¹ For the full text of Mao Tse-tung’s proclamation, see China Digest (Hongkong), Vol. 7, No. 1 (Oct. 6, 1949), p. 2. A complete documentation in English of the proceedings and decisions of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference held in Peking (renamed from Peip’ing), Sept. 21-Oct. 1, 1949, will be found in the China Digest issues of Oct. 5 and 19, 1949.

² See Chapter 3 of the Organic Law of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, adopted Sept. 27, 1949. China Digest, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Oct. 19, 1949), pp. 17–18.

³ Slogans for the commemoration of May Day, 1948, broadcast by the official Chinese Communist North Shensi Radio, April 30, 1948.

⁴ Full text in China Digest, Supp. to Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 3–9.

⁵ Mao’s principal ideological works include : Chung-kuo ko-ming yü chung-kuo kung-ch’an-tang (The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party), Nov. 15, 1939; Hsin min-chu chu-i lun (On New Democracy), Jan. 19, 1940; Lun lien-bo cheng-fu (On Coalition Government), April 24, 1945; Mu-ch’ien hsing-shih ho wo-men ti jen-wu (The Present Situation and Our Tasks), Dec. 25, 1947; and, most recently, Lun jen-min min-chu chuan-cheng (On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship), June 30, 1949, an English translation of which appeared in For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy! (Bucharest), July 15, 1949, p. 5, under the title: “The Dictatorship of People’s Democracy.”

⁶ A formal ideological declaration was adopted by the Seventh Congress of the Chinese Communist Party on June 11, 1945, in the form of a “general introduction” to the revised Party constitution; see the translation by the present writer in Congressional Record, Vol. 95, No. 134 (July 26, 1949), Appendix, pp. A4993–A4997.

⁷ See the major address by Liu Shao-chi, vice chairman of the new Central People’s Government and vice chairman of the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party, before the CPPCC on Sept. 21, 1949: “China Enters the Era of People’s Democracy,” China Digest, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 6–7.

⁸ As early as Nov. 15, 1939, Mao Tse-tung made it clear that “the leadership of this… revolutionary task rests upon the shoulders of the political party of the Chinese proletariat—the Communist Party—and without the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, no revolution can succeed.” The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party, Part II (G). The same theme was later developed to define the rôle of the Party within a united front coalition: “Without the broadest united front, comprising the overwhelming majority of the whole national population, the victory of China’s new democratic revolution is impossible. But this is not all. This united front must also be under the firm leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Without the firm leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, no revolutionary united front can be victorious.” The Present Situation and Our Tasks, Part VII.

⁹ General Introduction to the Party Constitution, loc. cit., note 6, ante. “Socialism” and “Communism” are doctrinal conceptions to be read in accordance with the current Marxist-Leninist view. “Socialism,” according to Stalin, is the “first or lower phase of Communism.” Report on the Draft of the U.S.S.R. Constitution, in Vyshinsky, A. Y., The Law of the Soviet State (Babb. trans., New York, 1948), p. 135 Google Scholar. This view is faithfully mirrored in the literature of Chinese Communism where, however, Mao Tse-tung has developed the concept of “new democracy” as a necessary transition to the subsequent sequence: Socialism-Communism.

¹⁰ In the “new democratic” phase of the revolution, the Chinese Communists intend to function politically on the basis of a “coalition” of all anti-Kuomintang, anti-“reactionary” revolutionary elements; while, from the economic point of view, the national economy will combine state and private ownership under a planned economy. This theme recurs throughout the works cited in note 5, ante. The concept of the “people’s democratic dictatorship” is more specifically concerned with the definition and political treatment of the “reactionaries” over whom a dictatorship is to be maintained by the “people.” This produces an important principle of Communist law, in which a distinction is made between “people” and “citizens.” In his report of Sept. 22, 1949, on the “common program” under consideration by the CPPCC, Chou En-lai remarked: “There is a difference between ‘people’ and ‘citizen.’ ‘People’ mean the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie and certain [other] patriotic democratic elements…. [The remaining, reactionary elements] are not within the category of ‘people’ but are ‘citizens’ of China. For the time being they cannot enjoy the rights of the people but they have to observe the obligations of citizens. This is the People’s Democratic Dictatorship.” This distinction may possibly be extrapolated to establish a basis for the discriminatory treatment of at least certain foreign nationals in Communist China.

