Its History in Europe from 800–1800 (London, 1957), fig. 38; 37–8Google Scholar; Alexander, J. and Binski, P. (eds.), Age of Chivalry. Art in Plantagenet England 1200–1400 (London, 1987), no. 725.Google Scholar

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³³ This pipe is published in a preliminary note by Graeme Lawson and Angela Wardle in Trans. London Middlesex Archaeol. Soc., 39 (1988 for 1993), 35–6. Further analysis continues.Google Scholar

³⁴ Museum of London ace. no. 92.19.

³⁵ Excavation of waterlogged deposits carried out by the Department of Urban Archaeology, Museum of London.

³⁶ For example, on a mosaic panel from Pompeii (Naples Museum inv. 9986); Pernice, E., ‘Pavimente und figiirlich Mosaiken, Die Hellenistiche Kunst in Pompeii VI (Berlin, 1938, 99ff., 171)Google Scholar. Ward-Perkins, J. and Claridge, A., Pompeii AD79 (London, 1976, 314).Google Scholar Ibid., 242, for a Pompeian wall-painting of a banqueting scene. Fleischhauer, G., Musikgeschichte in Bildem, II.5, Musik des Altertums—Etrurien und Rom (Leipzig, 1964), passim, for illustrations of the tibia in daily life.Google Scholar

³⁷ Two examples have been found in excavations conducted by the DUA: ace. nos. RAG82–1420–89 and LCT84–3570–213 from Rangoon Street, EC3 and Leadenhall Court, EC3 respectively.

³⁸ MLA 1990, 5–1,1. Diameter 22mm.

³⁹ Blair, C.H. Hunter, ‘Armorials on English seals from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries’, Archaeologia, 89 (1943), 1–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ MLA 1989, 9–7,1. Diameter 50mm.

⁴¹ Tonnochy, A.B., Catalogue of British Seal Dies, (London, 1952), no. 627.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Cherry, John, ‘Two equestrian seal dies’, Brit. Mus. Occ. Paps., 10 (London, 1980), 31–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ BL Lord Frederick Campbell's charters VII.2.

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⁴⁶ MLA 1991, 6–6,1. Diameter 49mm.

⁴⁷ Beresford, Maurice and Finberg, H.P.R., English Medieval Boroughs: A Hand List (Newton Abbot, 1973), 78.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Few English medieval instruments of any kind have survived, particularly metal ones, valuable to be melted down when superseded by newer, improved types (Galpin, Canon Francis, Old English Instruments of Music (London, 1910), 205–6)Google Scholar. The oldest trumpet in England is the straight, copper alloy instrument with bosss dated to the late fourteenth century found in the Thames foreshore mud at Billingsgate in 1984, and now at the Museum of London. Another straight trumpet, probably of later date, of latten brass and with bands of engraved figures, discovered on the shore near Romney, Kent, about 1850, has been lost, but careful drawings of it were published by Smith, Charles Roach in Collectanea Antiqua, 7 vols. (London, c. 1852), III, 63–6, 270–1Google Scholar, and pi. xv. The oldest surviving trumpet known to have been Englishmade, is post-medieval, the work of Augustine Dudley of London, dated 1651 (London Museum). See Galpin Soc. J., 15 (1962), illGoogle Scholar., and Smithers, Don L., The Music and History of the Baroque Trumpet Before 1721 (2nd edition, Buren, 1988), 57.Google Scholar

⁵² For a discussion of the representation of medieval instruments in the visual arts as musicological sources, see Remnant, Mary, English Bowed Instruments from Anglo-Saxon to Tudor Times (Oxford, 1986), 1–15.Google Scholar

⁵³ John Goodall F.S.A. to author.

⁵⁴ The many fine graffito drawings that survive of musicians and others substantiate Dr John Harvey's observations on the development of English medieval portraiture. ‘Until c. 1200,’ he wrote, ‘it is true that attempts at portraying faces are generally crude and unsuccessful. But by the opening years of the thirteenth century, literary references leave no doubt as to the intention on the part of artists to portray from the life, and towards 1300 an almost photographic realism had been achieved in sculpture’. Harvey, John, English Mediaeval Architects, revised edition (Gloucester, 1987), Appendix 1,375.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Jones-Baker, Doris and Blezzard, Judith, The Graffiti of English Mediaeval Music (forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Jones-Baker, Doris, ‘Mediaeval and Tudor music and musicians in Hertfordshire: the graffiti evidence’, in Jones-Baker, Doris (ed.), Hertfordshire in History (s.l., 1991), 40–1.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Remnant, Mary, Musical Instruments (London, 1989). 159Google Scholar

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⁶¹ Constance Bullock-Davies, A Register of Royal and Baronial Domestic Minstrels 1272–1327 (Woodbridge, 1986), 20–1, 39–40, 61, 172–3.

