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Cnut and Lotharingia: two notes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

Michael Hare
Affiliation:
Longlevens, Gloucester

Extract

Recent research has focused attention on the ‘Lotharingian connection’, that is to say the close links between the English and German churches in the middle of the eleventh century. Its best known manifestation is the presence of a significant number of German (mainly Lotharingian) clerics at the English royal court. This phenomenon seems to have its origin in the reign of Cnut (1016–35), and the purpose of this paper is to shed light on two aspects of Cnut's contacts with Lotharingia. First, an explanation is advanced for Cnut's baptismal name, Lambert. Secondly, attention is drawn to a hagiographical source which provides evidence for a visit by Cnut to Cologne.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2000

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References

1. A summary of recent research into the Lotharingian connection is provided by Keynes, S., ‘Giso, Bishop of Wells (1061–88)’, ANS 19 (1996), 203–71, at 205–13.Google Scholar

2. Magistri Adam Bremensis Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, ed. Schmeidler, B., MGH SS rer. Germ., 3rd ed. (Hanover, 1917) II.52, schol. 37 (p. 112)Google Scholar; History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, trans. Tschan, F. J. (New York, 1959), p. 91Google Scholar, n. a: ‘Having put away his pagan name, Cnut, the son of King Svein, received the name Lambert in baptism. Hence it is written in our fraternity book: “Lambert, the king of the Danes and Queen Emma and their son [Hartha]Cnut devoudy commended themselves to the prayers of the brethren of Bremen”’.

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5. Thoma, G., Namensänderungen in Herrscherfamilien des mittelalterlichen Eurapa, Münchener Historische Studien, Abteilung Mittelalterliche Geschichte 3 (Kallmünz, 1985), 3264Google Scholar; for possible further Danish examples, see ibid. pp. 72–4 and 210–12.

6. Svein Forkbeard's baptismal name is given as Sueinotto by Adam of Bremen, Gesta II.3 (ed. Schmeidler, pp. 63–4, trans. Tschan, p. 56). The story which Adam tells is pure invention, as has been pointed out by Sawyer, P., ‘Swein Forkbeard and the Historians’, Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages: Essays presented to John Taylor, ed. Wood, I. and Loud, G. A. (London, 1991), pp. 2740, at 32.Google Scholar However, it is quite likely that Adam is preserving a genuine tradition of Svein's baptismal name, and the name Otto fits well into the wider patterns noted by Thoma, , Namensänderungen, pp. 44–9 and 72–7.Google Scholar

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13. Thoma, , Namensänderungen, pp. 36–7Google Scholar; the connection has occasionally been noted in earlier continental literature, for instance by Bresslau, H., Jahrbüher des deutschen Reichs unter Konrad II., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 18791884) I, 102, n. 2.Google Scholar

14. For Polish affairs of this period, see Vlasto, A. P., The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom: an Introduction to the Medieval History of the Slavs (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 113–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The Cambridge History of Poland from the Origins to Sobieski (to 1696), ed. Reddaway, W. F., Penson, J. H., Halecki, O. and Dyboski, R. (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 1642 and 60–8.Google Scholar Polish royal names of this period are treated by Thoma, , Namensänderungen, pp. 44–9 and 144–6.Google Scholar

15. The name of Lambert is preserved only in the document known as the Dagome iudex or ‘Donation of Poland’. This document was recorded in the Collectio Canonum compiled between 1083 and 1087 by Cardinal Deusdedit (who thought it related to Sardinia): Die Kanonessammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit, ed. Wolf von Glanvell, V. (Paderborn, 1905) III, c. 199 (p. 359)Google Scholar. The text presents many problems and has generated a large literature, but for present purposes all that needs to be said is that there is no reason to doubt its preservation of the name Lambert.

16. Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon, ed. Holtzmann, R., MGH SS rer. Germ, ns 9 (Berlin, 1935) IV.57 (36)–58 (37) (at pp. 196–8).Google Scholar

17. The Chapter Annals of Cracow call him Lambert on his accession in 1025 and Mieszko on his death in 1034: Annales Cracovienses priores cum kalendario, ed. Kozlowska-Budkowa, Z., Monumenta Poloniae Historica ns 5 (Warsaw, 1978), 45 and 47.Google Scholar Mieszko II also appears in the Merseburg necrologium under 10 May with the entry Lanpertus siue Misico dux Poloniorum decessit. Die Totenbücher von Merseburg, Magdeburg und Lüneburg, ed. Althoff, G. and Wollasch, J., MGH Libri memoriales et necrologia ns 2 (Hanover, 1983), 5 (facsimile)Google Scholar. Mieszko II's death on 10 or 11 May 1034 is well attested, and there is thus no possibility that he can be the ‘most pious King Lambert’ of the Leofric Missal (see above, n. 3).

18. Thoma, , Namensänderungen, pp. 48 and 146Google Scholar; Székely, G., ‘Gemeinsame Züge der ungarischen und polnischen Kirchengeschichte des XI. Jahrhunderts’, Annales universitatis scientiarum Budapest-inensis de Rolando Eötvös nominatae, sectio historica 4 (1962), 5580, at 61.Google Scholar

19. Thoma, , Namensänderungen, p. 46Google Scholar; Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae, ed. Gams, P. B. (Regensburg, 1873), p. 349.Google Scholar

20. Thoma, , Namensänderungen, p. 46.Google Scholar

21. Vlasto, , The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, p. 119.Google Scholar

22. Between 1025 and 1034 Cnut/Lambert and his cousin Mieszko II/Lambert were contemporary rulers. There is no direct evidence for relations between the cousins, but they may not have been warm. It has plausibly been suggested that in the mid-1020s Cnut and Emperor Conrad II may have reached agreement about mutual spheres of interest; Cnut would be free to continue with the expansion of his northern empire, while Conrad would be free to pursue his quarrels with the Polish ruler. The subsequent pressures on Mieszko II led to the collapse of his regime. See Hoffman, E., ‘Die Salier und Skandinavien’, Auslandsbeziehungen unter den salischen Kaisern. Geistige Auseinandersetzung und Politik, ed. Staab, F., Veröffentlichung der Pfälzischen Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften in Speyer 86 (Speyer, 1994), 239–65, at 246–50Google Scholar; E. Boshof, ‘Das Salierreich und der europäische Osten’, ibid. pp. 167–93, at 169–71; Lang, H. J., ‘The Fall of the Monarchy of Mieszko II, Lambert’, Speculum 49 (1974), 623–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23. The Liber Vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. Keynes, S., EEMF 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 95Google Scholar (see also 26v for facsimile of the entry). I know of no detailed onomastic discussion of Santslave's name. Some rudimentary searches have failed to produce any exact parallels for the name, but a couple of possibilities may be worth further exploration. The name Santslave might perhaps be derived from the Polish name Sędzislawa, recorded in the thirteenth century: see Taszycki, W., Najdawvniejsze polskie imiona osobowe, Rozprawy Wydzialu Filologicznego (Polska Akademja Umiejętności) 62, no. 3 (Cracow, 1926), 93.Google Scholar Taszycki cites only one example of the female form (Sadizlaue), but forms of the male equivalent, Sędzislaw, include Sandislauo, Sandislao, Sandislaus etc. Another possibility is that the name Santslave is a slighdy garbled version of the name Stanislawa, also first recorded in the thirteenth century (ibid. p. 97). See also the lists and indices of female personal names from all parts of the Slavonic-speaking world in Karpluk, M., Stowiańskie imiona kobiece, Prace onomastyczne 4 (Wroclaw, 1961).Google Scholar The matter warrants further attention by onomasts. For other contacts with the Slavic world at this period, see Keynes, S., ‘Cnut's Earls’, The Reign of Cnut King of England, Denmark and Norway, ed. Rumble, A. R. (London, 1994), pp. 4388, at 64–5Google Scholar, and Regesten zur Geschichte der Slaven an Elbe und Oder (vom jahr 900 an), ed. Lübke, C., 5 vols., Giessener Abhandlungen zur Agrar- und Wirtschaftsforschung des europäischen Ostens 131, 133–4, 152 and 157 (Berlin, 19841988)Google Scholar, nos. 257, 436, 439, 547, 577, 578, 586 and 623 (with references to much relevant continental literature).