¹¹ On New Democracy, p. 79. The reference is to the translation given in Appendix B to the Report of Subcommittee No. 5 of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, on the Strategy and Tactics of World Communism, Supp. III (C): Communism in China, 81st Cong., 1st Sess., House Doc. No. 154—Pt. 3 (Washington, 1949), pp. 67–91.

¹² “Revolutionary Forces of the World Bally to Combat Imperialist Aggression,” written to commemorate the thirty-first anniversary of the October Revolution and published in For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy! (Nov. 1, 1948.)

¹³ On New Democracy, pp. 85–86.

¹⁴ For this reason, Consul General John M. Cabot’s coldly logical refutation of Chinese Communist charges of American imperialism misfired completely. See “An American Answer to Chinese Communist Propaganda,” originally delivered to the American University Club in Shanghai, Jan. 26, 1949, and reprinted in Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 20, No. 502 (Feb. 13, 1949), pp. 179–183.

¹⁵ “On Internationalism and Nationalism,” broadcast by North Shensi Radio, Nov. 9, 1948; reprinted in China Digest, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Dec. 14, 1948), pp. 6–9. A variant text is given in For a Lasting Peace…, June 1, 1949. All quotations in this section are taken from this article. Written before the Kuomintang will to resist had been fully broken, this article and a related one by Mao Tse-tung (note 12, ante) were apparently calculated to publicize the identity of interests between Chinese and Soviet Communists and to assure the Party faithful that no appeasement, no abatement of the revolutionary drive, was contemplated.

Liu Shao-chi, one of Mao’s most trusted lieutenants, is a member of the Secretariat, Central Committee and Politburo (Vice Chairman) of the Chinese Communist Party; Vice Chairman of the Central People’s Government; chief architect of the revised Party Constitution of 1945; and honorary vice president of the All-China Federation of Labor, a leading Communist-front organization.

¹⁶ Mao Tse-tung divides the Chinese bourgeoisie into two categories: (1) the “compradore upper bourgeoisie” whose links with “imperialists” and “bureaucratic capitalists” make them enemies of the revolution; and (2) the “national bourgeoisie,” a potentially friendly force. The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party, Pt. II (D) (ii). In On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship, Mao defines the rôle of the national bourgeoisie more sharply, indicating specific standards of conduct to be met if that class is to escape treatment as a “reactionary” group.

¹⁷ Both works cited above.

¹⁸ For a typieal warning of the necessity for true Communist leadership of colonial revolutionary movements, to avoid the “treachery” of the colonial bourgeoisie, see the comment of one Sha Ping, “The Lesson from Events in Indonesia,” broadcast by North Shensi Badio, March 21, 1949: “The reactionary ruling classes of the [Indonesian] Republic dread the anti-imperialist strength of the people, of their own country and of the people of the world. Therefore they not only cannot shoulder the great cause of national liberation, but cannot preserve their ‘Republic’ from being destroyed by the Dutch aggressors. They have the same outlook as the Nehrus, Jinnahs, Luang Pibul Songgrams, Quirinos, Syngman Bheee and other feeble-minded bourgeoisie of the East. They deem that weak nations cannot attain liberation without relying on imperialism; then, even should they attain ‘independence,’ they can hardly exist without ‘American aid.’”

¹⁹ On New Democracy, p. 76.

²⁰ The reference is doubtless to Lenin’s “Imperialism,” in Lenin, V. I., Selected Works (Moscow, 1946), Vol. 1, esp. pp. 737–739 Google Scholar.

²¹ On New Democracy, p. 76.

²² Ibid., p. 85.

²³ Idem.

²⁴ Mao, The Chinese Revolution…, Pt. II (B).

