Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 September 2008
King Alfred the Great has long been regarded as the archetypal symbol of the nation's perception of itself. Beset throughout his reign with the reality or threat of Viking invasions, Alfred battled fiercely and suffered heroically in leading his people to their eventual victory; at the same time he promoted the causes of religion and learning, and by the example of his government upheld truth, justice and the Anglo-Saxon way. Moreover, although himself fundamentally English (with West Saxon parents and a Mercian wife), he stood for a combination of political interests which made it easier to pass him off as prototypically British. Certainly he has done well, over the years, from the processes which turn history into legend. It may have taken a while for the cult to get going; but once up and running, the bandwagon could not be stopped. My purpose in reviewing the development of the cult of King Alfred is to explore the variety of factors which in their different ways contributed to the process from the ninth century to the present day, and to show how Alfredophilia, and latterly Alfredomania, found expression not only in religious, legal, political and historical writing, but also in much else besides. The overdy ‘literary’ manifestations of the cult of King Alfred, in poetry, drama, music, and prose, are not unfamiliar; yet they must be taken in connection with manifestations of the cult of King Alfred in sculpture, painting, engraving, and book-illustration, and all placed in whatever contexts may be appropriate, if we are to understand how the image of the king was formed and then transmitted to the next generation.
1 An unpublished lecture by Sir Frank Stenton, entitled ‘King Alfred and his Place in History’, was delivered at Wantage in 1949, and is preserved in the Library, Univ. of Reading, Stenton Papers 16/7. I am grateful to Michael Bott for supplying me with a photocopy of the typescript.
3 Whitelock, D., ‘The Importance of the Battle of Edington’, repr. in her From Bede to Alfred: Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Literature and History (London, 1980), no. XIII. The lecture was originally delivered in 1978, in the priory church of Edington.Google Scholar
4 The occasion was marked by a symposium on King Alfred held under the gaze of a portrait of Sir Frank Stenton at the University of Reading. See Bately, J., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Texts and their Textual Relationships, Reading Med. Stud. Monograph 3 (Reading, 1991)Google Scholar; and Keynes, S., ‘King Alfred and the Mercians’, Kings, Currency and Alliances: History and Coinage in Southern England in the Ninth Century, ed. Blackburn, M. A. S. and Dumville, D. N. (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 1–45.Google Scholar
5 Keynes, S., ‘King Alfred the Great and Shaftesbury Abbey’, Studies in the Early History of Shaftesbury Abbey, ed. Keen, L. (Dorchester, 1999), pp. 17–72, being one of a series of lectures first delivered in 1988, and repeated in 1997.Google Scholar
7 I have to thank my colleague, Professor David Dumville, for reminding me that the same distinction applies (under the wilder conditions of Irish history) to St Patrick. The 1500th anniversary of Patrick's death in 461 was celebrated, or rather contested, in 1961; the 1500th anniversary of his death in 493 was celebrated in 1993. For further explanation, see Dumville, D. N. et al. , Saint Patrick, A.D. 493–1993 (Woodbridge, 1993).Google Scholar
8 I should like to record my particular gratitude to the late Jeremy Maule (Trinity College, Cambridge) for discussion of the early modern period (and much else besides) in the early stages of this work, and to Dr Boyd Hilton, Dr David McKitterick, Mr William St Clair, and Dr Tessa Webber (also of Trinity College) for references and suggestions as I strayed further afield. I am also grateful to Dr Nigel Ramsay for reading this paper in typescript, and for making a number of valuable suggestions. Many other debts are mentioned where appropriate below. Papers based on aspects of this material were delivered at the University of Oxford in November 1998, at the University of Notre Dame and at the Newberry Library, Chicago, in March 1999, and at the meeting of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists, Notre Dame, in August 1999. I am grateful to Professors Rees Davies, Patrick Geary, Paul Szarmach, and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe for their cood offices in these connections.
9 On aspects of the development of the Alfredian legend, see, e.g., Miles, L. W., King Alfred in Literature (Baltimore, MD, 1902)Google Scholar; Lees, B. A., Alfred the Great / Tne Truth Teller / Maker of England 848–899 (New York and London, 1915), pp. 433–67Google Scholar; Hill, C., ‘The Norman Yoke’ , repr. in his Puritanism and Revolution: Studies in Interpretation of the English Revolution of the 17th Century (London, 1958), pp. 50–122, esp. 96–9Google Scholar; Stanley, E., ‘The Glorification of Alfred King of Wessex [1678–1851]’ (1981), repr. in his A Collection of Papers with Emphasis on Old English Literature (Toronto, 1987), 410–41Google Scholar; Keynes, S. and Lapidge, M., Alfred the Great: Asser's ‘Life of King Alfred’ and other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983), pp. 44–8Google Scholar; Simmons, C. A., Reversing the Conquest: History and Myth in Nineteenth-Century British Literature (New Brunswick, NJ, 1990), esp. pp. 25–41 and 175–202Google Scholar; and Sturdy, D., Alfred the Great (London, 1995), pp. 228–41.Google Scholar
10 Æthelweard, Chronicon iv.3 (The Chronicle of Æthelweard, ed. Campbell, A. (London, 1962), p. 50).Google Scholar
11 The Old English Version of the Heptateuch / Ælfric's Treatise on the Old and New Testament and his Preface to Genesis, ed. Crawford, S. J., EETS os 160 (Oxford, 1922), 416–17Google Scholar; English Historical Documents c. 500–1042, ed. Whitelock, D., 2nd ed., Eng. Hist. Documents 1 (London, 1979), 928 (no. 239 (i)).Google Scholar
13 Keynes, S., ‘On the Authenticity of Asser's Life of King Alfred’ JEH 47 (1996), 529–51, at 537–8.Google Scholar
15 Historia de Sancto Cuthberto, chs. 14–19 (an eleventh-century interpolation in a tenth-century source, or, more probably, an integral part of an eleventh-century source). See Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 21–2 and 211–12Google Scholar; Simpson, L., ‘The King Alfred/St Cuthbert Episode in the Historia de sancto Cuthberto: its Significance for Mid-Tenth-Century English History’, St Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, ed. Bonner, G. et al. , (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 397–411Google Scholar; and The Historia de Sancto Cuthberto, ed. Johnson-South, T. (forthcoming).Google Scholar
17 For a valuable survey of all this material, see Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974)Google Scholar, and Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England II: c. 1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982)Google Scholar. See also Galloway, A., ‘Writing History in England’, The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. Wallace, D. (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 255–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20 The point is made, for example, in King William's famous writ for the citizens of London: Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum: the Acta of William 1 (1066–1087), ed. Bates, D. (Oxford, 1998), p. 593 (no. 180)Google Scholar. See also O'Brien, B. R., God's Peace and King's Peace: the Laws of Edward the Confessor (Philadelphia, PA, 1999), esp. pp. 25–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 Ridyard, S. J., ‘Condigna Veneratio: Post-Conquest Attitudes to the Saints of the Anglo-Saxons’, ANS 9 (1987), 179–206Google Scholar; but cf. Heslop, T. A., ‘The Canterbury Calendars and the Norman Conquest’, Canterbury and the Norman Conquest Churches, Saints and Scholars 1066–1109, ed. Eales, R. and Sharpe, R. (London, 1995), pp. 53–85.Google Scholar
22 William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum ii.121.1 (William of Malmesbury: Gesta regum Anglorum / The History of the English Kings I, ed. Mynors, R. A. B., Thomson, R. M. and Winterbottom, M. (Oxford, 1998), 180–2).Google Scholar
25 Asser, chs. 103–4; William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum ii. 124.4 (ed. Thomson, Mynors and Winterbottom, , p. 194)Google Scholar. On the later development of this theme, especially with regard to labour legislation in the nineteenth century, see Langenfelt, G., The Historic Origin of the Eight Hours Day: Studies in English Traditionalism (Stockholm, 1954), pp. 122–39.Google Scholar
27 The Chronicle of John of Worcester, II: the Annals from 450 to 1066, ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P. (Oxford, 1995), 352–4.Google Scholar
28 Historia Anglorum ii.23, iv.30 and v.7–13 (Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: ‘Historia Anglorum’ / The History of the English People, ed. Greenway, D. (Oxford, 1996), pp. 106, 264 and 284–98), ending with a poem praising Alfred's resilience in the face of sustained Danish attack.Google Scholar
29 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, M., 6 vols. (Oxford, 1968–1980) II, 240 and 340.Google Scholar
31 For Roger of Wendover's account of Alfred, see Matthæi Parisiensis, Monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, H. R., RS 57, 7 vols. (London, 1872–1983) I, 403–35 [passages in small type representing the text of RW].Google Scholar
32 For the significance of the events of 886, see Keynes, , ‘King Alfred and the Mercians’, pp. 21–9.Google Scholar
33 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 26, fols, iv verso and 65r, and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 16, fol. iii recto: see Lewis, S., The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, California Stud. in the Hist. of Art 21 (Aldershot, 1987), 165–74Google Scholar, with figs. 95, 96 and 77; and Morgan, N., Early Gothic Manuscripts [I] 1190–1250, Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the Brit. Isles 4.i (Oxford, 1982), 136–9 (no. 88).Google Scholar
34 ‘Rex Alfredus magnus. Iste regnauit xxix annis, & mensibus vi. Hic mentis exigentibus magnus dicebatur’ (BL Cotton Nero D. i, fol. 30v); see Keynes, S., ‘A Tale of Two Kings: Alfred the Great and Æthelred the Unready’, TRHS 5th ser. 36 (1986), 195–217, at 195, n. 2Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 441.Google Scholar
35 The account of Alfred in the vernacular chronicle attributed to Robert of Gloucester, written c. 1300, draws on William of Malmesbury and Henry of Huntingdon, but makes more than they do of the significance of the (supposed) fact that Alfred was anointed king by Pope Leo in Rome. See The Metrical Chronicle of Robert of Gloucester, ed. Wright, W. A., 2 vols., RS 86 (London, 1887) I, xix and 387–94, at lines 5326–32Google Scholar; see also Gransden, , Historical Writing I, 405–6 and 432–8.Google Scholar
37 Savile, H., Rerum Anglicarum scriptores post Bedam praecipui (London, 1596), fols. 484–520, at 495rvGoogle Scholar; [Fulman], W., Rerum Anglicarum scriptores I (Oxford, 1684), 1–132, at 28Google Scholar. For a translation of the operative passage, see Riley, H. T., Ingulph's Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland (London, 1854), p. 56.Google Scholar
38 For William of Sudbury's tract on the regalia, incorporated in Richard of Cirencester's Speculum Historiale, see Ricardi de Cirencestria Speculum historiale de gestis regum Angliæ, ed. Mayor, J. E. B., 2 vols., RS 30 (London, 1863–1869) II, 26–39Google Scholar. In the early 1640s the box in which St Edward's Crown was kept, at Westminster, bore a label to the effect that it contained the crown with which Alfred, Edward, and others had been crowned; see Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, [below, n. 127], pp. 200–1Google Scholar. ‘St Edward's Crown’ seems thus to have been misidentified as ‘King Alfreds Crowne’ when an inventory was taken of the regalia under the Commonwealth in 1649, shortly before its destruction; see Millar, O., ‘The Inventories and Valuations of the King's Goods 1649–1651’, Walpole Soc. 43 (1972), at 49Google Scholar. See also Lightbown, R., ‘The King's Regalia, Insignia and Jewellery’, The Late King's Goods: Collections, Possessions and Patronage of Charles I in the Light of the Commonwealth Sale Inventories, ed. MacGregor, A. (London, 1989), pp. 257–75, at 257–8, and below, n. 64.Google Scholar
39 See Faith, R. J., ‘The “Great Rumour’ of 1377 and Peasant Ideology’, The English Rising of 1381, ed. Aston, T. H. and Hilton, R. H. (London, 1984), pp. 43–73, at 56–7Google Scholar, and Faith, R., The English Peasantry and the Growth of Lordship, Stud. in the Early Hist. of Britain (London, 1997), pp. 266–7.Google Scholar
40 Annales Monastici, ed. Luard, H. R., 5 vols., RS 36 (London, 1864–1869) II [Annals of Winchester], 10.Google Scholar
42 Kemble, J. M., The Dialogue of Solomon and Saturn (London, 1848), pp. 225–57, at 226–48Google Scholar, with translation; South, H. P., The Proverbs of Alfred (1931), repr. (New York, 1970)Google Scholar; Arngart, O., The Proverbs of Alfred, 2 vols., Skrifter utgivna av Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund 32 (Lund, 1942–1955).Google Scholar
44 For Alfred's supposed translation of Æsop, see Marie de France: Fables, ed. Spiegel, H. (Toronto, 1987), pp. 256–8Google Scholar. In a forthcoming study, Michael Lapidge and Jill Mann suggest that Marie de France may have worked from a lost Latin poem to which Alfred's name had become attached, itself related to the (tenth-century) ‘Hexametrical Romulus’. For Alfred's supposed authorship of Quaestiones naturales, see Smalley, B., English Friars and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth Century (Oxford, 1960), pp. 207–8.Google Scholar
45 For an authoritative assessment of Alfred's legislation, see Wormald, P., The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1999), and its sequel (forthcoming).Google Scholar
46 On the glorification of Alfred as a law-maker, in a wider context, see Stanley, E. G., Die angelsächsische Rechtspflege (forthcoming), esp. sect. 2.Google Scholar
47 Wormald, P., ‘“Quadripartitus”’, with Sharpe, R., ‘The Prefaces of “Quadripartitus”’, in Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy: Essays in Honour of Sir James Holt, ed. Garnett, G. and Hudson, J. (Oxford, 1994), pp. 111–72Google Scholar; see also Liebermann, F., ‘A Contemporary Manuscript of the “Leges Anglorum Londoniis collectae”’, EHR 28 (1913), 732–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
48 The Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England, Commonly Called Glanvill, ed. Hall, G. D. G. (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Bracton, De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae, ed. Woodbine, G. E., rev. Thorne, S. E., 4 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1915–1942)Google Scholar; Sir John Fortescue, De laudibus legum Anglie, ed. Chrimes, S. B. (Cambridge, 1942)Google Scholar, and The Governance of England: otherwise called The Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy, by Sir John Fortescue, Kt, ed. Plummer, C. (Oxford, 1885).Google Scholar
49 The Mirror of Justices, ed. Whittaker, W. J., with an Introduction by Maitland, F. W., Selden Soc. 7 (London, 1895), xxivGoogle Scholar (date), 8 (parliaments), 54 (treason) and 166–71 (judges). Maitland attributed the work to Andrew Horn, fishmonger of Bridge Street, London; but see Catto, J., ‘Andrew Horn: Law and History in Fourteenth-Century England’, The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays presented to Richard William Southern, ed. Davis, R. H. C. and Wallace-Hadrill, J. M. (Oxford, 1981), pp. 367–91, at 373–4 and 386–7.Google Scholar
50 For the Modus tenendi parliamentum, see Pronay, N. and Taylor, J., Parliamentary Texts of the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1980), pp. 67–79 (text) and 80–91 (translation), with full commentary.Google Scholar
51 On the use of the Mirror of Justices in the seventeenth century, see further below, p. 249.Google Scholar
52 The material bearing on the mythical history of the University of Oxford is most conveniently assembled in Parker, J., The Early History of Oxford 727–1100, Oxford Hist. Soc. 3 (Oxford, 1885), 24–62 (discussion, with translation of texts) and 305–17 (appendix of texts).Google Scholar
53 Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden Monachi Cestrensis, ed. Babington, C. and Lumby, J. R., 9 vols., RS 41 (London, 1865–1886) VI, 354Google Scholar. See also Taylor, J., The ‘Universal Chronicle’ of Ranulf Higden (Oxford, 1966), p. 45Google Scholar, and Gransden, , Historical Writing II, 43–57, at 52. The Polychronicon had been translated into English by the end of the fourteenth century, and was printed by Caxton in 1480.Google Scholar
55 For further details, see Parker, , Early History of Oxford, pp. 52–7Google Scholar; The Victoria History of the County of Oxford III: The University of Oxford, ed. Salter, H. E. and Lobel, M. D. (London, 1954) [hereafter VCH Oxon III], 61–81 (University College)Google Scholar; and esp. Darwall-Smith, R., University College: the First 750 Years (Oxford, 1999), being the catalogue of an exhibition at the Bodleian Library to mark the 750th anniversary of the founding of University College (in 1249).Google Scholar
56 For the ‘memorials’ of Alfred in the windows of the fifteenth-century chapel, and in some of the old chamber windows, see Carr, W., University College (London, 1902), pp. 6 and 66–7.Google Scholar
58 See further below, n. 95.
59 Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards, E., RS 45 (London, 1866), pp. 41–2Google Scholar, and Parker, , Early History of Oxford, pp. 45–6Google Scholar. For Thomas Rudbourne, see The ‘Liber Vitae’ of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. Keynes, S., EEMF 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 45.Google Scholar
60 For the operative passage from Rous's Historia regum Angliae, see Parker, , Early History of Oxford, pp. 49–51Google Scholar (with translation) and 315 (text). For Rous himself, and his views on the antiquity of Oxford and Cambridge, see also Kendrick, T., British Antiquity (London, 1950), pp. 19–29Google Scholar, and Gransden, , Historical Writing II, 309–27.Google Scholar
61 Letters from Henry VI to Pope Eugenius IV, dated 20 March 1441, one concerning Osmund and the other concerning Alfred, in Memorials of the Reign of King Henry VI: Official Correspondence of Thomas Bekynton, Secretary to King Henry VI, and Bishop of Bath and Wells, ed. Williams, G., 2 vols., RS 56 (London, 1872) I, 117–19Google Scholar. On the canonization of Osmund, see Richmond, C., ‘Religion’, Fifteenth-Century Attitudes: Perceptions of Society in Late Medieval England, ed. Horrox, R. (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 183–201, at 190–1.Google Scholar
62 For the significance of the so-called ‘Laws of Edward the Confessor’, see above, n. 20. The author of the Modus tenendi parliamentum projected parliament back into Edward's reign (Pronay, and Taylor, , Parliamentary Texts, pp. 67 and 80).Google Scholar
63 On the cult of St Edward at Westminster, see Binski, P., Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship and the Representation of Power 1200–1400 (New Haven, CT, 1995), esp. pp. 52–89.Google Scholar Edward was canonized in 1161. His relics were placed in a new shrine at Westminster on 13 Oct. 1163, in the presence of King Henry II and Thomas Becket, and were moved again on 13 Oct. 1269, in the presence of King Henry III. For Richard II at the shrine of Edward in 1381, see The Westminster Chronicle 1381–1394, ed. Hector, L. C. and Harvey, B. F. (Oxford, 1982), pp. 8–10. The shrine was despoiled in the 1540s, restored by Mary I, and restored again by James II.Google Scholar
64 On the cult of St Edward in relation to the regalia, see Binski, , Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets, pp. 134–5Google Scholar, and Lightbown, R., ‘The English Coronations before the Commonwealth’, The Crown Jewels: the History of the Coronation Regalia in the Jewel House of the Tower of London, ed. Blair, C., 2 vols. (London, 1998) I, 53–256Google Scholar, and ‘The English Coronation Regalia before the Commonwealth’, ibid. 1, 257–353.