24. Gerchow, , ‘Prayers for King Cnut’, p. 236.Google Scholar

25. History of the Archbishops of Hamburg—Bremen, trans. Tschan, pp. xv–xvi and xxiv–xxxi.

26. Adam of Bremen's references to Svein are scattered through book II of the Gesta (ed. Schmeidler, , pp. 61141Google Scholar, trans. Tschan, pp. 54–113).

27. Thietmari Chronicon VII.36 (26)–37, ed. Holtzmann, , pp. 442–4.Google Scholar

28. Sawyer, ‘Swein Forkbeard’.

29. Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. Campbell, A., Camden 3rd ser. 72 (London, 1949)Google Scholar, repr. with a supplementary introduction by Keynes, S., Camden Classic Reprints 4 (Cambridge, 1998) I.1–5 (pp. 814).Google Scholar

30. Scriptons minores historiae Danicae medii aevi, ed. Gertz, M. C., 2 vols. (Copenhagen, 19171922) I, 20 (ch.7).Google Scholar

31. The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, ed. van Houts, E. M. C., 2 vols. (Oxford 19921995) II, 26Google Scholar (for favourable comment on the general authenticity of the material relating to Olaf, ibid. I, p. li); Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar, chs. 44 and 60, in Snorri Sturluson: Heimskringla, ed. Aðalbjarnarson, B., 3 vols., Íslenzk fornrit 26–8 (Reykjavík, 19411951) I, 289 and 309–10Google Scholar; Hollander, L. M., Heimskringla. History of the Kings of Norway (Austin, TX, 1964), pp. 186–7 and 200.Google Scholar

32. The specific borrowings from Adam are noted in the critical apparatus in Gertz's edition (see above, n. 30).

33. I owe this point to Lesley Abrams.

34. Adam of Bremen, Gesta II.52 (ed. Schmeidler, , p. 113Google Scholar, trans. Tschan, p. 91).

35. Thietmari Chronicon VII.39 (28), ed. Holtzmann, , p. 446.Google Scholar

36. Ibid. VII.72 (52), ed. Holtzmann, p. 486.

37. Encomium II.2, ed. Campbell, , p. 18.Google Scholar

38. It may also be noted that just as Adam of Bremen probably inferred that Cnut chose to set aside his pagan name, he may also have inferred that he did so on the occasion of baptism rather than confirmation. Such alternative names were occasionally adopted at confirmation; an example from the late tenth century is the bishop of Prague and eventual martyr, Vojtěch/Adalbert: Thoma, Namensänderungen, pp. 21–2.

39. van Engen, J. H., Rupert of Deutz, Publ. of the UCLA Center for Med. and Renaissance Stud. 18 (Berkeley, CA, 1983), 21–4Google Scholar; Müller, H., Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln, Veröffentlichungen des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 33 (Cologne, 1977), 35Google Scholar; Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters, Verfasserlexikon V, 2nd ed., ed. Ruh, K. (Berlin, 1985), cols. 489–91.Google Scholar

