^{page 80 note 1} S. Polycarpe et son Tombeau, Constantinople, 1911.

^{page 80 note 2} Eusebius, , Hist. Eccles. iv. 15, 17.Google Scholar For the date see Rev. Hist. Rel. iii. 368–381. I feel bound to insist on the historical character of the Saint lest he should be exposed to misconception. But for known facts the names of S. Polycarp and of his companion S. Boukolos would inevitably brand them as a converted vegetation-god and a converted herd-god respectively.

^{page 81 note 1} I.e. among the ruins on the hill below the castle gate; cf. Le Bruyn, , Voyage, i. 79Google Scholar, quoted below, p. 90, note 5.

^{page 81 note 2} Voyage de Perse (Paris, 1631), 11 f.

^{page 81 note 3} The supposed mitre is last mentioned by Duloir (1654) as ‘vne vieille Mytre faite selon la figure des nostres, mais d'vne estoffe qui m'est inconnue’ (Voyage, p. 14).

^{page 82 note 1} Voyage, 17 f.

^{page 82 note 2} S. John (Baptist) has a recognised standing with Musulmans (cf. Menassik-el-Hadj, tr. Bianchi, 36, on the former church of S. John at Damascus). It is he, and not S. Polycarp, who is by them considered ‘an evangelist of God.’

^{page 82 note 3} Cf. below, pp. 94 foll., on Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi propaganda, especially No. 12. Near the tomb now shown as that of S. Polycarp or ‘Youssouf Dede’ is at least one grave marked as that of a Bektashi dervish by the twelve-sided ‘mitre’ (taj) of the order carved on its headstone. Bektashi mitres embroidered with the confession of faith, like that seen at Smyrna by Pacifique and Stochove, are mentioned by Brown, J. P., The Dervishes, 150.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 4} The tomb of Polycarp is mentioned also by Le Bruyn, Spon, Wheler, and Tournefort, none of whose descriptions add anything material to our knowledge of it.

^{page 82 note 5} Journal des Voyages, i. 423 f.

^{page 82 note 6} Mémoires, i. 50.

^{page 83 note 1} Notitia Septem Ecclesiarum (Utrecht, 1694), 53.

^{page 83 note 2} Especially under Mahommed IV. (1648–87), see d'Ohsson, , Tableau, ii. 311Google Scholar; Ubicini, , Turquie, i. 110Google Scholar; and of the older writers Rycaut, , Present State, 65Google Scholar (cf. Hammer-Hellert, , Hist. Emp. Ott. xi. 250)Google Scholar; d'Arvieux, iv. 559; Guilletière, , Athènes, 225Google Scholar; cf. Tournefort, Letter xiv., who ascribes the movement to Mourad IV. It would seem to have discriminated against the Bektashi (cf. Jacob, , Beiträge zur Bektaschis, 15Google Scholar, and Rycaut, op. cit. 67), and may not improbably be connected with the attempts of Sultans Osman III. (1617–21) and Ibrahim (1640–48), to restrict the power of the Janissaries (see Poullet, , Voyage, i. 307Google Scholar) who were backed by the Bektashi sect.

^{page 83 note 3} See below, § 3.

^{page 83 note 4} Such a change of site is by no means unprecedented. The tomb of S. Antipas at Pergamon, which was supposed in the thirties to be in the mosque called S. Sophia (Elliott, C. B., Travels, ii. 127Google Scholar), is now shown outside the so-called ‘Church of S. John’ (Lambakis, ῾Επτὰ ᾿ Αστὲρες 284). Here again the Turks probably made difficulties for Christians entering the mosque.

^{page 84 note 1} Descr. of the East, II₂, 86. The whole story may, of course, be a fable to account for the Mahommedan form of the alleged Christian saint's tomb.

^{page 84 note 2} Reise, in Paulus', Sammlung der Reisen (1801), vi. 105Google Scholar; Weber, commenting on this passage (in Steinwald, , Evang. Gemeinde zu Smyrna, 30Google Scholar) identifies the ‘Chapel of S. Polycarp’ with substructures of the stadium recently removed.

^{page 84 note 3} Denkwürdigkeiten, i. 520, quoted below, § 3.

^{page 84 note 4} Sans son corps (Pacifique).