65 The coat of arms which would appear to have been devised for Edward the Confessor in the thirteenth century was a cross patonce (or cross flory) between five birds (? eagles, or doves), itself probably derived from his seal and from his coinage (Dolley, R. H. M. and Jones, F. Elmore, ‘A New Suggestion Concerning the So-Called “Martlets” in the Arms of St Edward’, Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. Dolley, R. H. M. (London, 1961), pp. 215–26)Google Scholar. It is seen, for example, in Westminster Abbey: Binski, , Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets, p. 79 (fig. 115)Google Scholar. For its adoption by Richard II, in the form of a cross patonce (or flory) between five legless birds (presumably martlets), see Harvey, J. H., ‘The Wilton Diptych – A Re-examination’, Archaeologia 98 (1961), 1–28, at 5–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Binski, , Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets, pp. 87 and 200. The Wilton Diptych (National Gallery), made for Richard II in the late 1390s, shows Richard with his patrons St Edmund (king of East Anglia), Edward the Confessor, and John the Baptist, with Richard's ‘Edwardian’ arms on the back. For the later adaptation of Edward's coat of arms into one for the kings of all England, including Alfred, see below, n. 114.Google Scholar
67 Polydori Vergilii Urbinatis Anglicæ Historiæ Libri XXVI (Basel, 1534)Google Scholar. Vergil's manuscript, in the Vatican Library, was written in 1512–13. A Tudor translation of his account of the period before the Norman Conquest was edited from BL Royal 18. C. VIII–IX in Polydore Vergil's English History, I: Containing the First Eight Books, Comprising the Period Prior to the Norman Conquest, ed. Ellis, H., Camden Soc. 36 (London, 1846), 203–8 and 213–21Google Scholar. See also Hay, D., Polydore Vergil Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters (Oxford, 1952), esp. pp. 79–168Google Scholar; Levy, F. J., Tudor Historical Thought (San Marino, CA, 1967), pp. 53–68Google Scholar; and MacDougall, , Racial Myth in English History, pp. 17–20.Google Scholar
68 For Vergil on Arthur, see Hay, , Polydore Vergil, pp. 109–10, 157–8, and 199Google Scholar. Henry VIII was more conscious of King Arthur than of any other king before Edward the Confessor; see The Inventory of King Henry VIII, I: The Transcript, ed. Starkey, D., Report of the Research Committee of the Soc. of Antiq. 56 (London, 1998), 174, 326, 384 (nos. 8906 [vestment], 13337 [tapestry], 15377 [picture]).Google Scholar
71 Ibid. p. 203. For Samuel Wale's illustration of this ‘event’, made for an edition of Lockman's History (1747), see below, p. 305.
72 Commentarii de scriptoribus Britannicis, auctore Joanne Lelando Londinate, ed. Hall, A. (Oxford, 1709) I, 144–53Google Scholar, from Oxford, Bodleian Library, Top. gen. c. 4 (S.C. 3120). The heading ‘De Alfredo Magno’ was supplied by the editors and is not found in Leland's manuscript (as noted by Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 411).Google Scholar
73 Bale, J., Illustrium maioris Britanniae scriptorum, hoc est, Angliae, Cambriae, ac Scotiæ, summarium (Ipswich, 1548), 65r–66r, at 65rGoogle Scholar; and Bale, J., Scriptorum illustrium maioris Brytanniae … catalogas, 2 vols. (Basel, 1557–1559) I, 125–6Google Scholar. For Alfredian annotations in Balc's copy of the Catalogus (BL, Dept of Ptd Books, C.28.m.6), see Johannis de Trokelowe Annales Edvardi II, ed. Hearne, T. (Oxford, 1729), pp. 276–92, at 279–80Google Scholar. See also Index Britanniae Scriptorum: John Bale's Index of British and Other Writers, ed. Poole, R. L. and Bateson, M. (Oxford, 1902)Google Scholar, reptd with an introduction by Brett, C. and Carley, J. P. (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 28 (writings) and 473–4 (laws)Google Scholar. For Leland and Bale, see also McKisack, M., Medieval History in the Tudor Age (Oxford, 1971), pp. 1–25.Google Scholar
76 Page, R. I., Matthew Parker and his Books (Kalamazoo, MI, 1993), pp. 43–4, with plate 24.Google Scholar
77 Cambridge, University Library, Kk. 3. 18 (Ker, N. R., Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing AngloSaxon (Oxford, 1957), no. 23)Google Scholar, with Parkerian notes on the verso of the flyleaf (to which Tim Graham kindly drew my attention). The manuscript was used by Whelock as the basis of his edition of Bede published in 1643 (below, p. 253).Google Scholar
78 Levy, , Tudor Historical Thought, pp. 114–22 and 133–6Google Scholar; Fussner, F. S., The Historical Revolution: English Historical Writing and Thought, 1580–1640 (London, 1962); pp. 22–4Google Scholar; Wright, C. E., ‘The Dispersal of the Monastic Libraries and the Beginnings of Anglo-Saxon Studies’, Trans. of the Cambridge Bibliographical Soc. 3 (1951), 208–37, at 226–7Google Scholar; McKisack, , Medieval History in the Tudor Age, pp. 26–49Google Scholar, esp. 39; Williams, P., The Later Tudors: England 1547–1603 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 233–7 and 417–18Google Scholar. Jones, E., The English Nation: the Great Myth (Stroud, 1998), esp. pp. 31–60, is instructively partisan in its treatment of the same subject.Google Scholar
79 Hagedorn, S. C., ‘Matthew Parker and Asser's Ælfredi Regis Res Gestæ’, Princeton Univ. Lib. Chronicle 51.1 (1989), 74–90Google Scholar; Hagedorn, S. C., ‘Received Wisdom: the Reception History of Alfred's Preface to the Pastoral Care’, Anglo-Saxonism and the Construction of Social Identity, ed. Frantzen, A. J. and Niles, J. D. (Gainesville, FL, 1997), pp. 86–107.Google Scholar
80 Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, pp. 197–202Google Scholar; see also Keynes, S., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts … in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, OEN Subsidia 18 (Binghamton, NY, 1992), no. 25 (‘Annals of St Neots’), with pl. XXV. For the possibility that Parker's edition gave currency to the tale of Alfred and the cakes, see below, n. 96.Google Scholar
81 Foxe, J.., Acts and Monuments of these Latter and Perillous Dayes (London, 1563)Google Scholar, as expanded with further historical material in Foxe, J., The First Volume of the Ecclesiastical History Contaynyng the Actes and Monumentes of Thynges Passed in Every Kynges Tyme in this Realme (London, 1570)Google Scholar. for Foxe's treatment of earlier English history, see Haller, W., Foxe's Book of Martyrs and the Elect Nation (London, 1963), esp. pp. 128–30, 141–2 and 152–3 (Alfred).Google Scholar
82 Holinshed, R., The Firste Volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande (London, 1577), pp. 211–19Google Scholar. Holinshed's account is illustrated with woodcuts of shipwreck, land-battle, seabattle, and building activity under royal direction; but the artist would not necessarily have had the specifically ‘Alfredian’ context in mind. For further discussion, see Scholderer, V., ‘The Illustrations of the First Edition of Holinshed’, Edinburgh Bib. Soc. Trans. 2 (1938–1945), 398–403.Google Scholar
83 Camden, W., Britannia, sive florentissimorum regnorum, Angliæ, Scotiæ, Hiberniæ … (London, 1586), rev. ed. (London, 1600)Google Scholar; Camden, W., Britain, or a Chorographicall Description of the Most Flourishing Kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Islands adjoyning, out of the depth of Antiquitie, trans. Holland, Ph. (London, 1610)Google Scholar. For Camden, see Collinson, P., ‘One of Us? William Camden and the Making of History’, TRHS 6th ser. 8 (1998), 139–63Google Scholar. See also Kendrick, , British Antiquity, pp. 108–9Google Scholar; Levy, , Tudor Historical Thought, pp. 148–59Google Scholar; and MacDougall, , Racial Myth in English History, pp. 20–1.Google Scholar
85 Rerum Anglicarum scriptores post Bedam praecipui (London, 1596)Google Scholar, dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, and repr. at Frankfurt in 1601. Sir Henry Savile (1549–1622) was Warden of Merton College, Oxford, from 1585, and provost of Eton College.
86 See A Bibliography of English History to 1485, ed. Graves, E. B. (Oxford, 1975), p. 294Google Scholar, with references.
87 Evans, J., A History of the Society of Antiquaries (Oxford, 1956), pp. 8–13Google Scholar, citing Henry Spelman's account of the gatherings in Gibson, E., Reliquiæ Spelmannianæ: the Posthumous Works of Sir Henry Spelman Kt (Oxford, 1698), pp. 69–70Google Scholar. See also Levy, , Tudor Historical Thought, pp. 164–6Google Scholar; Fussner, , The Historical Revolution, pp. 92–106Google Scholar; and Parry, G., The Trophies of Time: English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1995), p. 5.Google Scholar
88 The principal collection of papers is BL, Cotton Faustina E. v. The majority are printed in Hearne, T., A Collection of Curious Discourses written by Eminent Antiquaries upon Several Heads in our English Antiquities (Oxford, 1720)Google Scholar, supplemented by [SirAyloffe], J., A Colleaion of Curious Discourses Written by Eminent Antiquaries upon Several Heads in our English Antiquities, 2 vols. (London, 1771)Google Scholar. See also Keynes, S., ‘Queen Emma and the Encomium Emmae Reginae’, Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. Campbell, A., Camden Classic Reprints 4 (Cambridge, 1998), xiii–lxxx, at xlv, n. 7, with references.Google Scholar
90 Lambarde, W., Archeion: or, A Discourse Upon the High Courts of Justice in England, ed. McIlwain, C. H. and Ward, P. L. (Cambridge, MA, 1957)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For exposition of this work, see also Terrill, R. J., ‘William Lambarde: Elizabethan Humanist and Legal Historian’, Jnl of Legal Hist. 6 (1985), 157–78, at 168–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Alsop, J. D. and Stevens, W. M., ‘William Lambarde and the Elizabethan Polity’, Stud in Med. and Renaissance Hist. 8 (1987), 233–66Google Scholar; and Weston, C. C., ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, The Cambridge History of Political Thought 1450–1700, ed. Burns, J. H. with Goldie, M. (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 374–411, at 393–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
92 Watson, A. G., ‘Henry Savile and the Asser Interpolation’, in his The Manuscripts of Henry Savile of Banke (London, 1969), pp. 83–5. Henry Savile the Elder was the father of Henry Savile of Banke, and neither is to be confused with Sir Henry Savile, Warden of Merton College (above, n. 85). For his manuscript of Asser, see n. 95.Google Scholar
93 Camden, , Britannia , pp. 331–2Google Scholar; Camden, , Britain, trans. Holland, , pp. 378–9Google Scholar. It must have appeared to some that Parker had suppressed the passage in his own edition of Asser. So, when first he heard of the passage about Oxford, the antiquary Thomas Allen asked Thomas James to investigate the matter further. James reported back to Allen by letter, dated 1 April 1600, giving an account of his inspection of the manuscript of Asser which had been used by Parker (and which he had located in Lord Lumley's library), noting that the passage in question was not there. The letter is Oxford, Bodleian Library, Twyne 3, pp. 225–8Google Scholar; and see Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), pp. xxxvii–xxxix.Google Scholar
94 Camden, W., Anglica, Normannica, Hibernica, Cambrica, a veteribus scripta (Frankfurt, 1602), pp. 1–22, at 16Google Scholar; Asser's Lif e of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, , p. 70 (ch. 83b)Google Scholar. For further discussion, see ibid. pp. xxiii–xxviii and Parker, , Early History of Oxford, pp. 40–52.Google Scholar
95 The implications of the passage in Camden's edition of Asser were pursued, enthusiastically, by Twyne, B., Antiquitatis academiæ Oxoniensis apologia (Oxford, 1608), pp. 143–8 and 182–204Google Scholar. On 18 February 1622, Twyne had occasion to raise the matter with Camden himself, and wrote an account of the meeting (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Twyne 22, 235v–236v). It emerges from this account that the manuscript of Asser which had belonged to Savile, and which had been used by Camden, was thought by Camden to have been written at about the time of Richard II, i.e. in the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Such a manuscript might well have contained the offending passage (above, p. 236) and there is no reason to believe that it had been invented by Savile or by Camden.
96 ‘A merry songe of a kinge and a shepherd’ was entered on the Stationers’ Register for 25 Sept. 1578, and ‘King and shepperd’ was entered on 14 Dec. 1624; see Rollins, H. E., ‘An Analytical Index to the Ballad-Entries in the Register of the Company of Stationers of London’, Stud. in Phil. 21 (1924), 1–324, at 117–18 (nos. 1354 and 1358)Google Scholar. The ballad in question (a seventeenthcentury copy of which survives among the Roxburghe Ballads in the British Library [Rox. I. 504–5]) was incorporated in Wit and Mirth, or Pills to Purge Melancholy, ed. D'Urfey, T., 6 vols. (London, 1719–1720)Google Scholar, repr. with an Introduction by Day, C. L., 6 vols. in 3 (New York, 1959) V, 289–97Google Scholar, and in Evans, T., Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, new ed., rev. Evans, R. H., 4 vols. (London, 1810) II, 11–21Google Scholar. For an edition, see Chappell, W., The Roxburgbe Ballads III.i (Hertford, 1880), 211–19Google Scholar, with a woodcut of Alfred burning the cakes. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 48–52Google Scholar, and Lees, , Alfred the Great, pp. 456–7.Google Scholar
97 For material of this kind in its wider cultural context, see Spufford, M., Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1981)Google Scholar; Würzbach, N., The Rise of the English Street Ballad, 1550–1650 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar; and Watt, T., Cheap Print and Popular Piety 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991).Google Scholar
98 Parts Added to The Mirror for Magistrates by John Higgins & Thomas Blenerhasset, ed. Campbell, L. B. (Cambridge, 1946), pp. 361–496, at 469–76Google Scholar. For successive editions of the original compilation (1559–87), see The Mirror for Magistrates, ed. Campbell, L. B. (Cambridge, 1938).Google Scholar
99 For accounts with emphasis on historiography, see: Butterfield, H., The Whig Interpretation of History (London, 1931)Google Scholar; Butterfield, H., The Englishman and his History (Cambridge, 1944)Google Scholar; and Kenyon, J., The History Men: the Historical Profession in England since the Renaissance (London, 1983)Google Scholar. For accounts with emphasis on political thought, see: Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’ ’Google Scholar; Pocock, J. G. A., The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: a Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1957), reissued with a Retrospect (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar; and Skinner, Q., ‘History and Ideology in the English Revolution’, Hist. Jnl 8 (1965), 151–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with particular attention to differing views of the Norman Conquest. See also Seaberg, R. B., ‘The Norman Conquest and the Common Law: the Levellers and the Argument from Continuity’, Hist. Jnl 24 (1981), 791–806CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sommerville, J. P., ‘History and Theory: the Norman Conquest in Early Stuart Political Thought’, Political Stud. 34 (1986), 249–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weston, ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’; and Chibnall, M., The Debate on the Norman Conquest (Manchester, 1999). For the ‘Norman Yoke’ in the eighteenth century, see below, p. 270.Google Scholar
100 V[erstegan], R., Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, Concerning the Most Noble and Renowned English Nation (Antwerp, 1605), repr. (London, 1673)Google Scholar. See Parry, , Trophies of Time, pp. 49–69Google Scholar; and Clement, R. W., ‘Richard Verstegan's Reinvention of Anglo-Saxon England: a Contribution from the Continent’, Reinventing the Middle Ages & the Renaissance, ed. Gentrup, W. F. (Brepols, 1998), pp. 19–36Google Scholar. The thrust of the argument is represented symbolically by the inclusion of a number of engraved illustrations, depicting the pagan gods and two particularly significant historical events (‘The arrival of the first ancestors of English-men out of Germany in Britain’, and ‘The manner of the first bringing and preaching of the Christian faith unto Ethelbert, King of Kent’). The reprint of Verstegan was made necessary, perhaps, by the tenacity of the ‘British’ point of view, represented latterly (for example) by Sheringham, R., De Anglorum gentis origine disceptatio (Cambridge, 1670).Google Scholar
101 Verstegan, , Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, esp. pp. 161–4Google Scholar. In the late tenth century, Æthelweard (Chronicon i.3) stated that Britain was now called England, ‘taking the name of the victors’ (ed. Campbell, , p. 9Google Scholar); in the twelfth century, Henry of Huntingdon stated that the monarchy of England had originated under Egbert, and had then been divided into shires (ed. Greenway, , pp. 12, 16 and 264); and according to Camden, Egbert had issued an edict proclaiming the Heptarchy as ‘England’.Google Scholar
102 [Clapham, J.], The Historie of Great Britannie (London, 1606), repr. Eng. Experience 719 (Amsterdam, 1975), esp. 296–7Google Scholar. For Clapham, see also Kendrick, , British Antiquity, p. 109. The tide continues: ‘declaring the successe of times and affaires in that iland, from the Romans first entrance, untili the raigne of Egbert, the West-Saxon prince; who reduced the severall principalities of the Saxons and English, into a monarchie, and changed the name of Britannie into England’.Google Scholar
104 The Reports of Sir Edward Coke Kt. in English, Compleat in Thirteen Parts, 7 vols. (London, 1727) IV and VGoogle Scholar. For Coke's, use of the Mirror of Justices (above, pp. 234–5)Google Scholar, see Mirror of Justices, ed. Whittaker, , pp. ix–xGoogle Scholar. See also Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’, pp. 58–9 and 65–6Google Scholar; Complete Prose Works of John Milton, III: 1648–1649, ed. Hughes, M. Y. (New Haven, CT, 1962), 398–9Google Scholar; Pronay, and Taylor, , Parliamentary Texts, pp. 56–9Google Scholar; and Weston, , ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, pp. 392–3Google Scholar. For a valuable exposition of Coke's views in a wider context, see Cromartie, A., Sir Matthew Hale 1609–1676: Law, Religion and Natural Philosophy, Cambridge Stud. in Early Modern Brit. Hist. (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 11–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
106 For recent accounts of Selden and his works, see Cromartie, , Sir Matthew Hale, pp. 30–41Google Scholar; Parry, , Trophies of Time, pp. 95–129Google Scholar; and Christianson, P., Discourse on History, Law, and Governance in the Public Career of John Selden, 1610–1635 (Toronto, 1996)Google Scholar. On the dispersal of Selden's collections, see Keynes, S., ‘A Charter of Edward the Elder for Islington’, Hist. Research 66 (1993), 303–16, at 304–6.Google Scholar
108 J. Selden, England's Epinomis, in Westcot, R., Tracts Written by John Selden (London, 1683) [England's Epinomis], esp. pp. 8–11.Google Scholar
109 Selden, J., Jani Anglorum Facies Altera (London, 1610), trans, in Westcot, , Tracts Written by John Selden [Jani Anglorum Facies Altera], esp. pp. 37–42.Google Scholar
110 Spelman, H., ‘Of Antient Deeds and Charters’, The English Works of Sir Henry Spelman Kt (London, 1723), pt 2, pp. 233–56, at 236.Google Scholar
111 For Coke's library, see A Catalogue of the Library of Sir Edward Coke, ed. Hassall, W. O., Yale Law Lib. Pub. 12 (New Haven, CT, 1950), and the material still preserved at Holkham Hall, Norfolk. For the libraries of Spelman and Selden, see above, nn. 105 and 106.Google Scholar
112 Speed, J., The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine + The History of Great Britaine Under the Conquests of the Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans (London, 1611 ). The work was dedicated to King James; the copy which belonged to his queen, Anne of Denmark, is now in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge.Google Scholar
113 For Cotton's coins, see Dolley, R. H. M., ‘The Cotton Collection of Anglo-Saxon Coins’, Brit. Museum Quarterly 19 (1954), 75–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van der Meer, G., ‘An Early Seventeenth-Century Inventory of Cotton's Anglo-Saxon Coins’, Sir Robert Cotton as Collector: Essays on an Early Stuart Courtier and his Legacy, ed. Wright, C. J. (London, 1997), pp. 168–82Google Scholar; and below, n. 173. For Cotton and Speed, see Howarth, D., ‘Sir Robert Cotton and the Commemoration of Famous Men’, Sir Robert Cotton as Collector, ed. Wright, , pp. 40–67, at 65–6, n. 38.Google Scholar
114 It would appear that separate badges for each of the kingdoms of the Heptarchy were invented in the Middle Ages, to which was added a badge for the kingdom of all England (a cross flory), itself derived from the thirteenth-century arms of Edward the Confessor (above, n. 65). In Speed's system (which may be a refinement of an older system), the cross flory served on its own for kings from Egbert to Eadwig, including Alfred; the badge becomes a cross flory between four martlets, for kings from Edgar to Edmund Ironside; a fifth martlet was then added at the base of the cross, for Edward the Confessor. University College, Oxford, seems to have adopted its own coat of arms (a cross flory between four martlets) from this system, presumably in the fond belief that these arms were Alfred's.