40. Müller, , Heribert, pp. 277305 and 314–15.Google Scholar

41. Vita Heriberti arcbiep. Coloniensis auctore Lantberto, ed. Pertz, G. H., MGH SS 4 (Hanover, 1841), 739–53Google Scholar; Miracula sancti Heriberti auctore Lantberto Tuitiensi, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 15/II (Hanover, 1888), 1245–60.Google Scholar Both Vita and Miracula are to be found in London, British Library, Add. 26788. This manuscript was not known to the two MGH editors, and it has recently been argued that it is the archetype of all later manuscripts and that it was produced at Deutz under Lambert's own supervision: Appendix III, ‘Die älteste Handschrift der Vita Heriberti des Lambert von Lüttich’, in Hoffmann, H., Mönchskönig und ‘rex idiota’. Studien Zur Kirchenpolitik Heinrichs II. und Konrads II., MGH Studien und Texte 8 (Hanover, 1993), 186–99 and pls. 1–8.Google Scholar

42. Vita Heriberti, Prologue, ed. Pertz, , p. 740.Google Scholar

43. Müller, Heribert, pp. 3–18.

44. Rupert von Deutz, Vita Heriberti. Kritische Edition mit Kommentar und Untersuchungen, ed. Dinter, P., Veröffentlichungen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein insbesondere das alte Erzbistum Köln 13 (Bonn, 1976).Google Scholar However, as Heribert Müller has pointed out, Lantbert's Vita and Miracula survive in several manuscripts, whereas only a single manuscript of Rupert's Vita is known: Müller, H., ‘Die Vita sancti Heriberti des Lantbert von Lüttich’, Kaiserin Theophanu: Begegnung des Ostens und Western urn die Wende des ersten Jahrtausends, 2 vols., ed. von Euw, A. and Schreiner, P. (Cologne, 1991) I, 4758, at 51.Google Scholar

45. Though not stricdy relevant to the theme of this paper, it is worth noting that ch. 20 of the Miracula relates the story of an Irish cripple, who was cured at Deutz after a journey which had taken him through England: Miracula sancti Heriberti, ed. Holder-Egger, , pp. 1254–5.Google Scholar

46. Miracula Heriberti, ch. 16, ed. Holder-Egger, , p. 1253Google Scholar: ‘Cnut, king of the English, was present at this amazing spectacle, and let it be counted true, that on this account the Lord had directed him, so that Heribert might also be proclaimed by kings, he who in his own days, both pleasing to God and found to be righteous, faithfully observed the laws of God his king. The king himself, having humbly turned in veneration of the saint, sent him prodigious and honourable royal gifts upon his return.’

47. Müller, , Heribert, pp. 1516Google Scholar. German scholarship accepts Cnut's visit as early evidence for a cult at Heribert's shrine: ibid. p. 314.

48. Miracula Heriberti, ed. Holder-Egger, , p. 1253, n. 1.Google Scholar

49. Wipo, , Gesta Chuonradi II. Imperatoris, ch. 16 (Die Werke Wipos, ed. Bresslau, H., MGH SS rer. Germ., 3rd ed. (Hanover, 1915), p. 36)Google Scholar. The coronation took place on Easter Day (26 March), 1027.

50. The letter of 1027 is preserved both by John of Worcester and by William of Malmesbury (The Chronicle of John of Worcester, II: The Annals from 450 to 1066, ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P. (Oxford, 1995), 512–18Google Scholar; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum: the History of the English Kings I, ed. Mynors, R. A. B., Thomson, R. M. and Winterbottom, M. (Oxford, 1998), 324–30).Google Scholar In the chronicle of John of Worcester, the letter is entered s.a. 1031, but the reference in the letter to the Easter celebration of Pope John and Emperor Conrad provides unmistakeable evidence that it dates from 1027. It was suggested by Liebermann that the letter was probably issued from Flanders or Hamburg: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. Liebermann, F., 3 vols. (Halle, 19031916) III, 190Google Scholar. However, somewhere on the lower Rhine, for instance Tiel or Utrecht, is perhaps just as likely.

51. Encomium II.20,21, ed. Campbell, p. 36.

52. Ortenberg, V., ‘Archbishop Sigeric's Journey to Rome in 990’, ASE 19 (1990), 197246.Google Scholar

53. If Cnut returned through west Frankish territory, then he might also have attended the coronation of Henry I of France, which took place at Reims at Whitsun (May 14), 1027. Abbot Odilo of Cluny is known to have attended both the 1027 coronations: Bresslau, jahrbücher I, 164, n. 4. However, no source attests Cnut's presence at Henry's coronation and on the whole, it seems improbable.