⁶² Ibid., 21, 76. In 1303–4 Prince Edward gave two silver trumpets to J a n i n and Januche, his trumpeters, for their good service to him in the Scottish War. Add. MSS 8835, fol. I3OV.

⁶³ See Aldis, Elijah, Carvings and Sculpture of Worcester Cathedral (London, 1873), pi. xn.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Montagu, Jeremy, ‘The restored Chapter House wall paintings in Westminster Abbey’, Early Music, 16, no. 2 (May, 1988), 242–3.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Gage, John, The History and Antiquities of Hengrave in Suffolk (London, 1822), 80–8.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Medieval and post-medieval church seating was marked out in a variety of ways. Apart from graffiti engravings on stone or wood, musical instruments, merchants’ marks, coats of arms and other devices denoting occupiers were painted or carved on bench or pew ends or doors. Notable examples are at Sandal Magna (Yorks.) and Brington (Northants). Micklethwaite, J.T., ‘Parish churches in the year 1548’, Archaeol. J., 35 (1878), 379–80.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Jones-Baker and Blezzard forthcoming (note 55)-

⁶⁹ Vallance, Aymer, English Church Screens Being Great Roods Screenwork and Rood-Lofts of Parish Churches in England and Wales (London, 1936), 68Google Scholar. See also Harrison, Frank, Music in Medieval Britain (London, 1958), 213.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Ship rubbing, Jones-Baker Mediaeval Graffiti Collection. See Doris Jones-Baker, The Graffiti of English Mediaeval Ships, forthcoming.

⁷⁴ Gage 1822 (note 65), 87.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ The Luttrell ship is illustrated in Millar, R., The Luttrell Psalter (London, 1932), fig. 12. Attached to the English fleet under Richard, Earl of Arundel in 1377 were two trumpeters, one claryoner, and four pipers (Galpin 1910 (notes 51), 203).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Rubbings of the Parham ships are in the Jones- Baker Mediaeval Graffiti Collection. For the Earl of Suffolk's ship levies, see Cal. Close Rolls Edward II, iv, 1323–7, 644.

⁷⁷ Dugdale, William, History ofSt Paul's (London, 1658), 32.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ The full excavation report, by J. Plouviez et al., will appear in a forthcoming issue of East Anglian Archaeology.

⁸⁰ BM registration number P. 1990. 6–. 1.

⁸¹ For a brief general discussion of Priapus with illustrations, see Johns, Catherine, Sex or Symbol, (London, 1982, 1990), 50–2.Google Scholar

⁸² A few examples will suffice. For a good example in a wall-painting, see Jashemski, Wilhelmina F., The Gardens of Pompeii (New Rochelle, 1979)Google Scholar, fig. 190; 121, a scene from the Villa of the Mysteries in which a pig is brought for sacrifice before a herm of Priapus. A silver cantharus from the treasure of Berthouville has Bacchic ornament which includes a herm of Priapus, see Babelon, Ernest, Le Tresor d'Argenterie du Berthouville (Paris, 1916), pi. xnGoogle Scholar. On pottery, an example on Italian sigillata is illustrated in Chase, George H., Catalogue of Arretine Pottery (Cambridge, Mass., 1916, reprinted 1975), no. 21, pl. ixGoogle Scholar. A herm of Priapus may also be seen on Central Gaulish sigillata of the Trajanic period, cf. Stanfield, J.A. and Simpson, Grace, Central Gaulish Potters (Oxford, 1958), pi. 6Google Scholar; 60, 69. This is of particular interest because of its manufacture by native craftsmen in Gaul, albeit inspired by Italian prototypes.

⁸³ For example, Brandt, E., Antike Gemmen in Deutschen Sammlungen, I: Staatliche Munzsammlung Munchen, Teil 3 (München, 1972), nos. 2312, 2313Google Scholar. From Britain, there is a first-century ring from Colchester which is set with a garnet engraved in a very fine style with a scene depicting Cupid, a goose at his feet, crowning a herm of Priapus, see Henig, M., Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstones from British Sites (Oxford, 1978), no. 112 (BM registration no. 1904. 12–1. 1).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Schneider, Beate, ‘Zwei römische Elfenbeinplatten mit mythologischen Szenen’, Kölner Jahrbuch, 23 (1930), 255, Abb. 1, 2.Google Scholar

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⁸⁷ Ibid., fig. 32; 50.

⁸⁸ Boucher, Stéphanie, Bronzes romains figurés du Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon (Lyon, 1973), 104, no. 166.Google Scholar

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⁹³ The authors would like to express their thanks to Jude Plouviez, Stanley West, Hilary Feldman, Peter Clayton, Don Bailey and Meredydd Moores for help of various kinds in the study and publication of the statuette.