117 Baziliologia, a Booke of Kings, being the True and Lively Effigies of all our English Kings from the Conquest untill this Present (London, 1618)Google Scholar began with William I: see Griffiths, A., The Print in Stuart Britain 1603–1689, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1998), pp. 49–52 (no. 9).Google Scholar
118 Pits, J., Relationum historicarum de rebus Anglicis tomus primus (Paris, 1619), pp. 169–71.Google Scholar
119 Drury, W., Alvredus sive Alfredus: Tragi-comoedia ter exhibita in seminario Anglorum Duaceno ab ejusdem collegii juventute, anno Domini M.DC.XIX (Douay, 1620)Google Scholar. For Drury, see the Dictionary of National Biography (hereafter DNB), and Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 52 and 128–30.Google Scholar For another Jacobean drama with an Alfredian theme, in which Alfred defends his kingdom against King Canute, and grants a charter to Newcastle, see Howell, R., ‘King Alfred and the Proletariat: a Case of the Saxon Yoke’, AAe 4th ser. 47 (1969), 97–100.Google Scholar
120 L'Isle, W., A Saxon Treatise concerning the Old and New Testament (London, 1623), PrefaceGoogle Scholar. For L'Isle and his projected edition of the OE Psalter, see McKitterick, D., A History of the Cambridge University Press, I: Printing and the Book Trade in Cambridge 1534–1698 (Cambridge, 1992), 187.Google Scholar
121 For Whelock, see Oates, J. C. T., Cambridge University Library: a History. From the Beginnings to the Copyright Act of Queen Anne (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 173–211. For the Saxon lectureship, see the Spelman–Whelock correspondence in Cambridge, University Library, Dd. III. 12.Google Scholar
123 For Powell, see the entry on him in the DNB.
124 Powell, R., A Treatise of the Antiquity, Authority, Uses and Jurisdiction of the Ancient Courts of Leet, or View of Franck-Pledge, and of Subordination of Government Derived from the Institution of Moses, the First Legislator; and the First Imitation of him in this Island of Great Britaine, by King Alfred and Continued Ever Since (London, 1642), published again in 1668.Google Scholar
125 Powell, R., The Life of Alfred, or, Alured. The First Institutor of Subordinate Government in this Kingdome, and Refounder of the University of Oxford. Together with a Parallel of our Soveraigne Lord K. Charles untili this year, 1634 (London, 1634)Google Scholar; repr. with an Introduction by F. Wilson and bibliographical notes by Tyas, S. (Stamford, 1996)Google Scholar. For Powell, see the DNB, and Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, p. 42.Google Scholar
126 Powell, , Life of Alfred, pp. 37–47 (pp. 15–16 in the repr. ed.), citing Twyne as his authority.Google Scholar
127 For the original English text, see Hearne, T., The Life of Ælfred the Great, by Sir John Spelman Kt (Oxford, 1709)Google Scholar, hereafter Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, Google Scholar. For the Latin translation, see [Walker, O.], Ælfredi Magni Anglorum regis invitissimi vita tribus libris comprehensa a clarissimo duo Johanne Spelman (Oxford, 1678)Google Scholar, hereafter Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 43–4Google Scholar; Hagedorn, , ‘Received Wisdom: the Reception History of Alfred's Preface to the Pastoral Care’, pp. 92–4Google Scholar; and Simmons, , Reversing the Conquest, pp. 33–4.Google Scholar
128 See further below, n. 132.
129 For his father's account, see Gibson, , Reliquiœ SpelmannianœGoogle Scholar, sig. d; see also Obadiah Walker's preface to the edition of 1678 (below, n. 174).
130 Hearne countered Spelman's suggestion (that Oxford was a safe place) with a spirited assertion of the supposition that Alfred chose Oxford ‘because Letters had flourished here so much before’ (Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , pp. 144–5, n. 1; cf. pp. 225–6).Google Scholar
131 He gave an honest reason for not wishing to impugn the antiquity of his own university: ‘Besides having been of Trinity College in Cambridge, I would not be thought to have less affection to my Foster-Mother's Right, than the Author to the Apology [i.e. Twyne], MrCamden, , Leland, and other Oxford Men have shewn for Oxford’ (p. 191).Google Scholar
132 Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , p. 182. A letter from John Spelman to Abraham Whelock, dated 6 April 1640 (in Cambridge, University Library, Dd. III. 12), reveals that for this purpose Spelman had sought Whelock's assistance in establishing the whereabouts of the manuscript used by Parker.Google Scholar
135 It seems that Cotton Tiberius B. i was not available when Spelman visited the Cottonian library; see his Life of Alfred, ed. Hearne, , pp. 152–6Google Scholar. See also Brewer, D. S., ‘Sixteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century References to the Voyage of Ohthere’, Anglia 71 (1952–1953), 202–11, at 209.Google Scholar
136 Spelman's portrayal of King Alfred deserves comparison with the line of argument pursued by him in some of his other more overtly polemical writings, on which see Weston, C. C. and Greenberg, J. R., Subjects and Sovereigns: the Grand Controversy over Legal Sovereignty in Stuart England (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 108–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The ‘Life’ is judged in another context by Carter, H., A History of the Oxford University Press, I: To the Year 1780 (Oxford, 1975), pp. 112–13.Google Scholar
137 Oxford, Bodleian Library, e Mus. 75 (S.C. 3696). Spelman's text was copied c. 1660 in Bodleian Library, Ballard 55 (S.C. 10841), and prepared by Hearne for the press in Bodleian Library, Rawlinson D. 324 (S.C. 15363).
138 University College, MS. 131 (‘Joan. Spelmanni notæ in vitam Ælfredi regis, 8vo’) was perhaps a volume of Spelman's working notes. University College 136 (‘Vita Ælfredi regis, primi monarchiæ Anglicanæ fundatoris, Anglicano sermone, folio’), if not an earlier manifestation of a local interest in King Alfred, was perhaps a copy of the finished work in its original English form. The descriptions are from Bernard, E., Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae in unum collecti (Oxford, 1697), p. Univ 5Google Scholar, cited by Coxe, H. O., Catalogus codicum MSS. qui in collegiis aulisque Oxoniensibus hodie adservantur, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1852) 1, 38 (by which time both were missing).Google Scholar
142 Milton, J., The History of Britain, that Part Especially Now Call'd England, from the First Traditional Beginning Continu'd to the Norman Conquest (London, 1670)Google Scholar, repr. from the edition of 1677 in Milton, J., The History of BritainGoogle Scholar, with an Introduction by Parry, G. (Stamford, 1991)Google Scholar. For a modern edition, with full apparatus, see Complete Prose Works of John Milton, V.i: 1648?–1671, ed. Fogle, F. (New Haven, CT, 1971)Google Scholar. See also Carnicelli, T. A., ‘Milton's Knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon Period’, A Milton Encyclopedia, ed. Hunter, W. B. et al. , 9 vols. (Lewisburg, 1978–1983) I, 51–3Google Scholar, and Hamilton, G. D., ‘The History of Britain and its Restoration Audience’, Politics, Poetics, and Hermeneutics in Milton's Prose, ed. Loewenstein, D. and Turner, J. G. (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 241–55.Google Scholar
146 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson poet. 88, on which see Tricomi, A. H., ‘R. Kirkham's Alfred, or Right Re-Enthroned’, OEN 22.1 (1988), 30–1.Google Scholar
148 A verse play by Rymer, Thomas (1641–1713)Google Scholar, called Edgar, or The English Monarch; an Heroick Tragedy (London, 1678), 2nd ed. (London, 1693)Google Scholar, was dedicated to King Charles II, and began with a poem comparing Charles and Edgar (‘Thus … You alone, great Edgar's Person bear. / Unking'd, in Love, we represent him here’). Rymer became historiographer royal in 1692, and is better known for his Foedera (1704–1717)Google Scholar. For further comment, see Osborn, J. M., ‘Thomas Rymer as Rhymer’, PQ 54 (1975), 1–26.Google Scholar
149 It is worth noting in this connection that the Wilton Diptych (above, n. 65) had passed into the possession of King Charles I; see Griffiths, , The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 92–3 (no. 48).Google Scholar
151 For the continued significance of the Laws of Edward the Confessor in seventeenth-century polemic, see Greenberg, J., ‘The Confessor's Laws and the Radical Face of the Ancient Constitution’, EHR 104 (1989), 611–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Weston, , ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, pp. 381–5.Google Scholar
152 Above, n. 99.
153 Sir Matthew Hale's The Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, D. E. C., Selden Soc. 92 (London, 1976).Google Scholar
154 Hale's ‘History of the Common Law’ was first published in 1713, repr. in 1716 and 1739. It is repr. from the 3rd ed. in Hale, M., The History of the Common Law of England, ed. Gray, C. M. (Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar; but cf. Yale, D. E. C., Hale as a Legal Historian, Selden Soc. Lecture (London, 1976), pp. 5–6Google Scholar, on the transmission of the text. See also Cromartie, Sir Matthew Hale, pp. 104–9.Google Scholar
155 Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, , pp. 19–20Google Scholar; History of the Common Law, ed. Gray, , pp. 5, 36–8, 42–3, 55–6, 62, 68–9 and 76 (and pp. 160–7, on trials by jury, without mention of Alfred)Google Scholar. For Hale and the Norman Conquest, see also ibid. pp. xxvii–xxviii; Prerogatives of the King, ed. Yale, , pp. xli–xliiGoogle Scholar; Cromartie, , Sir Matthew Hale, pp. 33–6.Google Scholar
156 In the early 1640s Hare, John, in his tract St Edwards Ghost, or Anti-Normanisme (London, 1647)Google Scholar, had developed a version of the ‘Norman Yoke’ which proposed the restoration of the laws of Edward the Confessor (Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’, pp. 72–4), though it might have been realized subsequently that it was better to maintain differentials between the Norman and the English regimes.Google Scholar
157 Petyt, W, The Antient Right of the Commons of England Asserted; or, A Discourse Proving by Records and the Best Historians that the Commons of England were Ever an Essential Part of Parliament (London, 1680), esp. Preface, pp. 1–75, at 6–16 (on ‘Saxon government’).Google Scholar
158 Brady's response to Petyt's tract was first published in 1681, and revised in Brady, R., An Introduction to the Old English History (London, 1684)Google Scholar; see also Brady, R., A Complete History of England (London, 1685), pp. 114–17Google Scholar. For Petyt and Brady, see Weston, , ‘England: Ancient Constitution and Common Law’, pp. 404–10Google Scholar. See also Douglas, D. C., English Scholars 1660–1730, 2nd ed. (London, 1951), pp. 119–38Google Scholar; Butterfield, , The Englishman and his History, pp. 75–8Google Scholar; Pocock, , Ancient Constitution, pp. 182–228Google Scholar; Smith, R. J., The Gothic Bequest: Medieval Institutions in British Thought, 1688–1863 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 7–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hicks, P., Neoclassical History and English Culture: From Clarendon to Hume (Basingstoke, 1996), pp. 82–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
159 For a conspectus of the arguments deployed c. 1690, see Goldie, M., ‘The Revolution of 1689 and the Structure of Political Argument: an Essay and an Annotated Bibliography of Pamphlets on the Allegiance Controversy’, Bull, of Research in the Humanities 83 (1980), 473–564, at 485–91 and 529.Google Scholar
162 The payments are recorded in the General Accounts for 1661/2 (UC:BU2/F1/1, 389r and 389v), cited by Poole, R. Lane, Catalogue of Portraits in the Possession of the University, Colleges, City, and County of Oxford, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1912–1926)Google Scholar II, 1, n. 1. A payment of £3 10s ‘for King Alfreds picture’, recorded in a private account book of Thomas Walker, Master of Univ 1632–48 and 1660–5, suggests, however, that the Master paid for the picture himself (UC:MA26/F4/1, 3v). I am most grateful to Dr Robin Darwall-Smith, Archivist of University College, for supplying and clarifying these references (letter, 4 Jan. 1999), and for determining that a further payment of £8 10s, ‘to the painter’, adduced in this connection by Lane Poole, probably had nothing to do with the picture of Alfred. A payment of 2s 6d was made in 1706 ‘for mending and varnishing King Alfred's picture’ (UC:BU5/F2/1, p. 3).Google Scholar
163 Cf. Hearne's remarks in his diary, 24 Feb. 1714: ‘I saw this morning in the Master of University College's Dining Room a Picture of K. Alfred, painted a pretty many Years agoe. But us nothing near as good as that I have printed from the Draught in Sr John Spelman's MS. ‘The Beard is also wrong, & it makes him look too old. There is not that Briskness neither in the Face as should be.’ (Remarks and Collections of Thomas Hearne, ed. Doble, C. E. et al. , 11 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc. 2, 7, 13, 34, 42–3, 48, 50, 65, 67, 72 (Oxford, 1885–1921) IV, 313–14Google Scholar.) In March 1721 Francis Wise addressed some queries on Alfredian matters to Arthur Charlen, including the age of the Cottonian manuscript of Asser and ‘the Age of the Picture of King Alfred in the Master's Lodgings at University’, which Charlett forwarded to Humfrey Wanley (BL, Add. 70477); Wanley dealt with the former, but avoided the latter (Letters of Wanley, ed. Heyworth, , pp. 423–5 (no. 217) and 431–2 (no. 220))Google Scholar. In 1728 William Smith alluded to a ‘very small’ painting of King Alfred in the Lodgings which was considered to be older than another painting of Alfred which by implication was not in the Lodgings (Annals of University-College [below, n. 461], p. 251).Google Scholar
164 See below, pp. 265 and 271. The engravings do not include the college's coat of arms, on which see above, n. 114.Google Scholar
166 For some of the classic examples of Caroline portraiture, see Ollard, R., The Image of the King: Charles I and Charles II (London, 1979)Google Scholar. For Charles I, see also Howarth, D., Images of Rule: Art and Politics in the English Renaissance, 1485–1649 (London, 1997), pp. 132–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and esp. Roberts, J., The King's Head. Charles I: King and Martyr, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1999).Google Scholar
167 The size and appearance of the portraits, the similar form of lettering on each, and the identical frames, suggest that they have long been hung as a pair; they were still regarded as a pair in 1902 (Carr, , University College, pp. 7 and 225)Google Scholar, and are recorded as a pair (though correctly identified) in the college inventory of 1943. The portrait of the queen conforms to the standard iconographic type for Elizabeth of York: see Strong, R., Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, 2 vols. (London, 1969) I, 97–8. I am grateful to Lord Butler (Master of University College), Ms Christine Ritchie (Librarian of University College), and Dr Jane Cunningham (Courtauld Institute) for their good offices in connection with these portraits; and to the occupants of the Blue Room, in the Master's Lodgings, for tolerating an intrusion when I came to see the portraits in March 1999.Google Scholar
168 For the Bodleian picture gallery, see Waterhouse, E., ‘Paintings and Painted Glass’, The History of the University of Oxford, V: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, L. S. and Mitchell, L. G. (Oxford, 1986), 857–64, at 857–9Google Scholar. I am grateful to Steven Tomlinson, Assistant Librarian, Bodleian Library, for his guidance in this connection.