^{page 85 note 1} Saints who carried their own heads are common in Turkish as in Christian hagiology; for examples see Wiss. Mitth. aus Bosnien, i. 462; Evliya, , Travels, tr. von Hammer, , I₂, 68, ii. 228.Google ScholarDurham, , Burden of Balkans, 228Google Scholar; Patsch, , Berat, 11.Google Scholar The theme affords a convenient explanation for the existence of two tombs attributed to the same saint.

^{page 85 note 2} The spot formerly shewn is now covered by the guardian's cottage (S. Lorenzo, 205).

^{page 85 note 3} The custom of throwing stones on graves, noticed in Asia Minor also by Scharfer, (Cilicia, 29; cf. Bent, , J. R. Anthr. Inst. xx. 275Google Scholar), is in Herzegovina restricted to the graves of persons who have met their death by violence (Wiss. Mitth. aus Bosnien, viii. 273). It may have arisen from a desire to hold down the uneasy ghost.

^{page 85 note 4} S. Lorenzo, 202.

^{page 86 note 1} Sathas, Ap., Mon. Hist. Hell. vii. 294.Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 2} Tr. Pétis de la Croix, iv. 46.

^{page 86 note 3} In the thirteenth century an eikon of Christ was greatly revered there (G. Acrop. 91 B.).

^{page 86 note 4} S. Lorenzo, op. cit. 285–290. Two late fifteenth-century pilgrims, Joos van Ghistele ('T Voyage (1485), 335) and Grünemberg, (Pilgerfahrt (1486), ed. Goldfriedrich, , 51)Google Scholar mention the head of S. Polycarp amongst the relics at Rhodes.

^{page 87 note 1} Stochove, , Voyage, 20Google Scholar; this is probably the modern Κρυφὶα Παναγὶα a chapel in a subterranean watercourse (Oikonomos (1809), Τὰ Σωζὸμενα i. 338; Weber, in Jahrbuch des Inst. xiv. 186 f.)Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 2} Schulz (1753), Reise, 105.

^{page 87 note 3} Le Bruyn, , Voyage (Paris, 1725) i. 74Google Scholar; Spon, i. 232; Earl of Sandwich, Voyage, 308; Schulz, 104. In Arundell's time the same building was said to have been dedicated to the twelve Apostles, (Asia Minor, ii. 394)Google Scholar: it has also been called the church of S. Polycarp (see below). The real dedication may have been to S. Demetrius (as Fontrier, , Rev. Ét. Anc. ix. 114Google Scholar, basing on Acta et Diplom. iv. 52), if, indeed, the building was not, as it has every appearance of being, a mosque from its origin.

^{page 87 note 4} Oikonomos, , Τὰ Σωζόμενα i. 337Google Scholar: these columns have also been said to belong to (a) a ‘Palace of Alexander’ (De Burgo, , Viaggio, i. 461Google Scholar), and (b) the Homereion, (Museum Worsleyanum, ii. 43).Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 5} Smith, T., Notitia, 53Google Scholar: ‘Franciscani templum nuncupant, forte D. Johanni olim dedicabatur.’

^{page 87 note 6} La Boullaye, , Voyages (1653), 20Google Scholar:— ‘[S. Jean] estant mort en l'isle de Patmos, les Disciples le transportèrent à Smyrne & l'interrèrent suivant la tradition des Grecs, j'ay veu le lieu.’ The author does not mention the tomb of Polycarp, and is probably alluding to it under this name.

^{page 87 note 7} De Burgo, , Viaggio, i. 461Google Scholar: is this Stochove's ‘Cave of S. John’ ?

^{page 87 note 8} Des Hayes, (1621) Voyage, 343Google Scholar: ‘Il y a vn arbre que l'on dit estre venu du baston de Sainct Polycarpe, Evesque de ce lieu, qu'il planta quand il fut pris pour estre martyrisé.’ The tree of S. Polycarp is called by Stochove a terebinth, by Spon (i. 232) a cherry, and by the botanist Tournefort a micocoulier or lotus.

