I would like to thank Picter Emmer (Leiden University) for reading and commenting on earlier versions of this article. I am also grateful to Cátia Antunes (Leiden University), who has given great support to my research in the Municipal Archive of Amsterdam. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Tech-nology for the financial support which has made this research possible.

1. This article is an extended version of a paper presented at the 123rd annual meeting of the American Historical Association (New York, January 2-5, 2009) in the panel Weaving the Webs of Empire: Connections and Confrontations in the Early Modern World, organized by the Forum on European Expansion and Global Interaction. The materials presented here are also partially integrated into my Ph.D. dissertation, titled “The Dutch and the Portuguese in West Africa: Empire Building and Atlantic System: 1580–1674,” defended at Leiden University in June 2009 (in press with Brill Publishers, Atlantic World Series).

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9. These source materials have been chosen as the main basis of our study because they constitute one of the most representative collections of notarial acts for the study of the European trade in the early modern period.

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11. This conflict resulted from the Dutch revolt (1568) against the taxation and centralization policies implemented by Philip II.

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44. Ibid.

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46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

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55. Torrão, “Rotas,” p. 24.

56. Ibid., pp. 51,92.

57. See, for example, GAA, Not. Arch., 376/114-115: March 6, 1613; Not. Arch., 376/114-115: March 6,1613.

58. Postma, Johannes, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), chapter 1;Google Scholar Postma, , “A Reassessment of the Dutch Atlantic Slave Trade,” in Riches from Atlantic Commerce, pp. 139–169;Google Scholar Eltis, Vos and Richardson, , “The Dutch in the Atlantic World,” pp. 228–249.Google Scholar

59. GAA, Not. Arch., 254/188-188v: May 22, 1614; Not. Arch., 164/162: November 11, 1620.

60. Ibid.

61. Costa, Imperios, p. 79.

62. GAA, Not. Arch., 125/27v-28v: April 27, 1611; Not. Arch., 124/131-131v: August 5, 1611.

63. Antunes, Globalisation, pp. 91–140.

64. Costa, O transporte, pp. 537-559.

65. GAA, Not. Arch., 2757A/153: April 9, 1661; Not. Arch., 2757A/149: April 9, 1661.

66. GAA, Not. Arch., 420/536: December 20, 1639; Not. Arch., 1690/599: April 16, 1648.

67. GAA, Not. Arch., 2757A/153: April 9, 1661; Not. Arch., 2757A/149: April 9, 1661.

68. GAA, Not. Arch., 2118: August 1, 1657.

69. GAA, Not. Arch., 1996A/113: April 28, 1663; Not. Arch., 322/675-699: April 27, 1675; Not. Arch., 3221/695: April 27, 1675.

70. GAA, Nor. Arch., 1115/17v: October 5, 1655.

71. Even though it rented the monopoly areas of western Africa to private traders, the crown kept its own commercial agents in several of them. Where the monopolies were rented, the agents of the crown had only an inspection and oversight role in regard to the activities of the private merchants. Torrão, , “Actividade externa de Cabo Verde: organizaçào, funcionamento, evolução” in Historia geral de Cabo Verde, eds. Albuquerque, Luís de and Santos, Maria Emilia Madeira (Lisboa/Praia: Centro de Estudos de História e Cartografia Antiga, Instituto Nacional da Cultura de Cabo Verde, 1991), [vol. 1, pp. 249–255;Google Scholar Torrão, “Rotas,” pp. 17-123; Cohen, “Administração,” pp. 189-224.

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75. Ibid.

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78. GAA, Not. Arch., 624/I55v: November 3, 1617; Not. Arch., 611A/42I: June 20, 1618; Not. Arch., 34/115–116: December 8, 1601.

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