169 The Bodleian portrait appears to be a cross between the engraving of the portrait made in 1661–2 and the engraving of a medieval painting, said to represent King Alfred, in St Albans cathedral, published in Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, (1678)Google Scholar, pl. II. It was presumably one of the portraits of founders commissioned for the picture gallery, c. 1670, by Willem Sonmans (William Sunman), who died in 1708. For the date ‘872’, cf. Rous (above, pp. 236–7), who gives 873. A mezzotint of the Bodleian portrait was published in Faber, John, Founders of Colleges in Oxford and Cambridge (London, 1712–1714)Google Scholar, inscribed: ‘Alfredus Saxonum Rex Coll. Universitatis Oxon. Fundr. Circa Ao Chr. 872. Hujus summi Regis Effigiem a Tabula in Bibl. Bodleiana factam Reverendo Viro Arthuro Charlett S.T.P. et istius Collegii Magistro &c. Summa cum Humil. & Observantia D.D.D. J. Faber Ao 1712.’ A particularly fine reproduction of the portrait, in colour, was published in Ackermann, R., A History of the University of Oxford, its Colleges, Halls, and Public Buildings, 2 vols. (London, 1814) I, opp. p. 25.Google Scholar
170 For Obadiah Walker, see the account of his life in the DNB, and VCH Oxon III, 67–8Google Scholar. See also F[irth], A. E., ‘Obadiah Walker’, University College Record 1961, 95–106, and 1964, 261–73Google Scholar; Darwall-Smith, R., ‘Obadiah Walker in his own Words’, University College Record 1998, 56–68Google Scholar; Mitchell, L., ‘Obadiah Walker: Addendum’, University College Record 1998, 69–73Google Scholar; and Darwall-Smith, , University College: the First 750 Years, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar
171 Printed here from Walker's draft (UC:MA30/1/C/13). I am grateful to Dr Robin Darwall-Smith for supplying me with a photocopy. The letter is also cited by Newman, J., ‘The Architectural Setting’, The History of the University of Oxford, IV: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, N. (Oxford, 1997), pp. 135–77, at 145CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and by Beddard, R. A., ‘Tory Oxford’, Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, , pp. 863–905, at 864.Google Scholar
172 Wase is named as the translator by Hearne, , Life of Alfred, p. 225. He was educated at Eton and at King's College, Cambridge.Google Scholar
173 The draft of Walker's letter to Ashmole (UC:MA30/3/C7/1) is printed by Darwall-Smith, , ‘Obadiah Walker in his own Words’, p. 63.Google Scholar In the event, Walker published five engraved plates of coins, which are not in themselves unimportant in the history of Anglo-Saxon numismatics. The first (pl. III) shows the coins found at Harkirke, Lanes., in 1611 (Blackburn, M. and Pagan, H., ‘A Revised Check-List of Coin Hoards from the British Isles, c.500–1100’, Anglo-Saxon Monetary History, ed. Blackburn, M. A. S. (Leicester, 1986), pp. 291–313, at 295 and 303 (no. 92)Google Scholar, from a manuscript in Corpus Christi College, Oxford (MS. 255, 78v). The other four plates (pls. IV–VII) show a range of Anglo-Saxon coins from the collections of Sir John Cotton, Elias Ashmole, the Bodleian Library, and Dr Nicholas Jonston, but also including some said to be ‘apud nos’. The device on the ‘London Monogram’ type was interpreted by Walker as evidence that the Alfred who issued it was king of Northumbria; cf. Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , II, 189.Google Scholar
174 [Walker], Ælfredi Magni Anglorum regis invictissimi vita. Walker's own copy, with extensive annotations, is preserved in the library of University College, Oxford. The original copperplates for all seven of the engraved plates are preserved in the college archives (UC:MA30/2/AR/1–7). I am grateful to Ms Christine Ritchie for enabling me to examine the book in November 1998.
175 The notes include a text of the OE Coronation Oath, printed from ajunius transcript [Junius 60, 2r] of a (burnt) Cottonian manuscript [Cotton Vitellius A. vii] (p. 62)Google Scholar; an interesting discussion of the Alfredian church at Athelney described by William of Malmesbury (pp. 130–1, with diagram)Google Scholar, and some carefully chosen words on Alfred's foundation of Oxford University and of University College (p. 135).Google Scholar
176 The appendices include the Latin version of King Alfred's will (from Parker), the prose and verse prefaces to Alfred's translation of Gregory's Regula pastoralis (from Parker), a text of the West Saxon regnal table (from Whelock), a chronology of Alfred's life, a text of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan (presumably derived from a transcript of BL, Cotton Tiberius B. i), and an account of Alfred's descendants to King Charles II. See also Brewer, , ‘References to the Voyage of Ohthere’, p. 209.Google Scholar
177 Clark, A., The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary, of Oxford, 1632–1695, Described by Himself, 5 vols., Oxford Hist. Soc. 19, 21, 26, 30, 40 (Oxford, 1891–1900) II, 421–2 and 449Google Scholar; see also Beddard, , ‘Tory Oxford’, pp. 864–5Google Scholar, and Jones, , The English Nation, pp. 107–14.Google Scholar
178 The statue was given to the college by Dr Robert Plot, on his becoming a Fellow Commoner; see Smith, , Annals of University-College [below, n. 461], pp. 251–2Google Scholar, and VCH Oxon III, 77Google Scholar. David, Loggan's view of the rebuilt University College, published in his Oxonia Illustrata (1675)Google Scholar, shows the outer face of the gate-tower with two niches for statues, both then empty; see The Encyclopedia of Oxford, ed. Hibbert, C. (London, 1988), p. 475.Google Scholar
179 Clark, , Life and Times of Wood III, 35. Alfred was later replaced over the gate tower by Queen Anne, who remains in situ.Google Scholar
180 See the account of his career in the DNB, and the references cited above, nn. 170 and 177. In 1687–8 Walker published a number of Catholic tracts from a printing-press at Univ (Clark, , Life and Times of Wood III, 209, 218, 221Google Scholar), under an imprint with included King Alfred's head; see Carter, , History of the OUP, pp. 118–19Google Scholar, and Tyacke, N., ‘Religious Controversy’, Seventeenth-Century Oxford, ed. Tyacke, , pp. 569–619, at 610 and 614, with pl. 28.Google Scholar
181 A photograph of the statue in the rockery, taken in 1915 (Oxfordshire Photographic Archive, Central Library, Oxford), is reproduced in Rhodes, J., Oxford: the University in Old Photographs (Stroud, 1988)Google Scholar. See also VCH Oxon III, 77. The statue was still there in the 1940s, but is alas there no more.Google Scholar
183 The representations of King Alfred and King Æthelstan were engraved for Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, , pl. II.Google Scholar The windows, which would appear to have originated c. 1600, were described by Hearne in 1724; see Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , VIII, 225Google Scholar. For their later history, cf. VCH Oxon III, 186–7.Google Scholar
185 There are engravings of the bust in Spelman, Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, , pl. I, and in Wise's edition of Asser (p. 1)Google Scholar. The portrait (given to the college in 1769) showed Alfred in a ‘red and ermine mantle over blue dress’, holding a partly unrolled scroll in his left hand (Poole, Lane, Catalogue of Portraits II, 243)Google Scholar; cf. below, n. 312. I am grateful to Mrs Elizabeth Boardman, College Archivist, Brasenose College, and Ms Maria Chevska, curator of pictures, for apprising me of its unfortunate fate.
186 For an excellent study of the wider context, see Fairer, D., ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 807–29.Google Scholar
187 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 12 (S.C. 5124), 53 (S.C. 5165) and 70 (S.C. 5181). See also Stanley, E. G., ‘The Sources of Junius's Learning as Revealed in the Junius Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library’, Franciscus Junius F.F. and his Circle, ed. Bremmer, R. H. Jr, Stud. in Lit. 21 (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA, 1998), 159–76, at 166–7, 169 and 170.Google Scholar
188 For an assessment of Thwaites's contribution, see Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 812–20.Google Scholar
190 An. Manl. Sever. Boethi Consolations Philosophiae Libri V, Anglo-Saxonice redditi ab Alfredo, inclyto Anglo-Saxonum rege, ed. Rawlinson, C. (Oxford, 1698)Google Scholar. See Fairer, , ‘Anglo-Saxon Studies’, pp. 813–14Google Scholar. Rawlinson (1677–1733) entered The Queen's College in 1695, and worked with assistance from Thwaites.
192 One of three notebooks containing the material gathered by the Elstobs for their edition of the laws is now Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Eng. lang. c. 11 (S.C. 40391). For the Elstobs, see Gretsch, M., ‘Elizabeth Elstob: a Scholar's Fight for Anglo-Saxon Studies’, Anglia 117 (1999).Google Scholar
194 For the ‘Benefactors’ Book’, see Darwall-Smith, , University College: the First 750 Years, pp. 5–6, with illustration showing the treatment of Alfred the Great and William of Durham on the opening page. I am informed by Dr Darwall-Smith that the last (? original) entry in the book is dated 1695, followed by two undated records which refer to Arthur Charlett, after which the book is blank.Google Scholar
195 For Wanley, see The Blackmell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge, M. et al. , (Oxford, 1999), pp. 466–7Google Scholar, and references; see also Gillam, S., ‘Humfrey Wanley and Arthur Charlett’, Bodleian Lib. Record 16.5 (1999), 411–29. One wonders whether Wanley might have had a hand in the production of the ‘Benefactors’ Book'.Google Scholar
197 Hickes, G. and Wanley, H., Antiquœ literaturœ septentrionalis libri duo (Oxford, 1703–1705), comprising Hickes's Linguarum vett. septentrionalium thesaurus grammatico-criticus et archœologicus (in vol. I) and Wanley's Librorum vett. septentrionalium, qui in Angliæ biblioth. extant, catalogus historico-criticus (in vol. II).Google Scholar
198 Hearne, T., The Life of Alfred the Great, by Sir John Spelman Kt (Oxford, 1709)Google Scholar. The sketch of Alfred which looms out of the page in Spelman's autograph manuscript (above, n. 137) was elaborated and engraved by Burghers for the frontispiece to Hearne's edition; but this portrait of the king made little impression on later Alfredian iconography. To judge from Hearne's own account (Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , II, 179–83, 184–5 and 438)Google Scholar, he prepared his edition c. 1705, and intended it as an expression of his gratitude to University College for kindnesses received; yet Dr Charlett, Master of Univ, was obstructive, in part because Hearne's edition was not dedicated to him, but also because he objected to the portrait (ibid. VIII, 39), evidendy preferring the one in his own Lodgings, later engraved for Wise's edition of Asser (above, pp. 261–2, and below, p. 271)Google Scholar. See also Harmsen, T., ‘Bodleian Imbroglios, Politics and Personalities, 1701–16: Thomas Hearne, Arthur Charlett and John Hudson’, Neophilologus 82 (1998), 149–68, at 153 and 155–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
199 For his diaries, and a digest of his correspondence, see Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , described, with his other papers, in the Bodleian Library Summary Catalogue, under the Rawlinson collection. For Hearne's letters to James WestGoogle Scholar, see A Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum II (London, 1819), 174–81Google Scholar. For a catalogue of his library, see Antiquaries, ed. Piggott, S., Sale Catalogues of Libraries of Eminent Persons 10 (London, 1974), 201–402Google Scholar. For his publications, see Carter, , History of the OUP, pp. 263–9.Google Scholar
201 Keynes, S., ‘The Discovery and First Publication of the Alfred Jewel’, Somerset Archaeol. and Nat. Hist. 136 (1993 for 1992), 1–8Google Scholar; MacGregor, A. G. and Turner, A. J., ‘The Ashmolean Museum’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 639–58, at 649Google Scholar; and S. Piggott, ‘Antiquarian Studies’, ibid. pp. 757–77, at 771. For the history of Alfred at Oxford in the later eighteenth century, see further below, pp. 322–4.Google Scholar
202 On the emergence of ‘British’ identity in the eighteenth century, see Colley, L., Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT, 1992)Google Scholar; see also O'Gorman, F., The Long Eighteenth Century: British Political and Social History 1688–1832 (London, 1997), pp. 96–101Google Scholar, and Hastings, A., The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, 1997), esp. pp. 35–65 (‘England as Prototype’), at 61–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
204 Above, pp. 247–8.Google Scholar For further discussion, see Hill, , ‘The Norman Yoke’, pp. 95–9Google Scholar; Horsman, R., ‘Origins of Racial Anglo-Saxonism in Great Britain before 1850’, Jnl of the Hist. of Ideas 37 (1976), 387–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Newman, G., The Rise of English Nationalism: a Cultural History 1740–1830 (London, 1987), pp. 183–91 and 229–30Google Scholar; and Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, esp. pp. 98–102.Google Scholar
205 Wilkins, D., Leges Anglo-Saxonicœ ecclesiasticæ & civiles (London, 1721). Wilkins was of Prussian origin (born Wilke), and is said to have been blessed with ‘a width of erudition purchased with a certain want of accuracy’ (DNB).Google Scholar
206 Smith, J., Historiae ecclesiasticae gentis Anglorum libri quinque, auctore Sancto & Venerabili Baeda (Cambridge, 1722).Google Scholar
207 Wise, F., Annales rerum gestarum Ælfredi Magni, auctore Asserio Menevensi (Oxford, 1722).Google Scholar Wise (1695–1767) was a fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. For his suggestion, made in 1738, that the White Horse of Uffington commemorated the English victory at Ashdown in 871, see Piggott, , ‘Antiquarian Studies’, History of the University of Oxford: the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sutherland, and Mitchell, , pp. 757–77, at 765–70.Google Scholar
209 There was no spirit of friendship between Wise and Hearne. In 1719 Wise (described by Hearne as ‘a Pretender to Antiquities’) had got the post of Second Librarian (Under-Keeper) in the Bodleian Library which had been denied to Hearne because of his refusal to take the oaths (Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , VII, 81)Google Scholar. This naturally affected Hearne's feelings towards Wise. Hearne was thus bound to have a low opinion of Wise's Asser, which he thought had been done ‘purely out of opposition to me’ (ibid. VIII, 30, 39–40 and 322, and IX, 121–2 and 123–4). Wise narrowly failed to become Bodley's Librarian in 1729, to Hearne's evident pleasure (ibid. X, 207).