²⁵ On New Democracy, p. 71.

²⁶ A working distinction between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the political leadership of the proletariat during the period of the new democracy is given in the Central Committee’s Foreword to a reprint of Chapter 2 of Lenin’s Left Wing Communism: “The historical difference between the contents of the proletarian dictatorship and the people’s democratic dictatorship is that our people’s democratic dictatorship is under the leadership of the proletariats…. The political and social aim of this revolution is not the overthrow of the capitalists in general, but to establish a new democratic society and a coalition dictatorial country of the various revolutionary classes. The proletarian dictatorship aims at overthrowing capitalism and establishing Socialism. Therefore… we must differentiate between the existing conditions of Lenin’s period and that of our present period.” North Shensi Radio, June 11–12, 1948.

²⁷ On New Democracy, p. 78.

²⁸ Mao Tse-tung was highly explicit on this point in his remarks to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Conference on June 15, 1949: “I think it is necessary to call your attention to the fact that the imperialists and their running dogs, the Chinese reactionaries, will not take their defeat in this land of China lying down. They will still work in collusion with each other and use all possible means to oppose the Chinese people. They will, for example, send their lackeys to penetrate into China to carry out work of disintegration and disruption. This is inevitable and they will certainly not forget this work…. Furthermore, if they chose to be adventurous, they may even send part of their armed forces to encroach on China’s frontiers, a possibility which cannot be ruled out…. We must decidedly not, because of our victories, relax our vigilance toward the wild retaliatory plots of imperialist elements and their running dogs.” China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 6 (June 28, 1949), p. 4.

²⁹ Liu Shao-chi offers a characteristic statement of these relationships in “On Internationalism and Nationalism,” loc cit., note 15, ante:

“The class interests of the bourgeoisie are founded on capitalist exploitation, pursuing ever higher and higher profits, exploiting hired labor, and within its own ranks carrying on mutual competition, squeezing out, exerting pressure on and swallowing up competitors and waging wars and world wars—thus utilizing every possible method to seek monopoly throughout the country and the world—such is the profit-seeking nature of the bourgeoisie. This is the class basis of bourgeois nationalism, and likewise the class basis for all bourgeois ideologies.”

³⁰ Part I(C).

³¹ Lu, Ting-yi, “Explanation of Several Basic Questions concerning the Postwar International Situation,” Emancipation Daily, Jan. 6, 1947 Google Scholar, broadcast serially over Yenan Kadio beginning Jan. 7, 1947. Lu Ting-yi, Editor-in-Chief of Emancipation Daily, and Chief of the Propaganda Department of the Chinese Communist Party, was abo one of the Communist negotiators for a peaceful domestic settlement following the close of the first Political Consultative Conference, January, 1946. Lu includes among the “stooges” Britain’s Churchill, France’s De Gaulle, China’s Chiang Kai-shek, who are closely associated in his view with the “fascist remnants”: Spain’s Franco, Germany’s von Papen and Schacht, and the Japanese cabinet of the day.

³² Liu Shao-chi, op. cit.

³³ On Coalition Government, Part II.

New Year’s editorial of the New China News Agency for 1947, broadcast over North Shensi Radio, Dec. 31, 1946.

³⁵ Loc. cit., note 31, ante. Mao Tse-tung brought the charge up to date as of Nov. 1, 1948 : “Instead of fascist Germany, Italy and Japan, it is now American imperialism and its servants in the various countries who are feverishly preparing a new world war and who are menacing the whole world.” Loc. cit., note 12, ante.

Lu Ting-yi reaches his conclusion by arguing that American “monopoly capital experienced tremendous growth during the war,” when American industrial production doubled. American monopoly capitalists, warlords and militarists advocated an aggreesive postwar policy to expand markets, take over the markets of other capitalist countries in the colonies and semi-colonies, and to exercise “sole domination” over Japan and Latin America. Because American productive technique is very high and American monopoly capital tremendous, the United States can gain an overwhelming advantage over all possible competitors through innocent-appearing “open door” and “equal opportunity” arguments. Since the United States prepares large-scale military undertakings and operates bases throughout the world, it dominates all of the other imperialist Powers, making them captives of American policy.