⁹⁴ Griffiths, N., Horse Harness Pendants, Finds Res. Group 700–1700, Datasheet, 5 (Coventry Museum, 1986).Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ Pers. comm. Nick Griffiths.

¹⁰¹ Campbell, M., ‘An escutcheon of John, Duke of Bedford’, Antiq.J., 68 (1988), 313–14.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Cherry, J., ‘Symbolism and survival: medieval horns of tenure’, Antiq. J., 69 (1989), 111–18, pls. xxib, xxivb.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Ibid., figs. 22–5.

¹⁰⁶ College of Arms MS M.10, pt. II, 12/1.

¹⁰⁷ Grueber, H.A., ‘Find of Roman coins and gold rings at Sully, near Cardiff’, Numis. Chron., 3rd. ser., 20 (1900), 27–65Google Scholar; findspot, Toft, L., Siluria (Newsletter Friends Glamorgan-Gwent Archaeol. Trust), no. 2 (1989), 19–22.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁹ RIC, vi, Aquileia no. 98a. A better example from a different obverse die, Antike Münzen (Apparuto-Sternberg Auktion XIX, Zurich, Nov. 1987), lot 825.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ RIC, vi, 39, 49.

¹¹¹ Lactantius, De Morte Persecutorum, 19 for his background and this impulsive act by Diocletian.

¹¹² Vegetius, 1, 17; cf. Lactantius (note III), 52, 3.

¹¹³ Babelon, E. and Blanchet, J.A., Bronzes antiques de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris, 1895), no. 1363Google Scholar; photograph in Boon, G.C., Isca (Cardiff, 1972), fig. 37Google Scholar. Cf. Myres, J.N.L., The English Settlements (Oxford, 1986), 119–21, fig. 11, but dating the object too late; the decorative style can be found, e.g. on the Isle of Ely pewter bowlGoogle Scholar, Toynbee, J.M.C., Art in Roman Britain (London, 1962)Google Scholar, pi. 137, and the Wint Hill glass bowl, ibid., pi. 161, one of a group of later Constantinian date, cf. Harden, D.B. in Harden, D.B. et al., Glass of the Caesars (Milan, 1987), 277. It is worth remarking that this disc, 117 mm diameter, is the latest material testimony to the existence of these legions.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁸ Barford, P.M., Trans. Bristol Gloucestershire Archaeol. Soc., 106 (1988), 189–90Google Scholar; Jack, G.H., Excavations on the Site of the Romano-British Town of Magna, Kenchester, Herefordshire (Hereford, 1916), pi. 47. Caerwent, fragments in Newport Museum.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Vegetius, 11, 15. He treats the armament of both lines together and they need separating out, as here—two swords, two spears and five darts would be more trouble than they were worth in the melee. There are some interesting (archaistic?) similarities between these late arrangements and those laid down by Servius Tullius according to Livy (1,43) in the sixth century BC, notably the arming of both lines with missile and stabbing spears (cf. Livy's tela in hostem, hastaque... hastam et verutum), unlike the early Imperial legion.

¹²⁰ For example the Adlocutio, Disciplina or Liberalitas scenes on imperial coins of the first to third centuries, where the soldiers or citizens are represented by a very few figures.

¹²¹ Libellus de Vocabulis Rei Militaris in Nisard, M. (ed.), Ammien Marcellin, Jomandès, Frontin, Végèce, Modeste (1885), 647a. This work has been dated later, on the grounds that Vegetius does not name Modestus among his sourcesGoogle Scholar. Beau, Le (Mem. de Litt., xxv (1759), 461) says of Modestus, ‘[ce] n'est qu'une copie grossière de quelques endroits de Végèce, quoique sous unfaux litre il soil dédié à I'empereur Tacite’, and Mr P.J. Casey points out to me (in litt. 10 July 1991) that it contains mention of certain army ranks of post-Constantinian date.Google Scholar

¹²² Marchant, D., ‘Roman weapons in Great Britain, a case study: spearheads, problems in dating and typology, J. Roman Military Equipment Stud., 1 (1990), pl. 1.2 shows an excellent Segontium specimen; coins from here,Google Scholar Boon, G.C., ‘Segontium fifty years on: I I. The coins’, Archaeol. Cambrensis, 125 (1976), 61–76Google Scholar, and cf. also my note on Theodosian coins from Wales, Boon, G.C., ‘Theodosian coins from North and South Wales’, Bull. Board Celtic Stud., 33 (1986), 429–35 (to these a Victoria Auggg may be added, found on the beach at Towyn (Mer.), ‘with’ Valentinianic coins by a metaldetector enthusiast, as well as a clipped siliqua of Honorius from Anglesey again (National Museum of Wales).Google Scholar

¹²³ Museum of London sitecode SHL90; fuller excavations took place in February to April 1992, directed by Lakin, D. (Greenwood, P. and Maloney, C., ‘Excavation round-up 1992: part I’ London Archaeol., 7.2 (1993), 48). I am grateful to Hal Bishop of the Department of Urban Archaeology's Excavations Office for drawing this find to my attention, and for ensuring that it came into the Museum of London's collections.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Analysis was carried out using the facilities of Birkbeck College, University of London.