54. Lawson, M. K., Cnut: the Danes in England in the Early Eleventh Century (London, 1993), pp. 102–4Google Scholar; John, E., ‘The Encomium Emmae Reginae: a Riddle and a Solution’, Bull. of the John Rylands Univ. Lib. of Manchester 63.1 (1980), 5894, at 76–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keynes, S., ‘Queen Emma and the Encomium Emmae reginae’ (as n. 29), pp. [xiii]–[lxxxvii], at [Ixi]–[Ixii].Google Scholar

55. Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974), p. 58.Google Scholar

56. Bresslau, , Jahrbüchsr II, 147–8.Google Scholar The marriage took place in June 1036 after Cnut's death (ibid. 169–70).

57. Ibid. I, 119 and 133; Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter, I: 313–1099, ed. Oediger, F. W., Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 21 (Bonn, 19541961), nos. 724 and 726 (at pp. 212–14)Google Scholar; Rheinisches Urkundenbuch. Ältere Urkunden bis 1100 II, ed. Wisplinghoff, E., Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 57 (Düsseldorf, 1994), no. 172 (at pp. 56–9).Google Scholar Bresslau (Jahrbücher I, 139) has Pilgrim return to Rome for the imperial coronation. However, he quotes no source and there seems to be no evidence for Pilgrim's presence: see Schnürer, G., Piligrim, Erzbischof von Köln. Studien Zur Geschichte Heinrichs II. und Konrads II. (printed doctoral thesis, Münster, 1883), p. 74, n. 1.Google Scholar

58. Lewald, U., ‘Die Ezzonen. Das Schicksal eines rheinischen Fürstengeschlechtes’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 43 (1979), 120–68Google Scholar; Beuckers, K. G., Die Ezzonen und ihre Stiftungen. Eine Untersuchung Zur Stiftungstä;tigkeit im 11. Jahrhundert, Kunstgeschichte 42 (Münster, 1993).Google Scholar

59. Radtke, C., ‘Anfänge und erste Entwicklung des Bistums Schleswig im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert’, 850 Jahre St.-Petri Dom Zu Schleswig, ed. Radtke, C. and Körber, W. (Schleswig, 1984), pp. 133–60, at 145–6.Google Scholar

60. Adam of Bremen, Gesta 11.56 (ed. Schmeidler, pp. 116–17, trans. Tschan, pp. 93–4). Adam mentions an agreement between Cnut and Conrad brokered by Archbishop Unwan of Hamburg–Bremen (1013–29); this agreement must date to c. 1025, but it is far from certain that the concession of Schleswig was made on this particular occasion.

61. For Rudolf's career, see Radtke, ‘Anfange’, p. 146; Schütte, S., ‘Zur frühen Baugeschichte von St. Kunibert in Köln und zur Grablege des Bischofs Rudolf von Schleswig’, Colonia Romanica 12 (1997), 916Google Scholar; and M. Gechter, ‘Die Grablege des Bischofs Rudolf von Schleswig in St. Kunibert’, ibid. pp. 17–20.

62. Müller, , Heribert, pp. 322–31.Google Scholar

63. Anglo-Saxon Litanies, ed. Lapidge, , no. IV.i, line 58 (p. 107).Google Scholar Heribert follows Severin, Everigisil and Cunibert, all earlier bishops of Cologne. The introduction of the Romano-German Pontifical to England was closely associated with the visit of Bishop Ealdred of Worcester to Cologne in 1054–5: see Lapidge, M., ‘The Origin of CCCC 163’, Trans. of the Cambridge Bibliographical Soc. 8 (1981), 1828Google Scholar and ‘Ealdred of York and MS Cotton Vitellius E.XII’, Yorkshire Archaeol Jnl 55 (1983), 11–25.