210 The coat of arms (a cross potent fitched at foot) is a variation of the cross patonce or cross flory which represented the kingdom of all England, and was used for kings from Egbert to Eadwig, including Alfred (above, n. 114). The cross flory returns in a later version of Vertue's portrait (pl. IIb)
212 Thoyras, P. de Rapin, The History of England, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil I (London, 1728), preface.Google Scholar
214 Thoyras, P. de Rapin, The History of England, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil I–II (London, 1726–1728).Google Scholar Vol. I [Julius Caesar – Edward the Martyr] is dated 1728, and was dedicated to Thomas, Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham. Vol. II.i [Æthelred II – Harold II, with the dissertation on the government of the Anglo-Saxons], dated 1726, and II.ii [William I – Stephen], dated 1728, was dedicated to Sir Charles Wager. For the manner and success of the publication, see Wiles, R. M., Serial Publication in England before 1750 (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 96–7, 197 and 276–7.Google Scholar
215 Thoyras, P. Rapin de [sic], The History of England, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1732–1733)Google Scholar, originally published in weekly parts. For the folio edition, see Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 106–8 and 285. Illustradons were added by subscription, from 1733 to 1736 (below, n. 293).Google Scholar
217 An Abridgement of the History of England; being a Summary of Mr. Rapin's History and Mr. Tindal's Continuation, from the Landing of Julius Casar, to the Death of King George I, 3 vols. (London, 1747)Google Scholar, in which the narrative was reduced to single-sentence paragraphs, with marginal dates, though retaining some extended prose on ‘The Character of Alfred the Great’ (I, 39–45).Google Scholar
218 Lockman, J., A New History of England, by Question and Answer, extracted from the Most Celebrated English Histories, particularly M. Rapin de Thoyras (London, 1729)Google Scholar, which reached its 5th ed. in 1740, its 10th in 1758, its 15th in 1768, its 20th in 1784, and its 25th in 1811. For the illustrations which first appeared in the 6th ed. (1747), see below, p. 305.Google Scholar For Lockman, (1698–1771), see the DNB.Google Scholar For a similar work by Mangnall, Richmal (1769–1820), see below, n. 514.Google Scholar
220 Rapin, , History of England, 2nd ed. I, 90–7 (on Alfred), at 92Google Scholar, n. 6: ‘She having one Day set a Cake on the Coals, and being busied about something else, the Cake happen'd to be burnt; upon which she fell a scolding at the King for his Carelessness in not looking after the Cake, which she told him he could eat fast enough. Alfred was then sitting in the Chimney-corner, making Bows and Arrows, and other warlike Instruments. Asser. Vit. Alfr. p. 9.’). Cf. Thoyras, de Rapin, Histoire d'Angleterre I, 307.Google Scholar
221 For a contemporary assessment of Prince Frederick, albeit from an interested party, see Horace Walpole:Memoirs of George II, ed. Brooke, J., 3 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1985) I, pp. 50–5.Google Scholar
222 Extended modern studies are: Young, G., Poor Fred: the People's Prince (Oxford, 1937)Google Scholar; Edwards, A., Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales (London, 1947)Google Scholar; and De-la-Noy, M., The King Who Never Was: the Story of Frederick, Prince of Wales (London, 1996).Google Scholar See also Jones, S., Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, Exhibition Catalogue [Gainsborough's House] (Sudbury, 1981)Google Scholar; Newman, A. N., ‘The Political Patronage of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales’, Hist. Jnl 1 (1958), 68–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Langford, P., A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727–1783 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 36–7, 47–8 and 340Google Scholar; and Colley, , Britons, p. 206.Google Scholar
223 Among contemporary portraits of Prince Frederick, several in the Royal Collection are reproduced with discussion in Lloyd, C., The Quest for Albion: Monarchy and the Patronage of British Painting, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1998).Google Scholar
224 Philippe Mercier (1689–1760), ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Sisters making Music at Kew’, reproduced with discussion in Laing, A., In Trust for the Nation: Paintings from National Trust Houses, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1995), pp. 56–7.Google Scholar
226 SirBlackmore, Richard, Alfred: an Epick Poem in Twelve Books (London, 1723).Google Scholar For Blackmore's life and works, see the DNB. See also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 52–7Google Scholar; and Simmons, C. A., ‘The Historical Sources of Sir Richard Blackmore's Alfred’, ELN 26 (1988), 18–23.Google Scholar
228 See further below, n. 293. For Vertue and Prince Frederick, see Clayton, T., The English Print 1688–1802 (New Haven, CT, 1997), pp. 172–3.Google Scholar
229 Gunnis, R., Dictionary of British Sculptors 1660–1851 (London, 1953), rev. ed. (London, 1968), pp. 333–8Google Scholar; Webb, M. I., Michael Rysbrack, Sculptor (London, 1954), pp. 145–6Google Scholar; Eustace, K., Michael Rysbrack Sculptor 1694–1770, Exhibition Catalogue (Bristol, 1982), pp. 135–7 and 173Google Scholar; and Eustace, K., ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’, Apollo 148 [no. 437] (07 1998), 31–40, at 37.Google Scholar For Queen Caroline and the arts, see Millar, O., The Tudor, Stuart and Early Georgian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen (London, 1963), pp. 27–8. The terracotta bust of Alfred (known from a photograph, reproduced in Eustace, Rysbrack, fig. 51), with others in the same series, fetched up on a shelf in the Orangery at Windsor Castle, and was destroyed when the shelf collapsed in 1906. There is an engraving, dated 1785, of a portrait of King Alfred as one of a series of royal portraits at Kensington Palace.Google Scholar
230 Millar, , The Tudor, Stuart and Early Georgian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen, pp. 28–30Google Scholar; Rorschach, K., ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, Walpole Soc. 55 (1989–1990), 1–76Google Scholar; Rorschach, K., ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales: Taste, Politics and Power’, Apollo 134 [no. 356] (10 1991), 239–45.Google Scholar
233 The Octagon Temple drew architectural inspiration from Lord Burlington's Palladian villa at Chiswick, built in the 1720s, on which see The Palladian Revival: Lord Burlington: his Villa and his Garden at Chiswick, Exhibition Catalogue (New Haven, CT, 1994).Google Scholar
234 According to a note in a contemporary publication, Rysbrack had finished ‘the two fine Statues, which are to be erected on two marble Pedestals in the Octagon of the Garden of his R. H. the Prince of Wales in Pall-Mall’ by July 1735 (London Mag. 07 1735, 390).Google Scholar The inscription on the pedestal of the statue of Alfred read as follows: ‘Alfredo Magno, / Anglorum Reipublicæ Libertatisque / Fundatori / Justo, Forti, Bono, / Legislatori, Duci, Regi, / Artium Musarumque / Fautori Eruditissimo, / Patriæ Patri / Posuit / F.W.P. / MDCCXXXV’ (ibid.). In 1736 Prince Frederick paid Rysbrack £105 for the marble busts of Alfred and the Black Prince; see Webb, , Rysbrack, pp. 156 and 210Google Scholar, and Eustace, , ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’, p. 38.Google ScholarRorschach, , ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, pp. 24–5, suggests that the statues were by the staircase of the Octagon Temple.Google Scholar
236 The battered and restored statue of a bearded king which stands in Trinity Church Square, Southwark, London S.E.1, is presumed by some to be Prince Frederick's Alfred, from Carlton House, but is supposed by others to be from the Palace of Westminster, c. 1400.
237 The position of the Octagon Temple, at the eastern end of Carlton House gardens, can be seen in Rocque's map of London (1746), reproduced in Rorschach, ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, fig. 39, and in Jones, , Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, p. 13.Google Scholar This map can be compared with maps in Carlton House: the Past Glories of George IV's Palace, Exhibition Catalogue (London, 1991), inside front and back covers, showing the house and gardens in 1799 and showing the house superimposed on a modern street plan of the same area.Google Scholar
238 For Bolingbroke's text, which itself makes no reference to Alfred, see Bolingbroke: Political Writings, ed. Armitage, D. (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 217–94Google Scholar; see also Lord Bolingbroke: Contributions to the ‘Craftsman’, ed. Varey, S. (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar For pertinent comment, see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 57–70Google Scholar; Langford, , England 1727–1783, p. 222Google Scholar; and esp. Gerrard, C., The Patriot Opposition to Walpole: Politics, Poetry, and National Myth, 1725–1742 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 185–229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
239 The Complete Poetical Works of James Thomson, ed. Robertson, J. L. (Oxford, 1908), pp. 107 and 378Google Scholar; Thomson, J., Liberty, The Castle of Indolence, and Other Poems, ed. Sambrook, J. (Oxford, 1986), p. 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomson, J., The Seasons and the Castle of Indolence, ed. Sambrook, J. (Oxford, 1972), pp. 77 and 225.Google Scholar
240 For Alfred: a Masque, see Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 58–62Google Scholar; Grant, D., James Thomson: Poet of ‘The Seasons’ (London, 1951), pp. 169–94Google Scholar; McKillop, A. D., ‘The Early History of Alfred’, PQ 41 (1962), 311–24Google Scholar; Alfred: a Masque written by David Mallet and James Thomson, set to Music by Thomas Augustine Arne, ed. Scott, A., Musica Britannica 47 (London, 1981), pp. xv–xxGoogle Scholar; Burden, M., ‘A Mask for Politics: The Masque of Alfred’, Music Rev. 48 (1988), 21–30, at 26–7Google Scholar; and Gerrard, , Patriot Opposition, p. 117.Google Scholar See also Cliveden, National Trust Guide (London, 1994), pp. 16–19. A CD recording of extended excerpts from the masque was published by the BBC Music Mag. in June 1997. The masque was performed by Bampton Classical Opera, in the Deanery Garden, Bampton, in July 1998.Google Scholar
241 Rorschach, , ‘Frederick, Prince of Wales (1707–51), as Collector and Patron’, pp. 27–31, citing Vertue's notes in BL, Add. 19027, 80r.Google Scholar
243 Lees-Milne, J., Earls of Creation: Five Great Patrons of Eighteenth-Century Art (London, 1962, new ed. London, 1986), pp. 23–8Google Scholar; see also Burke, J., English Art 1714–1800 (Oxford, 1976), p. 50Google Scholar, and McCarthy, M., The Origins of the Gothic Revival (New Haven, CT, 1987), p. 27Google Scholar and pl. 21. The place where King Alfred stayed on the eve of the battle of Edington in 878, formerly identified as ‘Oakley Wood’ (among other places), is now identified as Iley Oak, near Warminster, Wilts. (Asser's ‘Life of King Alfred’, ed. Stevenson, , pp. 270–2Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 249).Google Scholar
244 Eustace, , ‘Stowe and the Development of the Historical Portrait Bust’Google Scholar; Webb, , Rysbrack, pp. 135–6Google Scholar; Clarke, G., ‘Grecian Taste and Gothic Virtue: Lord Cobham's Gardening Programme and its Iconography’, Apollo 97 (06 1973), 566–71Google Scholar; Bevington, M., Stowe: the Garden and the Park, 2nd ed. (Stowe, 1995), pp. 37–8 and 94–6Google Scholar; and Robinson, J. M., Temples of Delight: Stowe Landscape Gardens, National Trust (London, 1990; new ed., 1994), pp. 90–3Google Scholar, with illustrations. See also Stowe Landscape Gardens, National Trust Guide (London, 1997), pp. 28–30.Google Scholar
245 See Descriptions of Lord Cobham's Gardens at Stowe (1700–1750), ed. Clarke, G. B., Buckinghamshire Record Soc. 26 (Aylesbury, 1990), 11, 75, 90, 107, 116 and 138.Google Scholar
246 Samuel Johnson: Poems, ed. McAdam, E. L. with Milne, G., Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson 6 (New Haven, CT, 1964), 45–61, at 60–1.Google Scholar
248 George, Lord Lyttelton, The History of the Life of Henry the Second, and of the Age in which he Lived, in Five Books: to which is prefixed, A History of the Revolutions of England from the Death of Edward the Confessor to the Birth of Henry the Second, 3 vols. (London, 1767–1771), esp. II, 165 (navy), 175–6 (trade), 257 (slavery), 259 (view of Frankpledge) and 322 (learning).Google Scholar
250 For the Jacobite jingle (‘Here lies poor Fred, who was alive and is dead …’), see Young, , Poor Fred, pp. 219–24.Google Scholar Prince Frederick's death was marked by the publication of numerous odes; and it is represented also by a pottery figure ‘Britannia mourning for Frederick, Prince of Wales’ (British Museum), reproduced in Jones, Frederick, Prince of Wales, and his Circle, p. 27.Google Scholar See also Langford, , England 1727–1783, pp. 220–1.Google Scholar
251 Guthrie, W., A General History of England, from the Invasion of the Ramans under Julius Cœsar, to the Late Revolution in MDCLXXXVIII, 4 vols. (London, 1744–1751)Google Scholar, originally published in weekly parts (Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 148 and 339)Google Scholar. The plates are in the form of engraved portraits, for rulers from William I onwards. For Guthrie (1707–70), see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 55–6Google Scholar, and Hicks, , Neoclassical History and English Culture, pp. 155–8.Google Scholar
252 Bernard, J. P. et al. , A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical in which a New and Accurate Translation of that of the Celebrated Mr. Boyle is Included, 10 vols. (London, 1734–1741) I, 493–505 (on Alfred)Google Scholar; Biographia Britannica: or, The Lives of the Most Eminent Persons who have Flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from the Earliest Ages, down to the Present Times, 6 vols. in 7 (London, 1747–1766) I, 45–57 (on Alfred)Google Scholar. See also Ryland, J., The Life and Character of Alfred the Great (London, 1784), said to have been ‘drawn from the more ample view of him in the first volume in folio of the Biographia Britannica, with other authors’, which I have not seen.Google Scholar
253 For the complex bibliography of this work, see Jessop, T. E., A Bibliography of David Hume and of Scottish Philosophy (London, 1938), pp. 27–33Google Scholar. For an exposition of Hume's historical writing, see Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 74–84Google Scholar, and Hicks, , Neoclassical History and English Culture, pp. 170–209.Google Scholar
255 Hume, D., The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688, 6 vols. (London, 1759–1762), new ed. in 8 vols. (London, 1778), reset in 6 vols.Google Scholar, with a Foreword by Todd, W. B., Liberty Classics (Indianapolis, IN, 1983) I, 63–81Google Scholar. An abridged edition of Hume's, History (Chicago, 1975), which does not include coverage of the Anglo-Saxon period, has an Introduction by R. W. Kilcup.Google Scholar
258 See, in general, Miles, , King Alfred in LiteratureGoogle Scholar; Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’Google Scholar; Frank, R., ‘The Search for the Anglo-Saxon Oral Poet’, Bull. of the John Rylands Univ. Lib. of Manchester 75 (1993), 11–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pratt, L., ‘Anglo-Saxon Attitudes?: Alfred the Great and the Romantic National Epic’, Literary Appropriations of the Anglo-Saxons from the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century, ed. Scragg, D. and Weinberg, C., CSASE 29 (Cambridge, 2000), 138–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Miles, (pp. 2–3)Google Scholar cites Arnold, J. Loring, ‘King Alfred in English Poetry’, PhD Dissertation, Univ. of Leipzig (Meiningen, 1898), which I have not seen.Google Scholar
259 See Colley, L., ‘Radical Patriotism in Eighteenth-Century England’, Patriotism: the Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. Samuel, R., 3 vols. (London, 1989) I, 169–87, at 172–3, for an almanac issued by one of the Anti-Gallicans in 1750–1, featuring a print which listed the pre-Conquest rulers of England.Google Scholar
263 An Historical Essay on the English Constitution: or, An Impartial Inquiry into the Elective Power of the People, fromthe First Establishment ofthe Saxons in this Kingdom, wherein the Right of Parliament, to Tax our Distant Provinces, is Explained, and Justified (London, 1771), esp. pp. 22–33Google Scholar. For exposition of this work, see Newman, , The Rise of English Nationalism, pp. 185–9Google Scholar, and Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 100–2.Google Scholar
265 Bicknell, A., The Patriot King: or Alfred and Elvida. An Historical Tragedy (London, 1788)Google Scholar, soon adapted for performance in Germany and provided with incidental music by Joseph Haydn (Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 423, n. 47)Google Scholar. See also Miles, , King Alfredin Literature, pp. 69–71.Google Scholar
268 Kedleston Hall, Derbyshire, National Trust Guide (London, 1988, rev. 1998), p. 55Google Scholar; I am grateful to Ms Jill Banks, Archivist, Kedleston Hall, for her assistance in this connection. If only to judge from the portrait, ‘Ethelred’ was modelled on a Helmet penny of Æthelred II. Medallions of Alfred and Ethelred were among the items sold at the sale of the effects of a sculptor called Bridges in 1775 (Gunnis, , Dictionary of British Sculptors, p. 61).Google Scholar
269 The painting, made in 1776 by Antonio Zucchi (1726–95), shows Britannia, enthroned between Faith and Justice, being presented by Fame with portraits of Alfred the Great and Elizabeth I. Zucchi was working for Robert Adam, on behalf of Elizabeth, Dowager Countess of Home. See Whinney, M., Home House: No. 20 Portman Square (Feltham, 1969), pp. 39–40Google Scholar, with plate on p. 94, and Croft-Murray, , Decorative Painting in England II, 298. The portrait of Alfred was based on the image devised by Vertue.Google Scholar
270 An inscription on a tablet in the wall read as follows: ‘To the Memory of / Alfred the Great / The Wise, the Pious and Magnanimous / The Friend of / Science, Virtue, Law, and Liberty / This Monument /Jeremiah Dixon of Allerton / Gledhow caused to be erected / A.D. MDCCLXIX.’ I am grateful to Chris Solomon for drawing my attention to ‘Alfred's Castle’; to Vivien Cartwright (Local Studies Library, Central Library, Leeds) for providing me with presscuttings (and a photograph of part of the structure taken shortly before it was demolished in May 1946); and to Brett Harrison (The Thoresby Society, Leeds) for providing me with a photograph of the inscription (from a lantern slide made in 1888). Jeremiah Dixon (1726–82) was High Sheriff of the county in 1758, and was made an FRS in 1773; he had bought the Gledhow estate in 1764. For the inscription on his tomb in the parish church of Leeds, see Whitaker, T. D., Loidis and Elmete; or, An Attempt to Illustrate the Districts Described in those Words by Bede (Leeds, 1816), p. 57Google Scholar, with pedigree of Dixon at pp. 130–1. See also Taylor, R. V., The Biographia Leodiensis; or, Biographical Sketches of the Worthies of Leeds and Neighbourhood, from the Norman Conquest to the Present Time (London, 1865), pp. 181–3.Google Scholar
271 Six Odes Presented to that Justly-Celebrated Historian, Mrs. Catharine Macaulay, on her Birth-Day, and Publicly Read to a Polite and Brilliant Audience, Assembled April the Second, at Alfred-House, Bath, to Congratulate that Lady on the Happy Occasion (Bath, ), esp. pp. 17–19, 35–8 and 39–45Google Scholar. For ‘Alfred House’, built c. 1772, see Ison, W., Georgian Buildings of Bath from 1700 to 1830, rev. ed. (Bath, 1980), pp. 7, 27, 97–9, 156–7 and 198Google Scholar (showing the bust of Alfred, displaying all the features of its Vertue/Rysbrack model, over the Adamesque doorcase). For an account of her writings, see Hill, B., The Republican Virago: the Life and Times of Catharine Macaulay, Historian (Oxford, 1992), esp. pp. 31–2 and 79–80.Google Scholar
272 d'Arnaud, F. T. M. Baculard, Délassements de l'homme sensible, ou anecdotes diverses, 6 vols. (Paris, 1783) I.i, 1–16Google Scholar (with no indication of source). See Dawson, R. L., Baculard d'Arnaud: Life and Prose Fiction, 2 vols., Stud. on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 141–2 (Banbury, 1976) II, 474–518 (Baculard's medievalism) and 677–9Google Scholar (Délassements); see also Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, p. 111Google Scholar, and Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 427–8.Google Scholar