³⁶ Nov. 27, 1946. Objectively, this statement is palpably false.

³⁷ Op. cit. The declaration of the Central Committee of the Party on Nov. 21, 1948, actually constitutes a conditional declaration of war upon the United States, laying a basis for reparations to be claimed from the United States:

“The Communist Party of China holds that any military or economic aid to the Kuomintang Government by the Government of the United States or other countries constitutes an act of hostility against the Chinese nation and the people of China, and should cease immediately. If the American Government should dispatch its armed forces for either all-out or partial protection of the Kuomintang Government, this would constitute armed aggression against the sacred territory and sovereignty of China. All the consequences thereof would have to be borne by the American Government.”

³⁸ Statement of a “spokesman” of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, North Shensi Radio, Feb. 22, 1948.

³⁹ Mao Tse-tung, “Statement on the Current Situation,” North Shensi Radio, Jan. 14, 1949.

⁴⁰ Infra, pp. 89–90.

⁴¹ New China News Agency editorial, “Peace Forces of the World Mobilize and Shatter the Plot of War Provocateurs,” North Shensi Radio, March 18, 1949.

⁴² Lu Ting-yi, op. cit., reasons thus: “The world anti-democratic forces are American imperialists and reactionaries in the various countries. Since the world anti-democratic forces are in unison attacking the American people, peoples of various capitalist countries, colonies and semi-colonies, the peoples of America, of various capitalist countries, colonies and semi-colonial countries must act in unison to form a worldwide united front against American imperialism and reactionaries in all countries. This worldwide united front, thie colossal army comprising well over one billion people, is precisely the world democratic might.… This united front will undoubtedly have the sympathy and moral support of the Socialist Soviet Union.”

⁴³ Mao, Tse-tang, On New Democracy, pp. 70–72, esp. p. 70 Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Mao Tse-tung, On Coalition Government, Pt. II. It is made to appear that the Soviet Union was chiefly responsible for the defeat of Germany, while it is left to the Anglo-American-French forces to batter “the remnants of Hitler’s hordes.”

⁴⁵ Ibid., Part IV(B)(x).

⁴⁶ Op. cit. Hsin Hua Jih Pao (Chungking) painted an alluring picture of Soviet policy in its issue of Feb. 23, 1945. In answering the question “Why do the Russian people hold such decisive power?” that Communist organ held: “They are simply the outcome of the realization within their country of the most perfect democratic system in the world. Every member of the vast population of the Soviet Union has become the master of the state, living freely and happily, as it were, in the larger family of democracy. The spirit as well as the principles of democratic unity pervades all the domestic and foreign policies earned out by the Soviet Union.”

⁴⁷ The present writer’s judgment that Chinese Communism has a substantial via-bility does not mean that he subscribes to proposals for military intervention.

⁴⁸ This conclusion is drawn from a review of the extensive Communist literature on Manchuria, where the Northeast Liberated Area has been concerned since 1946 with innumerable problems of agricultural and industrial policy; no suggestion has been encountered that problems or handicaps have arisen in these respects from Soviet policy.

⁴⁹ Feb. 25, 1946, as broadcast by Yenan Radio, Feb. 26, 1946, continuing: “We believe that the Soviet Union is certainly willing to overcome difficulties swiftly… [and that] economic negotiations will not violate the Sino-Soviet Treaty.”

⁵⁰ A characteristic group of assertions was broadcast by New China News Agency over North Shensi Eadio on Nov. 7, 1948, including these: (1) “All traces of poverty and ignorance have been eliminated from the countryside of the Soviet Union…”; (2) “A new world record in iron production has been set by Soviet iron workers”; (3) “The Soviet Union is undertaking large-scale production of artificial rubber motor tires… much superior to those made in the United States.” Also see note 46, ante.

⁵¹ North Shensi Radio, Nov. 7, 1948. A similar message had been transmitted the year before, North Shensi Eadio, Nov. 6, 1947.