64. Heslop, T. A., ‘The Production of de luxe Manuscripts and the Patronage of King Cnut and Queen Emma’, ASE 19 (1990), 151–95Google Scholar, at 156–60 and 182–8; Lawson, Cnut, pp. 133–8 and 150–60.

65. The Vita Wulfstani of William of Malmesbury, ed. Darlington, R. R., Camden 3rd ser. 40 (London, 1928), I.1 and 9 (pp. 5 and 1516).Google Scholar For a detailed commentary on the relevant passages (with text and translation), see Heslop, ‘The Production of de luxe Manuscripts’, pp. 158–62.

66. Temple, E., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066 (London, 1976), no. 56Google Scholar; The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art 966–1066, ed. Backhouse, J., Turner, D. H. and Webster, L. (London, 1984), no. 47.Google Scholar

67. Temple, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 56.

68. Müller, H., ‘Zur Kanonisationsbulle für Erzbischof Heribert von Köln’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 40 (1976), 4671.Google Scholar Müller also notes (ibid. pp. 53– 4) that the twelfth-century material on 167v is best explained as originating at Deutz. The text of the bull has been newly edited in Rheinisches Urkundenbuch II, ed. Wisplingh off, no. 239 (at pp. 186–8).

69. Müller, H., ‘Zur Kanonisationsbulle’, pp. 52–3.Google Scholar Even if the Arenberg Gospels was at St Severin from the time of its arrival in Cologne, then Cnut's visit would still provide a suitable context. It is known that a rebuilding and refurbishment of St Severin was begun by Archbishop Pilgrim (1021–36) and completed by Archbishop Herimann II (1036–56) in 1043, as attested in a charter issued by Herimann: Rheinisches Urkundenbuch II, ed. Wisplinghoff, no. 315 (at pp. 330–5). Wisolinehoff is inclined (against earlier commentators) to see this charter as authentic.

70. Nordenfalk, C., ‘The Draped Lectern: a Motif in Anglo-Saxon Evangelist Portraits’, Intuition und Kunshvissenschaft. Festschrift für Hanns Swarzenski Zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Bloch, P., Buddensieg, T., Hentzen, A. and Müller, T. (Berlin, 1973), pp. 81100, at 96.Google Scholar

71. Beuckers, , Die Ezzonen, pp. 187–8.Google Scholar

72. Heslop, ‘The Production of de luxe Manuscripts’.

73. Ibid. pp. 169–70.

74. Gameson, R., The Rale of Art in the Late Anglo-Saxon Church (Oxford, 1995), pp. 258–9Google Scholar. Richard Gameson also comments to me that the Arenberg Gospels is made throughout in the Insular manner of hair facing flesh with a hair side outermost (HFHF), something far from common after c. 1000.

75. Dumville, D. N., English Caroline Script and Monastic History: Studies in Benedictinism, A. D. 950–1030, Stud, in AS Hist. 6 (Woodbridge, 1993), 86140, esp. 106–7 and 116–20.Google Scholar

76. Ibid. p. 107, n. 118.

77. Martin, A., ‘Le baton pastoral dans ses formes successives’, Mélanges d'archéologie, d'histoire et de littérature 4, ed. Cahier, C. and Martin, A. (Paris, 1856), 161256 (at 176)Google Scholar; Bock, F., Das heilige Köln. Beschreibung der mittelalterlichen Kuntschätze (Leipzig, 18581861), no. 85 (at p. 8).Google Scholar See also the other literature cited in Okasha, E., ‘A Second Supplement to Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions’, ASE 21 (1992), 3785, at 43–4.Google Scholar

78. The staff was returned to Deutz from the treasury of Cologne cathedral in 1996. On the contents of the sacrarium of Neu-St Heribert, see Seidler, M., Der Schatz von St. Heribert in Köln-Deutz Rheinische Kunststätten 423 (Cologne, 1997)Google Scholar; it should be noted that Neu-St. Heribert is not to be confused with Alt-St Heribert which stands on the site of the former abbey and now serves Cologne's Greek congregation.