273 See further below, pp. 300–1.
274 ‘The Story of Alfred and Ethelwitha: with an Interesting Scene, Designed by Stothard’, Universal Mag. of Knowledge and Pleasure (January, 1784), pp. 29–32.Google Scholar
276 Fuller, A., The Son of Ethelwolf: an Historical Tale (London, 1789)Google Scholar, Preface: ‘Heaven has restored to you a father, to England a sovereign, worthy of the tears that were recendy shed for him, and of the happiness that his recovery now inspires.’ For an effective discussion of the novel, see Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 427–31.Google Scholar
277 Lessons to a Young Prince, on the Present Disposition in Europe to a General Revolution (London, 1790).Google Scholar
278 The author of the tract was the Welsh radical David Williams (1738–1816). For his use of Alfred, see Jones, W. R. D., David Williams: the Anvil and the Hammer (Cardiff, 1986), esp. pp. 73Google Scholar (in A Plan of Association on Constitutional Principles (1780)), 109–12Google Scholar (in Lesson to a Young Prince (1790)), and 151Google Scholar (in Egeria, or Elementary Studies on the Progress of Nations in Political Oeconomy, Legislation, and Government (London, 1803)).Google Scholar
279 For further discussion, see Horsman, R., Race and Manifest Destiny: the Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, MA, 1981), pp. 9–24Google Scholar; Hauer, S. R., ‘Thomas Jefferson and the Anglo-Saxon Language’, PMLA 98 (1983), 879–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Frantzen, A. J., Desire for Origins: New Language, Old English, and Teaching the Tradition (New Brunswick, NJ, 1990), esp. pp. 204–7.Google Scholar
280 Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships, 8 vols. (Washington, DC, 1959–1981) I, 28. I owe my knowledge of the Alfred's, existence to the kindness of Professor Richard Abels, of the US Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD.Google Scholar
284 [Anon.], Observations on the Life and Character of Alfred the Great (London, 1794)Google Scholar. The tale of Alfred and Ethelwitha was derived from Baculard d'Arnaud (above, n. 275). For the publisher, see the DNB, and Davis, M. T., ‘“That Odious Class of Men Called Democrats”: Daniel Isaac Eaton and the Romantics 1794–1795’, History 84 (1999), 74–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
286 For an account of this performance, see Miles, , King Alfred in Literature, pp. 76–7.Google Scholar
287 Diary of Joseph Farington [below, n. 443] III, 1055–6.
288 Cartwright, J., An Appeal, Civil and Military, on the Subject of the English Constitution (London, 1799)Google Scholar. For Cartwright, see the DNB, and Osborne, J. W., John Cartwright (Cambridge, 1972)Google Scholar; see also Smith, , The Gothic Bequest, pp. 137–9Google Scholar, and Simmons, , Reversing the Conquest, pp. 36–9.Google Scholar
289 On the popularity of history in the eighteenth century, see Langford, , England 1727–1783, pp. 96–9Google Scholar, and Brewer, , Pleasures of the Imagination, pp. 181–2Google Scholar. The Universal History mentioned by Langford had first appeared (part by part) in 7 folio volumes (1736–44), ranging widely across the ancient world (though including an account of the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain in VII.1, 438–55). An edition ranging across the modern world first appeared in 44 octavo volumes (1759–66), but did not cover Great Britain. A revised edition of the modern part, in 42 octavo volumes (1780–84), gave belated coverage to England, Scotland and Ireland (XXXIX–XLII); and Anglo-Saxon England is given relatively short shrift (XXXIX, 1–47, at 14–19 (Alfred)). See Abbattista, G., ‘The Business of Paternoster Row: Towards a Publishing History of the Universal History (1736–65)’, Publishing Hist. 17 (1985), 5–50.Google Scholar
290 Above, n. 213. The portraits include King Egbert (opp. p. 213), King Alfred (opp. p. 301), and King Cnut (opp. p. 406). The portraits were probably derived from the plates in Walker's edition of Spelman's ‘Life’ (1678), whether of the coins (for Egbert and Cnut) or of the painting at University College (Alfred). The headpieces include Vortigern and Rowena (p. 91), St Augustine preaching before King Æthelberht (p. 147), the three Anglian kings of Northumbria, Mercia, and East Anglia paying their respects to King Egbert (p. 277), the beheading of Swein's sister in the presence of King Æthelred (p. 383), and a meeting of the Witenagemot during the age of the Heptarchy (p. 475).
292 Above, n. 215, vol. I, 3Google Scholar(a pastoral scene), 9Google Scholar(Romans building), 30Google Scholar(Rowena catching the eye of Vortigern), 45Google Scholar(St Augustine before King Æthelberht), 82Google Scholar(the three Anglian kings of Mercia, Northumbria and East Anglia acknowledging the sovereignty of King Egbert), 117Google Scholar(execution of Gunnhild on the orders of King Æthelred in 1002), and 147 (government by heptarchy).Google Scholar
293 Vertue, G., The Heads of the Kings of England Proper for Mr Rapin's History, Translated ty N. Tindal, M.A. (London, 1736)Google Scholar. Publication of the portraits began in December 1733, and was not completed until the summer of 1736; see Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 285, 294 and 310Google Scholar, and Lippincott, , Selling Art in Georgian London, pp. 149–50 and 190Google Scholar, n. 57. See also Haskell, F., History and its Images: Art and the Interpretation of the Past (New Haven, CT, 1993), p. 289, with fig. 168 (showing Vertue's portrait of Richard II).Google Scholar
294 For the image, see above, pp. 261–2 and 265; for the coat of arms, see above, nn. 65 and 114.
295 The illustrations in the 3rd ed. of 1743, essentially the same as in the 2nd ed. of 1732–3, are said to be the best (DNB). They comprise the decorative headpieces, Vertue's symbolic portraits, drawings of particular monuments, and some additional portraits in vol. 2.
296 Erdman, D. V., Blake: Prophet Against Empire. A Poet's Interpretation of the History of his own Times, 3rd ed. (Princeton, NJ, 1977), p. 66.Google Scholar
297 For royal portraiture of the period, see Granger, James, Biographical History of England, from Egbert the Creat to the Revolution (1769)Google Scholar; and for engraved portraits of Alfred, among others, see O'Donoghue, F. and Hake, H. M., Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits … in the British Museum, 6 vols. (London, 1908–1925) I, 34–5Google Scholar. For Baziliologia (1618)Google Scholar, see above, n. 117.
298 For the wider contexts of history painting, see Waterhouse, E., Painting in Britain 1530–1790, 5th ed. (New Haven, CT, 1994), pp. 271–84Google Scholar; Burke, , English Art 1714–1800, esp. pp. 239–71Google Scholar; Brewer, J., The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1997), esp. ch. 5 (pp. 206, 217, 245 and 246)Google Scholar; and The Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, J., 34 vols. (London, 1996) XIV, 581–9Google Scholar. Haskell, , History and its Images, is concerned mainly with the use of art as historical evidence; but for the depiction of historical events in art, see esp. pp. 287–9Google Scholar. For ‘English’ history painting in particular, see Sunderland, J., ‘Mortimer, Pine and Some Political Aspects of English History Painting’, Burlington Magazine 116 (1974), 317–26Google Scholar; Strong, R., And when did you last see your father? The Victorian Painter and British History (London, 1978)Google Scholar, focusing attention on the nineteenth century; Sunderland, J., ‘John Hamilton Mortimer: His Life and Works’, Walpole Soc. 52 (1986), esp. 12–22 and 70–5Google Scholar; The Painted Word: British History Painting, 1750–1830, ed. Cannon-Brookes, P. (Woodbridge, 1991)Google Scholar; and Allen, B., ‘Rule Britannia? History Painting in 18th-Century Britain’, Hist. Today 45 (06 1995), 12–18Google Scholar. See also Rochelle, M., Historical Art Index, A.D. 400–1650: Peoples, Places, and Events Depicted (Jefferson, NC, 1989)Google Scholar. For other important aspects of the subject, see Lippincott, L., Selling Art in Georgian London: the Rise of Arthur Pond (New Haven, CT, 1983)Google Scholar, and Lippincott, L., ‘Expanding on Portraiture: the Market, the Public, and the Hierarchy of Genres in Eighteenth-Century Britain’, The Consumption of Culture: Word, Image, and Object in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. Bermingham, A. and Brewer, J. (London, 1995), pp. 75–88.Google Scholar
300 The British Museum's ‘Catalogue of Prints and Drawings Illustrating English History, Unrevised and Unpublished’ (1882), which reached page-proofs, but which was never published (BM, Dept of Prints and Drawings [hereafter P&D], O.3.5), lists material with ‘Anglo-Saxon’ subjects on pp. 19–110, including separate prints as well as plates removed from printed books. It contains much useful information, which has to be used with caution. The portfolios of English history prints in BM, P&D, of their nature contain no more than a small and random selection.Google Scholar
303 Edwards's treatment, in his Anecdotes of Painters, of Gainsborough (pp. 129–43)Google Scholar and Reynolds, (pp. 184–212)Google Scholar should be compared with his treatment of, e.g., Blakey, (pp. 3–4)Google Scholar, Casali, (pp. 22–4)Google Scholar, Mortimer, (pp. 60–5)Google Scholar, Wale, (pp. 116–18)Google Scholar, Chamberlin, (pp. 121–2)Google Scholar, Pine, (pp. 171–3)Google Scholar, Wheatley, (pp. 268–70)Google Scholar, and Hamilton, (pp. 272–5), all of whom are mentioned below among painters who depicted subjects drawn from Anglo-Saxon history.Google Scholar
304 For details of this venture, see Alexander, D. and Godfrey, R. T., Painters and Engravers: the Reproductive Print from Hogarth to Wilkie (New Haven, CT, 1980), pp. 23–4 (no. 35)Google Scholar; Lippincott, , Selling Art in Georgian London, pp. 156–8Google Scholar; Allen, B., Francis Hayman (New Haven, CT, 1987), pp. 146–8 (no. 78)Google Scholar; Allen, , ‘History Painting’, pp. 14–15 and 18Google Scholar; and Clayton, , The English Print, pp. 92–3 and 258Google Scholar. For the Knaptons, see Pope's Literary Legacy: the Book-Trade Correspondence of William Warburton and John Knapton, ed. Nichol, D. W. (Oxford, 1992), pp. li–lx.Google Scholar
310 BM, P&D, 1877–6–9–1707; reproduced here from an impression in a private collection. Another impression in the BM (P&D, 1953–11–7–4) gives the tide in English and French.
311 History of England [2nd ed.], I, 92: ‘The news of this Defeat [at Kinwith Castle in Devon], and the Death of the Danish General [Hubba], having reached Alfred in his retreat, he immediately considered how to turn this lucky Blow to his Advantage.’
312 A portrait of Alfred engraved by Cole, B. for the New Universal Magazine (1752) shows the king with a sceptre in his right hand, a partly unrolled scroll in his left hand, and the raven banner draped over the frame. The banner was used again by Samuel Wale in the 1760s (see further below).Google Scholar
313 Reproduced by Allen, , Francis Hayman, p. 148Google Scholar. It should be noted that (quite apart from the remarkable armour) the composition displays no influence from the Bayeux Tapestry (of which engravings were first published in 1729–30, though not published in England until 1750), and is to be compared in this respect with later representations of King Harold's death at the battle of Hastings, of which there are several.
314 Smollett, , A Complete History of England (above, n. 254), 2nd ed. I, opp. pp. 27 (Caesar), 54 (Caractacus), 111 (Druids), 125 (Vortigern), and 371 (Hastings)Google Scholar. We also find engraved ‘portraits’ of Egbert (Miller), Alfred (Benoist) and Cnut (Benoist), evidently suggested by the images in Rapin's History.
315 The engravings were reworked and republished by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, dated 12 Oct. 1778. ‘Alfred in the Isle of Athelney’ (BM, P&D, 1855–6–9–1829) was furnished with a six-line explanation of the historical background.
317 A complete (extra-illustrated and annotated) set of the catalogues of exhibitions at the Society of Artists, from 1760 to 1791, is in BM, P&D, presented by J. H. Anderdon in 1869. See also Graves, A., The Society of Artists of Great Britain 1760–1791 / The Free Society of Artists 1761–1783. A Complete Dictionary of Contributors and their Work from the Foundation of the Societies to 1791 (London, 1907), with appendixes on the history of these organisations.Google Scholar
318 For a list of the premiums bestowed for historical pictures from 1760 to 1773, see Dossie, R., Memoirs of Agriculture, and Other Oeconomical Arts, 3 vols. (London, 1768–1782) III, 431–2Google Scholar. See also Sunderland, , ‘Political Aspects of English History Painting’, pp. 321–2 and 325–6 (citing Minutes of the Society of Arts).Google Scholar
319 For Casali, see Edwards, , Anecdotes of Painters, pp. 22–4, and Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner.Google Scholar
320 Society of Artists 1760 (2). The original painting was acquired by the Constable family, of Burton Constable Hall, nr Hull, East Yorkshire, where it remains; photograph in the file for the artist in the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art, 16 Bedford Square, London. The painting was engraved by Casali, c. 1760, entitled: ‘The Champion; or Innocence Triumphant. The Empress Gunhilda being accused of Adultery, and her Innocence being to be tried by single Combat, the Champion for the Accusation (a Man of Gigantic Stature) is slain by her Page.’ Casali's source was Guthrie, General History of England, pp. 292–3Google Scholar. An engraving by S. F. Ravenet was published by John Boydell in 1761, entitled: ‘Gunhilda, Empress of Germany, daughter of Canute King of England, having been accused of adultery and treated as guilty by the Emperor, is defended by her Page, who in a public combat slays her accusers, after which she refuses to be reconciled to her Husband, & determines to retire into a Monastery.’ There are impressions of both in BM, P&D.
321 Free Society 1761 (15); he exhibited a sketch on the same subject at the Society of Artists in 1778 (32). The painting was at Fonthill House, and was sold in 1801 to Jeffrey (Croft-Murray, E., Decorative Painting in England 1537–1837, 2 vols. (London, 1962–1970) II, 182Google Scholar), and is now untraced; it does not appear to have been engraved. The story of King Edgar and Ælfthryth (Elfrida) was derived ultimately from William of Malmesbury, Gesta regam ii.157 (ed. Mynors, et al. , pp. 256–8)Google Scholar, and was given due attention by Rapin, (History of England [2nd ed.] I, 109)Google Scholar, Hume, and others. Its popularity may, however, reflect that of the various dramatic works on the same theme, e.g. Thomas Rymer's Edgar (1678, 1693; above, n. 148), but esp. William Mason's Elfrida (1752 onwards). The subject was depicted again by Wale c. 1770 (below, p. 308), by Kauffman in 1771 (below, p. 299), by Hamilton in 1774 (below, p. 299), and by Rigaud in 1796 (below, n. 334), among others.
322 Free Society 1761 (20). A preliminary sketch for this composition was sold at Christie's, 15 Feb. 1974 (Lot 80); photograph in the Mellon Centre. The finished painting was acquired by the Constable family, of Burton Constable Hall, East Yorkshire, where it remains; photograph in the Mellon Centre. The painting was engraved by Casali c. 1761 (BM, P&D, 1867–12–14–387); cf. his drawing (BM, P&D, 1964–4–11–3). It was engraved again by S. F. Ravenet in 1767, and published by John Boydell in 1773 (BM, P&D, 1873–8–9–582); see below, p. 313. The subject had been depicted by Wale in 1747 (below, p. 305), and was depicted again by Wale in 1764 (below, p. 306), by Edwards in 1776 (below, p. 310), by Hamilton before 1786 (below, p. 313), and by Smirke in 1806 (below, p. 316), among others.
323 Free Society 1763 (159); also shown at the Society of Artists 1768 (89). The original painting is untraced; but the composition is known from an early copy (Sunderland, ‘Political Aspects of English History Painting’, fig. 48), and from an engraving made by F. G. Aliamet (BM, P&D, 1899–7–13–69), also published in 1772 by John Boydell. The subject had featured in the lower part of Vertue's portrait of Cnut, made in 1733 for the second (folio) edition of Rapin's History (above, p. 292), and had been depicted by Wale in 1747 (below, p. 305). The subject was depicted again by Edwards in 1777 (below, p. 310), by Hamilton (collection of His Grace the Duke of Devonshire; photograph in the Mellon Centre), and by Smirke in the 1790s (below, p. 316), among others. A mid-nineteenth-century view of Cnut and the waves, by John Martin (Laing Art Gallery, Newcastle-upon-Tyne), is illustrated in Humble, R., The Saxon Kings (London, 1980), pp. 164–5.Google Scholar
324 Free Society 1763 (142). An oil sketch for the picture is in the Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, CA; see Sunderland, , ‘Mortimer: His Life and Works’, pp. 16–19 and 122–3 (no. 8) and fig. 24Google Scholar. The original painting appeared at auction in 1878 (ibid. p. 122), but is now untraced. The picture seems not to have been engraved. The story is told by Rapin, , History of England [2nd ed.] I, 131, among many others, and is ultimately from One. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 1043.Google Scholar
325 Free Society 1764 (30). Chamberlin, said to be of Stewart Street, Spittalfields, won a half-share of the second premium of 50 guineas for a history painting at the Society of Arts in 1764, for ‘King Alfred at the Cottager's’ (Dossie, , Memoirs of Agriculture III, 432). The subject was depicted again by Edwards in 1776 (below, p. 310), by Wheadey in 1792 (below, pp. 315–16), and by Wilkie in 1806 (below, pp. 317–18), among others (below, pp. 339 and 340–1).Google Scholar
326 See further below, p. 314. The mezzotint may have been first published some years earlier, and republished in 1794.
327 The word ‘handboc’ is inscribed on the outer cover. The book was described as such in Savile's edition of William of Malmesbury's Gesta regum (Rerum Anglicarum Scripteres Post Bedam praecipui, p. 24)Google Scholar; cf. Gesta regum Anglorum, ed. Mynors, et al. , p. 192Google Scholar, textual note g. For Alfred's ‘Handbook’, see Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, p. 268.Google Scholar
329 A complete (extra-illustrated and annotated) set of the catalogues of exhibitions at the Royal Academy, from 1769 to 1849, is in BM, P&D, presented by J. H. Anderdon in 1867. See also Graves, A., The Royal Academy of Arts: a Complete Diaionary of Contributors and their Work from its Foundation in 1769 to 1904, 8 vols. (London, 1905–6).Google Scholar
330 For the ‘Anglo-Saxon’ subjects represented in the Royal Academy exhibitions, in the wider context of all subjects drawn from British history, see Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, pp. 155–68, at 155–7.Google Scholar
331 Roworth, W., Angelica Kauffmann: a Continental Artist in Georgian England (London, 1993); Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, .Google Scholar
332 Royal Academy 1770 (116). The original painting is at Saltram House, Devon (National Trust); photograph in the Mellon Centre. The subject had featured in one of the head-pieces in Rapin's History (above, nn. 290 and 292), and was depicted by Blakey in 1750 (above, p. 295) and by Fuseli in 1769; it was depicted again by Ryland (after Kauffmann) in 1772 (cf. photograph in the Mellon Centre), Mortimer in 1779 (Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Sunderland, , ‘Mortimer: His Life and Works’, pp. 74–5 and 193)Google Scholar, Rigaud in 1788 (photograph in the Mellon Centre), and Hamilton in 1795 (below, p. 315), among others.