^{page 88 note 1} ῾᾿Επὰνωθεν δὲ τοὺτου [sc. του̑ ἀμφιθεὰτρου] στὲκει καὶ μὲρος ἱκανὸν τη̑ς ἐκκλησὶας του̑ ἀγὶου Πολυκὰρπου, μεταμορφωθεὶσης εἰς η̆δη ε̆ρημον τσαμὶον ‘mosque’, ὃπου η̑το καὶ δ τὸτος του̑ μαρτυρὶου καὶ δ τὰφος αὺτου̑.᾿ The only mosque on the hill was that inside the castle walls, which is marked ‘Church of S. Polycarp’ in Admiralty charts of 1834.

^{page 88 note 2} Walpole, , Ansayrii, i. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 3} Voyage fait en 1714, i. 155.

^{page 88 note 4} The distinction may be due to a discrepancy in ‘tradition’ between Greeks and Armenians: similarly at Ephesus certain ruins are associated by the Armenians with S. John the Divine, by the Greeks with S. Panteleëmon, each community holding service there on the appropriate day (Lambakis, , Ἑπτὰ Ἀστέρες 284Google Scholar). A church at Angora is similarly associated both with S. Clement and S. John (Perrot, , Souvenirs, 271Google Scholar), probably for the same reason. At Smyrna the S. John dedication, as more popular, is probably more ancient.

^{page 88 note 5} A cathedral church of S. John, outside the precincts of the sea-castle, is mentioned in the Frankish period at Smyrna (1344–1402) by the contemporary Anon. Romanus (in Muratori, , Antiq. Ital. iii. 364Google Scholar):—‘Era una chiesa antiquissima, la quale hao nome Santo Ianni. Dicesi che lo biato Santo Ianni la edificaò. Questa chiesa fo lo Vescovato de quella Terra, nanti che fosse destrutta la Cittate. … Po' la destruttione era rimasta campestre.’ This church lay juxta viam as one went to the (upper) castle (Joh. Vitodurani Chronicon, ed. Eckhart, , Corpus Hist. Med. Aev. i. 1909).Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 6} p. 82.

^{page 88 note 7} Zee- und Landreyzen, 232: ‘Van de twee zijden gelijk als in Kapellen door Kleine muurtjens, die noch over eind staan, afgescheiden zijn,’ cf. below, § 3.

^{page 88 note 8} Tavernier's church of S. Polycarp near the sea, otherwise called the temple of Janus, (Voyages, London, 1678, 32)Google Scholar, is probably a confusion with the above identification: his description is almost exactly Melton's. The building generally known as the temple of Janus (Duloir, 15; La Boullaye, 20; Spon, i. 234; Le Bruyn, i. 79, etc.) and figured in Wheler's cut, stood on the low ground north of the city. Spon called it a Homereion, and Stochove apparently a temple of Diana. Its identity seems to have been fixed (Le Bruyn, i. 79) by the discovery of a ‘statue of Janus,’ probably a double herm. It may still be doubted whether the building was more than a Turkish turbe built of old blocks.

^{page 89 note 1} T. Smith.

^{page 89 note 2} Rycaut, , Gk. Church, 41Google Scholar; Drummond (1744), Travels, 116.

^{page 89 note 3} Gemelli Careri (1693), Giro del Mondo, i. 218.

^{page 89 note 4} Pococke.

^{page 89 note 5} Michaelis, , Ancient Marbles, 11.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 6} Arnaud, F. (1602), in Florilegium de Voguë, 471Google Scholar; Stochove.

^{page 89 note 7} Le Bruyn, Spon.

^{page 89 note 8} Tournefort, Pococke.

^{page 89 note 9} Monconys.

^{page 89 note 10} Rycaut, , Greek Church, 39.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 11} Carnoy, et Nicolaïdes, , Folklore de Constantinople, 16 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 12} The modern identification of ruins recently discovered in the vineyard by Père S. Lorenzo thus falls to the ground in so far as it is based on the travellers' reports I have attempted to summarise. The ruins themselves are indeterminate, and the supposed tombstone of S. Pionius (S. Lorenzo, 315) no more than a portion of a granite bench inscribed (not ΠΗΝΗΝ but) -ΛΗΝΗ: it is possibly from a tomb-exedra put under the protection of Sipylene (cf. C.I.G. 3385–7 incl.).

^{page 89 note 13} The former places them 200 paces from the castle (i. 460) and 100 from the ‘amphitheatre’ (i. 461).

^{page 90 note 1} Pococke.