79. Beckwith, J., Ivory Carvings in Early Medieval England (London, 1972), pp. 56, 124Google Scholar; Okasha, , ‘A Second Supplement to Hand-List’, pp. 43–4.Google Scholar

80. Kahsnitz, R., ‘Sogenannter Stab des heiligen Heribert’, Berntward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter der Ottonen. Katalog der Ausstellung, ed. Brandt, M. and Eggebrecht, A., 2 vols. (Hildesheim, 1993) II, no. IV–58 (at pp. 229–30).Google Scholar I am not aware of any adequate published illustration of the engraved scenes on the silver mount; the best illustrations known to me are in Wesenberg, R., ‘Eine frühe Darstellung des hl. Heribert?’, Beiträge Zur rheinischen Kunstgeschichte und Denkmalpflege II. Albert Verbeek Zum 65. Geburtstag, Die Kunstdenkmäler des Rheinlandes 20 (Düsseldorf, 1974), 63–7Google Scholar, pls. 28 and 29, but the complete sequence is not shown. A detailed art-historical study of the staff is a desideratum.

81. Rupert of Deutz, Vita Heriberti, ch. 35, ed. Dinter, p. 85.

82. Kahsnitz, , ‘Stab des heiligen Heribert’, p. 230Google Scholar; Reallexikon Zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte II, ed. Schmitt, O. (Stuttgart, 1948), cols. 803–5.Google Scholar It has been argued by Wesenberg, ‘Eine frühe Darstellung’, that Heribert is represented in the ivory carving of eleventh-century date of an archbishop with a crozier of tau-cross form on the back cover of London, British Library, Harley 2889 (a lectionary from Siegburg). It can, however, be pointed out that in the Codex Thioderici, a lost Deutz manuscript of mid-twelfth-century date, Heribert was depicted with a staff of the traditional crook form. This manuscript was written by and in all likelihood illuminated under the close supervision of Thiodericus, the custos of the abbey of Deutz with specific responsibility for the ornaments and relics of the church: see Sinderhauf, M., Die Abtei Deutz und ihre innere Erneuerung. Klostergeschichte im Spiegel des verschollenen Codex Thioderici, Veröffentlichungen des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 39 (Vierow bei Greifswald, 1996), esp. 42–59, 173–80 and pl. 1 (at p. 284).Google Scholar

83. Ealdred's visit is recorded by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1054 D: The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS D, ed. Cubbin, G. P., The AS Chronicle: a Collaborative Edition 6 (Cambridge, 1996), 74 (text)Google Scholar; The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: a Revised Translation, ed. Whitelock, D., with Douglas, D. C. and Tucker, S. I. (London 1961; rev. 1965), p. 129 (translation).Google Scholar For some of the possible results of Ealdred's visit, see Lapidge, ‘Origin of CCCC 163’ and ‘Ealdred of York’; Hare, M., ‘Kings, Crowns and Festivals: the Origins of Gloucester as a Royal Ceremonial Centre’, Trans. of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeol. Soc. 115 (1997), 4178.Google Scholar

84. Osbert of Clare, The Life of St Edburga of Winchester, chs. 2 and 21, ed. in Ridyard, S. J., The Royal Saints of Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 253308, at 265–6 and 296Google Scholar (see also pp. 33–5).

85. Keynes, , ‘Giso’, p. 205.Google Scholar

86. It would be no coincidence if gifts from Cnut do indeed survive from the Rhineland; it would reflect the much higher level of preservation of such objects in this area than in England. I am grateful to all those who have helped in the preparation of this paper, including Lesley Abrams, Klaus Gereon Beuckers, Richard Gameson, Joy Jenkyns and John Rhodes. Above all I would like to thank Simon Keynes for his invaluable editorial comments on a first draft of this paper.

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