333 Royal Academy 1771 (113). The original painting is at Saltram (National Trust); photograph in the Mellon Centre. It was engraved by William Wynne Ryland and published in 1786 by Mary Ryland.
334 Royal Academy 1774 (114). It seems that this composition should be distinguished from Hamilton's rendition of ‘Edmund Ironside and Algitha’, engraved by Bartolozzi and published in 1786 (below, p. 313), with which it is easily (and has been) confused. For John Francis Rigaud's painting, entitled ‘The first interview of King Edgar and Elfrida’ and exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1796, see ‘Facts and Recollections of the XVIIIth Century in a Memoir of John Francis Rigaud Esq., R.A., by Stephen Francis Dutilh Rigaud’, ed. Pressly, W. L., Walpole Soc. 50 (1984), 1–164, at 17–18, with pl. 66. For Hamilton's ‘Edgar and Elfrida’, first published in 1793, and again in 1802, see below, n. 447.Google Scholar
335 For West and George III, see von Erffa, H. and Staley, A., The Paintings of Benjamin West (New Haven, CT, 1986), p. 51Google Scholar; he became President of the Royal Academy in 1792. See also Abrams, A. U., The Valiant Hero: Benjamin West and Grand-Style History Painting (Washington DC, 1985)Google Scholar; and Solkin, D. H., Painting for Money: the Visual Arts and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven, CT, 1993), pp. 180–90 and 206–13Google Scholar. West is generally treated with studied contempt by art historians, not without reason: ‘The monarch who could give lavish commissions to Benjamin West while neglecting Reynolds must have been sadly wanting in taste’ (Whitley, , Artists and theirFriends in England, I, 170).Google Scholar
337 Royal Academy 1778 (331).
338 The Itineraries of John Leland the Antiquary, ed. Hearne, T. (Oxford, 1710–1712) VIII, 58; 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1744–1745) VIII, 25; 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1768–1770) VIII, 26Google Scholar; The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the Years 1535–1543, ed. Smith, L. Toulmin, 5 vols. (London, 1907–1910) V, 148. It is possible that the book in question survives at Belvok Casde, though it is not immediately identifiable in the reports made by the Historical Manuscripts Commission.Google Scholar
339 For the family history, see Nichols, J., The History and Antiquities of the County of Leicestershire, 4 vols, in 8 (London, 1795–1811) II.i, 22–68, at 24Google Scholar. The original painting was recorded at Belvoir Casde in 1792 (ibid. pp. 69–73, at 73), but was destroyed there in the fire of 1816. It is known from an engraving by J. B. Michel, published by Boydell in 1782 (below, p. 313). See Von Erffa, and Staley, , Paintings of Benjamin West, pp. 186–7Google Scholar (no. 47). A small outline drawing of the picture is in Hamilton, G., The English School: a Series of the Most Approved Productions in Painting and Sculpture Executed by British Artists from the Days of Hogarth to the Present Time, 4 vols. (London, 1831–1832) IV, no. 56.Google Scholar
340 See above, p. 287.
341 Bicknell, , Alfred the Great, pp. 149–51Google Scholar. For the subject, see above, n. 15. For the possibility that West's ‘Alfredian’ pictures were made in connection with a grander scheme, first formulated in 1778, see below, p. 313.
343 Royal Academy 1779 (341). Von Erffa, and Staley, , Paintings of Benjamin West, pp. 187–8 (no. 48).Google Scholar
344 For the engraving, see further below, p. 313; and for Hamilton's drawing of the same subject, see below, p. 310. Boydell became Alderman for Cheapside in 1785.
346 Pressly, W. L., The Life and Art of James Barry (New Haven, CT, 1981), pp. 86–122 (murals), at 113–19, and 233–4 (no. 27) and 294–8.Google Scholar
347 Barry, J., An Account of a Series of Pictures, in the Great Room of the Society of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, at the Adelphi (London, 1783).Google Scholar
348 Ibid. pp. 130–1, citing the Alfredian inscription on the statue of Fame at the Earl of Radnor's estate at Longford Castle.
351 Butlin, M., The Paintings and Drawings of William Blake, 2 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1981) I, no. 60, and II.pl. 178.Google Scholar
352 Butlin, , Paintings and Drawings of Blake I, no. 57, and II, pl. 53, with pp. 16–25.Google Scholar
355 Butlin, , The Paintings and Drawings of William Blake, I, no. 59, and II, pl. 177.Google Scholar For Wale's earlier drawing of the same subject, see below, p. 307. For discussion, see Erdman, , Blake: Prophet Against Empire, pp. 45–7Google Scholar, and Sunderland, , ‘Political Aspects of English History Painting’, pp. 321–2.Google Scholar
356 Butlin, , Paintings and Drawings of Blake IGoogle Scholar, no. 94 (‘King Alfred and the swineherd's wife (?)’), and II, pl. 101. The drawing is obviously a study for no. 93, described more appropriately as ‘A woodland encounter’.
357 For a more ‘political’ (anti-monarchical) interpretation of the pictures of Cnut and Edward the Confessor, see Sunderland, , ‘Political Aspects of English History Painting’, pp. 321–2Google Scholar, and ‘Mortimer: His Life and Works’, pp. 18–19.Google Scholar Cf. Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, pp. 17–18.Google Scholar
358 [Goldsmith, O.], An History of England, in a Series of Letters from a Nobleman to his Son, 2 vols. (London, 1764), Letter VII, pp. 37–42Google Scholar (on Alfred); Goldsmith, O., The History of England, from the Earliest Times to the Death of George II, 4 vols. (London, 1771) I, 71–84Google Scholar (on Alfred), drawing on Hume; Goldsmith, O., An Abridgement of the History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Casar, to the Year M.DCCXC, new ed. (Bath, 1795); etc.Google Scholar
360 Mortimer, T., A New History of England, 3 vols. (London, 1764–1766), published in parts by Wilson, J. and Fell, J.Google Scholar, of Paternoster Row, London. The list of over 400 subscribers shows that it reached deep into the professional middle classes throughout the country.
361 Mountague, W. H., A New and Universal History of England, 2 vols. (London, 1771–1772), published by J. Cooke, of Paternoster Row, London.Google Scholar
362 Sydney, T., A Nem and Complete History of England (London, 1773), published in 70 parts by J. Cooke, of Paternoster Row, London, with a list of over 400 subscribers.Google Scholar It would appear that one or two of the plates were issued with each part, in an order which bore no relation to the progress of the narrative. Instructions to the binder indicated where the plates were to be placed.
363 Russel, W. A., A New and Authentic History of England (London, 1777–1779), published in 80 parts by J. Cooke, of Paternoster Row, London.Google Scholar
364 Raymond, G. F., A New, Universal, and Impartial History of England (London, 1777–1790), published in 60 parts by J. Cooke [later C. Cooke], of Paternoster Row, London.Google Scholar
365 Barnard, E., A New, Comprehensive, and Complete History of England (London, 1783), published in 70 weekly parts by Alexander Hogg, with a list of over 800 subscribers.Google Scholar
366 Spencer, G. W., A Nem, Authentic, and Complete History of England … to the Year 1795 (London, 1794), published in parts by Alexander Hogg.Google Scholar
367 Ashburton, C. A., A New and Complete History of England (London, 1791–1793), published in 80 weekly parts by W. and J. Stratford, with a list of over 1000 subscribers; reissued in 1795. It would appear that one engraved plate was issued with each part, in an order which bore no relation to the progress of the narrative. Instructions to the binder indicated where the plates were to be placed.Google Scholar
368 Lyttleton, G. C., The History of England, from the Earliest Dawn of Authentic Records, to the Ultimate Ratification of the General Peace at Amiens in 1802; and the Subsequent War in 1803, 3 vols. (London, 1802–1803), published in multiple parts by J. Stratford, with a list of nearly 2,500 subscribers.Google Scholar
369 Camden, T., The Imperial History of England, 2 vols. (London, 1810–1813), published by J. Stratford.Google Scholar
371 See entries on Wale in the DNB; Waterhouse, E., The Dictionary of British 18th Century Painters in Oils and Crayons (London, 1981)Google Scholar; and Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner. See also Einberg, , Manners & Morals, p. 182Google Scholar, and Hammelmann, H., Book Illustrators in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Boase, T. S. R. (New Haven, 1975), pp. 89–96.Google Scholar
372 See above, p. 273.
373 My understanding of the successive editions of Lockman's History from 1729 to 1800 is based on entries in the Eighteenth-Century Short Tide Catalogue (ESTC), as available on the Internet (1998). The fifth edition (1740) was seemingly not illustrated. The sixth edition, published in weekly parts (1747), is the first said to be ‘adorn'd with thirty-two copper-plates’; see also Wiles, , Serial Publication in England, pp. 41, 46 and 352.Google Scholar There is a set of the engravings in the portfolio of prints after Wale, in BM, P&D, dated 1746 or 1747, removed from a copy of the sixth or later edition. The original engravings were subsequently replaced by some inferior (or even worse) engravings based on the same drawings, found already in the fifteenth edition (1768).
374 See below, n. 323.
375 A sketch of this subject was exhibited by Wale at the exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1769. Grignion's engraving recurs in Mountague (1771) and Sydney (1773), but was re-engraved by Debroche for Russel (1777).
376 A ‘stained drawing’ on the same theme (Alfred ‘making a code of laws, dividing the kingdom into counties, and encouraging the arts and sciences’) was exhibited by Wale at the Royal Academy in 1771 (208), now untraced. Grignion's engraving recurs in Mountague (1771), Sydney (1773), and Raymond (1777/90), but was re-engraved by White for Russel (1777).
377 Grignion's engraving recurs in Mountague (1771) and Sydney (1773).
378 Grignion's engraving recurs in Mountague (1771), Sydney (1773), and Raymond (1777/90), but was re-engraved by White for Russel (1777).
379 The engraved version of the Massacre of St Brice's Day is not inscribed (or attributed), perhaps for obvious reasons; nor was it reused thereafter. The same theme was depicted in one of the head-pieces in Rapin's History (above, nn. 290 and 292).
380 The drawing was re-engraved by Walker for Sydney (1773).
381 Grignion's engraving recurs in Sydney (1773).
383 Wale or Grignion erred in giving the credit to Alfred himself. Cf. ASC, s.a. 878, ‘And there was captured the banner which they called “Raven”’. The drawing was re-engraved by Taylor for Sydney (1773), and the act reattributed to Odun, Earl of Devon; used again in Russel (1777). Taylor exhibited ‘Alfred taking the Danish standard; engraved from Mr Wale’ at the Society of Artists in 1770 (247).
384 The drawing was re-engraved by Walker for Sydney (1773) and Raymond (1777/90). Cf. Rapin, , History of England [2nd ed.] I, 99.Google Scholar
385 Grignion's engraving recurs in Sydney (1773) and Raymond (1777/90); it was re-engraved by White for Russel (1777).
386 Grignion's engraving recurs in Sydney (1773); it is also found in copies of Russel (1777), and Raymond (1777/90).
387 The drawing was re-engraved by Walker for Sydney (1773). For Blake's drawing of the same subject, see above, p. 302. For the source, see Rapin, , History of England [2nd ed.] I, 131.Google Scholar
388 These events took place in 1759 and 1762 respectively. Wale's image of Wolfe was clearly based on an earlier painting by Penny (Von Erffa, and Staley, , Paintings of Benjamin West, p. 213).Google Scholar West's famous ‘Death of Wolfe’, painted in 1770 and first exhibited in 1771, was engraved by Woollett and published in 1776, re-engraved and reissued in 1791. See also Clayton, , The English Print, pp. 238–40Google Scholar; McNairn, , Behold the Hero, p. 230Google Scholar, apropos the reuse of Grignion's engraving of Wale's drawing in Sydney (1773), as reissued in 1775; and above, n. 336.
389 Engraved by Walker; used again in Raymond (1777/90).
390 Engraved by Walker; used again in Raymond (1777/90).
391 Engraved by Grignion; used again in Raymond (1777/90). The subject had been incorporated in Vertue's symbolic portrait of Alfred (above, pp. 291–2) and was depicted again by Stothard c. 1793 (below, p. 317), Edwards (below, p. 310), Smirke (below, p. 311), and Claxton (below, p. 336), among others.
392 Engraved by Rennoldson; used again in Raymond (1777/90).
393 Engraved by Grignion.
394 Engraved by Walker.
395 One of the copies in the BL (L.23.b.3) is signed ‘Wm Wright 1777’ on the recto of the frontispiece, and continues to 1786 (p. 610); it was used as a register of births, marriages, and deaths in his family from the 1780s to the 1890s. The constituent parts are numbered, but not dated. A second copy in the BL (RB.31.c.153) differs from the first in so far as the text has been reset from p. 605 (1783) and continues to 1790.
397 The leaders and kings are grouped as follows: (1) A Roman Commander, a Saxon Chief, a Danish General, and a Norman; (2) Egbert, Ethelwolf, Ethelbald, Ethelbert; (3) Ethelred, Alfred, Edward the Elder, Athelstan; (4) Edmund, Edred, Edwy, Edgar; (5) Ethelred II, Edward the Martyr, Edmund II, Canute the Great; (6) Harold I, Canute II, Edward the Confessor, Harold II. Cf. below, n. 408.
398 To judge from the entries in ESTC, Mortimer was the most widely circulated of these works; but it may be that the works issued originally in parts did not have the same chance of preservation. For remarks on Mountague, Russel, and Raymond (without reference to Mortimer and Sydney), see Boase, T. S. R., ‘Macklin and Bowyer’, Jnl of tie Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 26 (1963), 148–77, at 171–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the activities of the Paternoster Row publishers, and their ilk, in a different field, see Adams, B., London Illustrated 1604–1851: a Survey and Index of Topographical Books and their Plates (London, 1983).Google Scholar
400 Strutt, J., Horda Angel-cynnan; or, A Compleat View of the Manners, Customs, Arms, Habits, &c. of the Inhabitants of England, from the Arrival of the Saxons, till the Reign of Henry the Eighth, 3 vols. (London, 1774–1776)Google Scholar, with numerous plates, in a rude and uncorrected state. Followed by Strutt, J., The Chronicle of England; or, A Compleat History, Civil, Military and Ecclesiastical, of the Ancient Britons and Saxons, from the Landing of Julius Cœsar in Britain, to the Norman Conquest, with a Compleat View of the Manners, Customs, Arts, Habits, &c. of Those People, 2 vols. (London, 1779)Google Scholar, with numerous plates, with improvements. On the significance of Strutt, see Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, pp. 50–2Google Scholar, and Haskell, , History and its Images, pp. 292–5.Google Scholar
401 For his Anecdotes of Painters, published posthumously in 1808, see above, n. 301. See also Hammelmann, , Book-Illustrators in Eighteenth-Century England, pp. 30–1.Google Scholar
402 The Copper-Plate Magazine; or a Monthly Treasure for the Admirers ofthe Imitative Arts was published by G. Kearsly, 46 Fleet Street, London. The title-page continues: ‘In each Number of which will be given, A Portrait of some celebrated Personage, some interesting Historical Subject, and some curious Perspective View. Executed By the most capital Artists of Great Britain, and calculated to enrich the Cabinets of the Curious, or to ornament the Apartments of Persons of Real Taste.’ The only set of the Copper-Plate Magazine in the British Library which dates from the 1770s contains portraits, with accompanying explanatory text.
403 The portfolio of prints after Edwards in BM, P&D, contains loose impressions of these three compositions, with four others (also dated 1776–7) depicting later historical events, engraved by Hall or by Grignion.
404 For further details, see Lightbown's Introduction to the reprint of Edwards, , Anecdotes of Painters [above, n. 301], pp. xiii and xxiv.Google Scholar
405 Barnard's History was presumably published in competition with the series of histories illustrated by Wale and published by the Cookes.
407 The drawing of Alfred dividing his loaf was evidently inspired or influenced by Benjamin West's earlier (1779) painting of the same subject (above, p. 301), an engraving of which had been published in 1782.
408 The kings are grouped as follows: (1) Ethelbald, Ethelbert, Ethelred, Alfred; (2) Edward, Athelstan, Edmund, Edred; (3) Edwy, Edgar, Edward the Martyr, Ethelred; (4) Swein, Olaus, Edmund, Canute; (5) Harold, [Hartha]cnut, Edward, Harold. Cf. above, n. 397.
409 The illustrations are derived from the plates of coins in Walker's edition of Spelman's ‘Life of Alfred’ (above, n. 173), with several erroneous identifications.
410 The subjects chosen were St Augustine preaching to Æthelbert and Bertha, Alfred dividing England into counties, Athelstan ordering the Scriptures to be made public, Leolf stabbing King Edmund at Pucklechurch, and the landing of William the Conqueror at Pevensey.
411 The Wale drawings now attributed to Hamilton include those mentioned in the previous note, as well as Alfred in the Danish camp, and Edgar on the river Dee. Among the new images we find Woodruff's ‘Canute reproving the servile flattery of his courtiers’, engraved by Tomlinson.
412 Other subjects include ‘The treachery of Elfrida’ [murder of Edward the Martyr], ‘The exposure of Prince Edwin’ [with reference to the events of 933], and ‘Canute reproving the flattery of his courtiers’. Smirke's drawings of Edward the Martyr and of Cnut differ in composition from his paintings engraved and published in 1806 as part of Bowyer's ‘Historic Gallery’. Preliminary sketches for all of these compositions are to be found in the album of Smirke's drawings sold at Christie's, 11 July 1989, Lot 5. I am grateful to Dr Jane Cunningham for drawing this album to my attention.