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¹²⁶ Due to corrosion the last few letters of this inscription are indistinct; they can be reconstructed on the basis of the original impression illustrated by Kingsford, H. S., ‘The seals of the Franciscans’ in Little, A. G. (ed.), Franciscan History and Legend in English Medieval Art (Manchester, 1937), pl. 1 no. 5.Google Scholar

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¹³² ‘Seal of the vice custos of Grey Friars at Cambridge’, Archaeologia, 28 (1840), 462.Google Scholar

¹³³ ‘Lord Hampton's Aylesbury deeds no. 23’ according to Kingsford 1937 (note 126), 86. Rachel Roberts, Archivist at the Central Library, Birmingham, where these documents are deposited, kindly identified this as the deed now known as Hampton 1643.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ This account is reconstructed from the following sources: (a) cuttings from The Bristol Evening World, 9 September 1959, and The..... Mirror, 11 September 1959; (b) letter from Lord Rees- Mogg, 18 June 1990; (c) letter from Mr J.R. Laidlaw of Cameley, 21 June 1990. Unfortunately Mr Wookey died a few weeks before this inquiry began; his account is as remembered by Lord Rees-Mogg.

¹³⁵ Cf. for instance Morris, R. K., ‘Churches in York and its hinterland: building patterns and stone sources in the 11th and 12th centuries’, in Blair, J. (ed.), Minsters and Parish Churches: the Local Churchin Transition 950–1200 (Oxford, 1988), 191–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ All but one of the bosses were reused in the facsimile roof built in 1959. This has one bay less than its predecessor (information from Mr David Dawson, one of the contractors who carried out the work); the boss showing the nebuly head-dress was therefore left over, and is now fixed to the screen at the west end of the nave.

¹³⁷ Cf. comments by Zarnecki, G. in Zarnecki, G. (ed.), English Romanesque Art 1066–1200 (Arts Council of Great Britain, 1984), 146, 160Google Scholar. I am grateful to Richard Gem for drawing my attention to the Old Shoreham fragment. A Romanesque date has been claimed for a series of wooden corbels at Devizes (Stalley, R.A., ‘Wooden corbel heads at Devizes Castle, Wiltshire’, Archaeol. J., 127 (1970), 228–9), but this remains unproven.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹³⁹ For this and what follows see Henry, F. and Zarnecki, G., ‘Romanesque arches decorated with human and animal heads’, J. Brit. Archaeol. Ass., 3rd ser. 20–1 (1957–8), 1–34, especially 24–7.Google Scholar

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¹⁴² See the examples illustrated in Ancient and Historical Monuments of the City of Salisbury, 1 (RCHM, 1980), pl. 29.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, 6 vols. enlarged edition (London, 1830), vi, 366–7. I am grateful to George Zarnecki for pointing out that St Augustine's at Bristol has a series of animal-head corbels including one beakhead, which does not, however, resemble the Cameley example.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ The sale by Beatrice de Alne and her sons was confirmed by the Earl of Gloucester in 1153: Earldom of Gloucester Charters, ed. Patterson, R. B. (1973), no. 5Google Scholar. For the de Alne family see The Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. Hall, H., 3 vols., Rolls Ser., 99 (London, 1896), 1,230.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Two Chartularies of the Priory of St. Peter at Bath, ed. Hunt, W., Somerset Record Soc, 7 (1893), II, no. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Personal inspection, 1991. These fragments include a grotesque head-corbel which is not unlike some of the heads from Old Sarum.

¹⁴⁷ Ecclesisastical Documents, ed. Hunter, J., Camden Soc, old ser., 8 (1840), 24Google Scholar; Gesta Stephani, eds. Potter, K.R. and Davis, R.H.C., new edition, (Oxford, 1976), xxxiv. Robert was almost certainly the author of the Gesta Stephani, which contains several comments on contemporary buildings.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ I am grateful to Claude Blair, who first noticed the importance of the fragment and brought it to my attention; to Mr J.R. Laidlaw, Lord Rees-Mogg and Catherine Cullis for help in reconstructing the story of its discovery; to Sarah Blair for her drawing; to the Redundant Churches Fund for facilities for studying the beakhead and permission to publish it; to Arthur MacGregor for making it possible for it to be drawn in Oxford; and to Richard Gem, Neil Stratford, Jeffrey West and George Zarnecki for their comments.