^{page 90 note 2} Reproduced in Pl. XI.

^{page 90 note 3} Certainly d'Arvieux (followed by Thévenot) and Prokesch (quoted below).

^{page 90 note 4} Above, §, 2, p, 89.

^{page 90 note 5} Le Bruyn, i. 79:—‘A une petite lieue de la Ville, en allant vers le Château, on trouve, à ce que l'on croit, l'endroit où étoit l'ancienne Smyrne [cf. Pacifique, quoted above, § 2 ad init.]; on y voit encore quelques restes d'antiquité. C'est autour de là qu'on trouve sous terre la plûpart des statuës comme il arriva dans le temps que je demeurois à Constantinople’ [here follows an account of four statues sent to the French king, probably those mentioned in Gronovius, , Mem. Cosson. 36Google Scholar]. For other digging in this neighbourhood about the same period, see Galland's, Journal, ii. 214 (1673)Google Scholar, and cf. Omont, , Miss. Archéol. i. 209 (1680).Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 6} Cf. G. de Burgo (1686), i. 460:—‘della gran chiesa di S. Gio. Apostolo non resta altro che le fondamente, havendo gli Turchi portate via le pietre per fabricare li castelli alla marina sicome anche alcune Moschee.’

^{page 90 note 7} Reproduced in Pl. X. 2.

^{page 90 note 8} Notitia, 53 f.

^{page 91 note 1} Descr. of the East, ii.², 36. The Earl of Sandwich, (Voyage, 308)Google Scholar makes the relative positions of the buildings rather clearer: ‘Descending this hill [from the castle’ on the south-west side you discover an ancient building of squared stones very well cemented together, vulgarly called Homer's School [i.e. our ‘Judicatorium’] … a little lower is a small chapel dedicated to S. Polycarp, whose sepulchre is to be seen at a small distance from it.… Near this chapel are the remains of a stadium.’

^{page 91 note 2} Travels (London, 1754), 116 f. (plan faces p. 115).

^{page 91 note 3} Denkwürdigkeiten, i. 520; see also Jahrb. f. Litteratur (Vienna) lxvii. (1834), Anzeigerbl. 62. The last vestiges of this building are marked on Storari's Plan of Smyrna (1855) as Ruine, between the castle gate and the south-east end of the stadium. Fontrier, (Rev. Ét. Anc. ix. 114)Google Scholar says that this site is now occupied by a vineyard in which stone water-pipes have been found. The vineyard mentioned is the site of Père S. Lorenzo's supposed church and tomb of S. Polycarp.

^{page 92 note 1} Viaggio, i. 461.

^{page 92 note 2} Jahrbuch, xiv. 4 ff.

^{page 92 note 3} Cf. Fontrier, , Rev. Ét. Anc. ix. 114, cited above.Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 4} Μουσει̑ον καὶ Βιβλιοθὴκη 1880, 139 (181), now in the Greek Museum at Smyrna:—Τραιανου̑ ὓδατος ἀποκα τασταθὲντος ὑπὸ Βαιβὶου Τοὺλ λου ἀνθυπἀτου The text is a duplicate of C.I.G. 3147 = Dittenberger, , Orient. Gr. Inscrr. 478Google Scholar, now at Trinity College, Cambridge. For the date see Weber, loc. cit. 174.

^{page 92 note 5} For this date see Weber, loc. cit., and Dittenberger, , Orient. Gr. Inscrr. 477.Google Scholar Smith found a dedication to Hadrian built into the ‘chapel of S. Polycarp.’

^{page 92 note 6} Jahrbuch, xiv. 167, 174. Dr. Weber seems to have been biassed by his opinion that the temple of Zeus Akraios stood on ‘Windmill Hill.’

^{page 92 note 7} Weber, loc. cit. 19 f.

^{page 93 note 1} Durm, , Baukunst der Römer, 468 ff.Google Scholar: Lanckoronski, , Pamphylien und Pisidien, i. Pl. XXX. (Selge).Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 2} For an agora in a similar position between lower town and citadel we may compare those of Assos and Pergamon. Ramsay, (Seven Churches, 260Google Scholar, cf. Calder in Studies in Art, etc., 104) conjectures that the Golden Street of Smyrna ended in the neighbourhood of our hypothetical agora.