413 Histoire d'Angleterre, représentée par figures, accompagnées de discours, 3 vols. (Paris, 1784–1800)Google Scholar, is a pictorial history of England constructed around a series of illustrations by various hands, engraved by François-Anne David, with explanatory text by P. P. F. Le Tourneur. The series includes 22 engravings of drawings of Anglo-Saxon subjects. One, engraved by David after Gois, is entided ‘Alfred abandonné de ses sujets, s'engage au service de son vacher en 875’, showing Alfred in a farmyard at Athelney, without a burnt cake in sight.
414 Brewer, , Pleasures of the Imagination, pp. 456–8 and 461Google Scholar; Clayton, , The English Print, passim. I am grateful to David Alexander (York), Norman Blackburn (printseller), Timothy Clayton (Worcester College, Oxford), Dafydd Davies (Grosvenor Prints, London), Craig Hartley (Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge), and Anthony Griffiths (BM, Dept of Prints & Drawings), for their guidance in connection with this material.Google Scholar
415 DNB; Bruntjen, S. H. A., John Boydell, 1719–1804: a Study of Art Patronage and Publishing in Georgian London (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; Griffiths, A. and Williams, R., The Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum: User's Guide (London, 1987), p. 88Google Scholar; Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, .Google Scholar
416 Griffiths, A., ‘A Checklist of Catalogues of British Print Publishers c. 1650–1830’, Print Quarterly 1 (1984), 4–22.Google Scholar
417 An Alphabetical Catalogue of Plates, Engraved by the Most Esteemed Artists, After the Finest Pictures and Drawings of the Italian, Flemish, German, French, English, and Other Schools, which Comprise the Stock of John and Josiah Boydell, Engravers and Printsellers, No. 90, Cheapside, and at the Shakespeare Gallery, Pall Mall (London, 1803), pp. xv–xviiGoogle Scholar, followed by an alphabetical catalogue of Boydell's entire stock (pp. 1–60) from which the prints in his ‘Collection’ were selected. There are copies of this catalogue in the BL (787.k.13), and elsewhere. See also Bruntjen, , John Boydell, pp. 40–4Google Scholar; Brewer, , Pleasures of the Imagination, pp. 220 and 456Google Scholar; and Clayton, , The English Print, esp. pp. 177, 196, 198 and 209–10.Google Scholar
418 The painting (presented to the Worshipful Company of Stationers and Newspaper Makers) was copied by Josiah Boydell (now in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge). The copy was engraved by W. Sharp, and the engraving was published by John Boydell in 1782. The engraving is reproduced in The Painted Word, ed. Cannon-Brookes, , p. 65 (no. 32)Google Scholar, and in Clayton, , The English Print, p. 237.Google Scholar I am grateful to Miss Jane Munro (Fitzwilliam Museum) for her help in this connection.
419 From ‘Proposals’ issued by West, Woollett and Hall in 1778 and 1783, cited by Clayton, , The English Print, pp. 240 and 306.Google Scholar
420 Above, pp. 300–1.
421 Above, p. 299.
422 The original painting is untraced.
423 The original painting is untraced. The subject (Rapin, , History of England [2nd ed.] I, 122Google Scholar) is derived ultimately from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1015. When Birchall died, in 1795, Two half-sheet (squares), by Bartolozzi, of Edward the Mattyr and Elfrida, and Prince Edmund and Algitha’, with 2 coloured and 438 plain impressions, were sold for £73 (Clayton, , The English Print, pp. 220Google Scholar, citing a catalogue of Birchall's effects, and 229).
424 BM, P&D, 1950–11–11–99, entided ‘Alfred the Great in the Neatherd's Cottage’ [with an explanation in English and French], painted by Mason Chamberlin R.A., engraved by Charles Townley (styled Engraver to the King of Prussia), dedicated by permission to the Earl of Derby by John P. Thompson, and published on 1 Jan. 1794 by Darling & Thompson (Printsellers, &c, to their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of York), Great Newport St., & Mason Chamberlin [the Younger], 51 Great Russel St. A drawing of ‘King Alfred and the burnt cakes’, signed and dated ‘H. S. 1794’, appeared in a sale at Christie's, 11 February 1987, Lot 132.
425 The BL copy of Bowyer's, Prospectus of the General Design and Conditions for a Complete History of England superbly embellished (London, 1791)Google Scholar was destroyed by enemy action during World War II. Bowyer, puts his case in Elucidation of Mr Bowyer's Plan for a Magnificent Edition of Hume's History of England (London, 1795), pp. 7–14Google Scholar, with a spirited statement of the desirability of delineating ‘the most striking events of history’, and a remark to the effect that ‘till the present reign historical painting has been almost unknown in the British dominions’. For further discussion, see Boase, , ‘Macklin and Bowyer’, pp. 169–76Google Scholar, and Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, p. 21.Google Scholar
426 Exhibition of Pictures painted for Bowyer's Magnificent Edition of the History of England (London, 1793)Google Scholar, provides a list of paintings, with pertinent extracts from Hume. The Catalogue of Pictures painted for Mr Bowyer's Magnificent Edition of Hume's History of England (London, ? 1800)Google Scholar, registered in the BL catalogue, was destroyed during the war.
427 Hume, D., The History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Cæsar to the Revolution of 1688, 5 vols. (London, 1806)Google Scholar, printed by T. Bensley for Robert Bowyer, of which I have seen only the copy in the British Library (classmark 749.f.1), with its plates bound in a separate (sixth) volume.See Jessop, , Bibliography of Hume, p. 31Google Scholar; and David Hume and the Eighteenth Century British Thought: an Annotated Catalogue (Tokyo, 1986), pp. 135–6.Google Scholar The fact that Bowyer's edition was published only by subscription means that copies may have found their way more easily into the private libraries of the well-to-do than into the public domain. A set sold at Sotheby's in July 1993 came from the library of the 1st Marquess of Buckingham, , at Stowe, ‘with Bowyer's autograph receipt in ink pasted to front endpaper of volume I (dated 1799)’Google Scholar;. Another set, from Noseley Hall in Leicestershire, was sold at Sotheby's in September 1998.
428 Gentleman's Mag. 86.1 (1806), 430–1Google Scholar; Burke, , English Art 1714–1800, p. 256.Google Scholar The paintings were sold by Peter Coxe on 29–30 May 1807: see Lugt, F., Répertoire des catalogues de ventes Publiques, 3 vols. (The Hague, 1938–1964) I [1600–1825], no. 7260, of which there are copies in the Courtauld Institute and in the Victoria and Albert Museum.Google Scholar
429 For the scarcity of surviving paintings from Bowyer's ‘Historic Gallery’, see Boase, , ‘Macklin and Bowyer’, pp. 176–7, though the records kept by the Mellon Centre make it much easier now (than it can have been c. 1960) to identify survivors from the series as a whole.Google Scholar
430 The original painting was sold at Sotheby's, 12 July 1989 (Lot 98); photograph in the Mellon Centre. It was engraved for the Historic Gallery by Delatre, and published in 1795.
431 The painting (untraced) was exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1795, engraved for the Historic Gallery by A. Smith, and published in 1794.
432 The original painting was in the possession of Thos. Agnew and Sons in 1973; photograph in the Mellon Centre. It was engraved for the Historic Gallery by J. Stow, and published in 1794.
433 The original painting was sold at Christie's, New York, 4 October 1996 (Lot 57); photograph in the Mellon Centre. It was engraved for the Historic Gallery by W. Bromley, and published in 1795. See also Webster, M., Francis Wheatley (London, 1970), pp. 90–1 and 92 (fig. 129)Google Scholar; and Strong, , The Victorian Painter and British History, p. 21.Google Scholar
434 The painting (untraced) was engraved for the Historic Gallery by W. Bromley, and published in 1798.
435 Engraved by A. Skelton, and published in 1797. The portrait differs from the ‘standard’ image which originated in the engraving published in Spelman, , Life of Alfred, ed. Walker, and may in fact have been based on an engraving of the portrait in the Bodleian Library.Google Scholar
436 The painting was sold at Christie's, 3 May 1985 (Lot 83); it was acquired by Sarah Campbell Blaffer Foundation, Houston, Texas, and can be seen on the Foundation's website. It was engraved for the Historic Gallery by I. Taylor, and published in 1794; reproduced in Hammelmann, , Book Illustrators, fig. 32. Cf. Wale's earlier drawing of the same subject (above, p. 306).Google Scholar
437 The painting (untraced) was engraved for the Historic Gallery by W. Bromley, and published in 1806. Cf above, n. 412.
438 The painting (untraced) was engraved for the Historic Gallery by G. Noble, and published in 1806. Cf above, n. 412.
439 The painting (untraced) was engraved for the Historic Gallery by W. Bromley, and published in 1804.
440 The painting, now in the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool, was engraved for the Historic Gallery by G. Noble, and published in 1797. See Erffa, von and Staley, , Paintings of Benjamin West, pp. 188–9 (nos. 50–1).Google Scholar
441 Graves, A., The British Institution 1806–1867: a Complete Dictionary of Contributors and their Work from the Foundation of the Institution (London, 1908).Google Scholar
442 BM, P&D, Oo.3–12. See also Binyon, L., Catalogue of Drawings by British Artists and Artists of Foreign Origin working in Great Britain, preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum IV (London, 1907), p. 321 (no. 16)Google Scholar; and Smith, G., ‘Watercolour: Purpose and Practice’, in S. Fenwick and G. Smith, The Business of Watercolour: a Guide to the Archives of the Royal Watercolour Society (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 1–34, at 12, with fig. 11.Google Scholar
443 Royal Academy 1800 (423). Cf. Pye, H. J., Alfred; an Epic Poem, in Six Books (London, 1801), p. 132Google Scholar: ‘Alfred is said to have first caught the spirit both of poetry and heroism, from hearing his step-mother recite poems on the heroic actions of his ancestors. There is an excellent picture on the subject by Westall.’ Joseph Farington reported in his diary that Westall's ‘Alfred’, and a companion drawing, were bought by West for Mr Udney for 100 guineas each, and that he would have given him double that sum: The Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. Garlick, K. et al. , 16 vols. (New Haven, CT, and London, 1978–1984)Google Scholar, with Index, ed. Newby, E. (New Haven, CT, 1998) IV, 1395–6.Google Scholar
444 At the Royal Academy in 1801 (569), Westall exhibited ‘a print in imitation of a drawing’, with the same tide as the watercolour.
445 British Institution 1806 (29).
446 Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. Garlick, et al. , IV, 1409 and 1410Google Scholar (said to be about 14 feet by 10), identified in the index as the Swedish painter Elias Martin (1739–1818), but (as David Alexander points out to me) more likely to be the English historical painter William Martin (1752–c. 1831). Martin is known to have presented a picture of Alfred to the Bodleian Library in 1796: A à Wood, , The History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford II, ed. Gutch, J. (Oxford, 1796), 893.Google Scholar
447 BM, P&D, 1849–7–21–1412, a stipple engraving published by Rudolph Ackermann in May 1802. For the publisher, see Ford, J., Ackermann 1783–1983: the Business of Art (London, 1983).Google Scholar The full set, first published by J. R. Smith, in 1793, and listed among ‘Miscellaneous Prints’ in Ackermann, R., A Catalogue of Various Prints, Adapted for Furniture, Ornaments, etc. (London, 1802))Google Scholar comprised, Metz, ‘Boadicea haranguing the Britons'; Hamilton, ‘Vortigern and Rowena’; Stothard, ‘Alfred disguised as a harper in the Danish camp’; and Hamilton, ‘Edgar and Elfrida’. In iconographic terms, Stothard was following Wale (above, p. 308) and Edwards (above, p. 310). A drawing of ‘King Alfred the Great’, attributed to Stothard, appeared at Bonham's, London, in their sale on 12 December 1991, Lot 219.
448 For this painting, now in a private collection, see Miles, H. A. D. and Brown, D. B., Sir David Wilkie of Scotland (1785–1841) (Raleigh, NC, 1987), pp. 22–3, 26–7 and 123–7 (no. 6), with figGoogle Scholar; the reference to the existence of a related drawing in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, seems to be erroneous. For a reproduction in colour, see Yorke, B., ‘The Most Perfect Man in History?’, Hist. Today 49.10 (1999), 8–14, at 12.Google Scholar
449 The painting was engraved by James Mitchell, and published in 1828 by Boys & Graves (BM, P&D, 1836–11–24–3). It was engraved again by G. A. Periam, for the Wilkie Gallery (1848–50); and a small outline engraving by Normand fils was published in Hamilton, , The English School I, no. 66Google Scholar. Versions of the same composition, based on one or other of the engravings, were made by the American artists J. Hall in 1840 and Thomas Sully in 1854. For the latter, see Biddle, E. and Fielding, M., The Life and Works of Thomas Sully (1783–1872) (Charleston, SC, 1969), p. 335 (no. 2085)Google Scholar. Sully's ‘renowned’ painting of Alfred appeared in a sale at Philadelphia in December 1914. I am grateful to Lance Humphries, of Baltimore, MD, for valuable guidance in connection with Sully.
450 British Institution 1807 (77).
451 Royal Academy 1814 (352); British Institution 1815 (60).
452 For eighteenth-century historical panegyrics on Alfred, including Voltaire's, see Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, pp. 413–17.Google Scholar
453 See Woodbridge, K., Landscape and Antiquity: Aspects of English Culture at Stourhead 1718 to 1838 (Oxford, 1970), pp. 51–70, at 52–6Google Scholar, with the text of Hoare's letter to his son-in-law, dated 18 November 1762; see also Woodbridge, K., The Stourhead Landscape, Wiltshire, National Trust Guide (London, 1982), pp. 25–7 and 60.Google Scholar
454 For Rysbrack's bust of Alfred, see Webb, , Rysbrack, p. 116Google Scholar, and fig. 46; Eustace, , Rysbrack, pp. 171–3 (no. 79)Google Scholar, with illustrations; and Kenworthy-Browne, J., ‘Portrait Busts by Rysbrack’, National Trust Stud. (1980), pp. 67–79, at 77–9.Google Scholar See also Stourhead, National Trust Guide (London, 1981, rev. 1997), p. 13.Google Scholar
455 A number of small oval reliefs of King Alfred, in ivory (12 cm by 9 cm), presumed to date from the third quarter of the eighteenth century, are attributed to Vanderhagen after Rysbrack on the strength of the reference to Lord Radnor's commission; e.g. Sotheby's, 6 July 1995, Lot 151.
456 See Webb, , Rysbrack, p. 137Google Scholar; Eustace, , Rysbrack., pp. 182–4Google Scholar; and Matilda, Helen, Countess of Radnor, and Squire, W. B., Catalogue of the Pictures in the Collection of the Earl of Radnor, 2 pts (London, 1909) I, 43–6.Google Scholar One of the roundels on the base carries the inscription (in Latin): ‘Whoever you may be, lover of liberty or letters, regard with reverent eyes the Portrait of this Man, who, when his Country was threatened by the Foe from abroad and struggling under Barbarian and shameful ignorance within, did raise it up by Arms, temper it by Laws, and embel lish it by Learning. If you be a Briton, you may be proud, also, that the military prowess of Romulus, the politick Wisdom of Numa, and the philosophick Nobility of Aurelius, are uniquely comprehended in the name of BRITTANIC ALFRED.’ The inscription subsequently found its way onto the engraved membership card of the University College Club, established by Jacob Bouverie, 2nd Earl of Radnor, in 1792, on which see further below, n. 468.
457 I am grateful to Dr Jane Cunningham (Librarian, Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art) for bringing this drawing to my attention, and for her assistance in other connections. For Jacob Bouverie, see Countess of Radnor and Squire, Catalogue of the Pictures I, 76–9.Google Scholar
458 Letter from Henry Hoare to his daughter Susanna, 28 April 1770 (Woodbridge, , Landscape and Antiquity, p. 61).Google Scholar
459 Ibid. pp. 61 and 65; McCarthy, , The Origins of the Gothic Revival, p. 31 and pl. 24.Google Scholar In its final (abbre viated) form, the inscription reads as follows: ‘Alfred the Great AD 879 on this summit erected his standard against the Danish invaders. To him we owe the origin of juries, the establishment of a militia, the creation of a naval force. Alfred, the light of a benighted age, was a philosopher and a Christian; the father of his people, the founder of the English monarchy and liberty.’ (Woodbridge, , The Stourhead Landscape, p. 60.)Google Scholar On ‘Alfred's Tower’ as one of the proposed locations of ‘Egbert's Stone’, see Peddie, J., Alfred the Good Soldier: His Life and Campaigns (Bath, 1989), pp. 128–34.Google Scholar
461 Smith, W., The Annals of University-College, Proving William of Durham the True Founder; and Anstvering all their Arguments who Ascribe it to King Alfred (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1728).Google Scholar For Smith himself, see the entry on him in the DNB and Carr, , University College, pp. 176–9Google Scholar; see also Stanley, , ‘The Glorification of Alfred’, p. 413, n. 19.Google Scholar
462 TH to JW, 17 July 1728 (BL, Lansdowne 778,95r). See also Remarks and Collections, ed. Doble, et al. , X, 27–9 and 33.Google Scholar
463 Petter, H. M., The Oxford Almanacks (Oxford, 1974), pp. 59–60Google Scholar (and fig.). A preliminary drawing for the composition is in the Ashmolean Museum: Brown, D. B., Ashmolean Museum Oxford. Catalogue of the Collection of Drawings, IV: The Earlier British Drawings / British Artists and Foreigners workingin Britain born before c. 1775 (Oxford, 1982), p. 641.Google Scholar
464 Petter, , The Oxford Almanacks, p. 67Google Scholar (and fig.). For Wale's later work, see above, pp. 305–9.
465 The portrait was painted presumably in the first half of the eighteenth century, and was given to the college by Dr Samuel Wanley (DD 1752). The college commissioned Robert Edge Pine to make a copy, executed in 1774 and described by a contemporary as ‘a most shocking perfor mance’. It seems not to be clear whether the portrait which now hangs in the library is the orig inal, or Pine's copy. See Poole, , Catalogue of Portraits III, 258–9.Google Scholar I owe my knowledge of the portrait at Worcester College to the kindness of Dr Timothy Clayton; and I am grateful to Dr J. H. Parker (Librarian, Worcester College) and to Dr Jane Cunningham (Courtauld Institute) for their help in the same connection.