⁵² Full text broadcast by North Shensi Radio, July 11, 1948. At that time, the Chinese Communist Party was itself launched upon a thorough-going purge to reorganize and “purify” its own ranks.

⁵³ North Shensi Radio, Feb. 21, 1948; Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1939–1941 (Washington, 1948).

⁵⁴ Although Chinese Communist Party members were in a numerical minority in the large Chinese delegation of 40 members.

⁵⁵ New China News Agency from Peip’ing, April 3, 1949; text in China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 1, April 19, 1949, p. 2.

⁵⁶ Loc. cit., note 31, ante.

⁵⁷ See note 35, ante.

⁵⁸ In The Present Situation and Our Tasks, Pt. VIII, Mao Tse-tung warns Chinese “reactionaries” against undue reliance on American economic strength: “The economic strength of American imperialism… has met with the unstable and daily-shrinking domestic and international market. Further shrinking of this market will lead to the outbreak of economic crisis. American war prosperity is merely a momentary phenomenon. Its strength is only superficial and temporary. Crisis, like a volcano, daily menaces American imperialism; American imperialism is sitting right atop this volcano.”

⁵⁹ New China News Agency editorial, North Shensi Radio, Nov. 8, 1947.

⁶⁰ Nov. 1, 1948, loc. cit., note 12, ante.

⁶¹ The Present Situation and Our Tasks, Pt. VII.

⁶² Liu Shao-chi, op. cit.

⁶³ New China News Agency message to the Southeast Asia Youth Conference, North Shensi Radio, Feb. 16, 1948. See also note 18, ante.

⁶⁴ Loc. cit., note 12, ante.

⁶⁵ North Shensi Radio, Nov. 21, 1948.

⁶⁶ New China News Agency, Peip’ing Radio, April 30, 1949; text in China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 3 (May 17, 1949), p. 5.

⁶⁷ Art. 56, loc. cit., note 4, ante. In this final form, the “common program “expressed in more conservative language the statement made by Mao Tse-tung to the Preparatory Committee of the CPPCC on June 15, 1949: “We wish to declare to the whole world: we only oppose the imperialist system and its conspiratorial scheme against the Chinese people. We are willing to negotiate for the establishment of diplomatic relations with any foreign government on the basis of principles of equality, mutual benefits and mutual respecting of territorial sovereignty provided it is willing to sever relations with the Chinese reactionaries and cease to help or work in collusion with them and provided it adopts a real, and not hypocritical, attitude of amity toward the China of the people.” China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 6 (June 28, 1949), p. 4.

⁶⁸ “The task of the Chinese people’s liberation struggle is to liberate all China up to the liberation of Taiwan, Hainan Island, and the last inch of territory belonging to China.” New China News Agency, North Shensi Radio, March 16, 1949.

⁶⁹ From the Central Committee declaration of Nov. 21, 1948. Italics added.

⁷⁰ See Mao Tse-tung, note 67, ante.

⁷¹ Full texts of the notes exchanged with these countries are given in China Digest, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Oct. 19, 1949), pp. 19–22.

71a Wen Hui Pao (Shanghai), Oct. 24, 1949.

⁷² Jan. 10, 1946, was taken as the cut-off date because it marked the opening of the original all-party Political Consultative Conference which was asserted by the Central Committee to have been “universally recognized by the people of the entire country and other world powers as constituting the highest political body in China.” From this inexact premise the Chinese Communist Party sought to argue that all subsequent acts of the National Government undertaken without its consent were invalid or unconstitutional.

⁷³ North Shensi Radio, Jan. 14, 1949.

⁷⁴ Full text in China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 3 (May 3, 1949), p. 22.

⁷⁵ Art. 55, loc. cit., note 4, ante.

⁷⁶ Ratifications exchanged in Nanking, Nov. 30, 1948; proclaimed by the President Jan. 12, 1949. Department of State, Treaties and Other International Acts Series (hereafter cited as T.I.A.S.) 1871; this Journal, Supp., Vol. 43 (1949), p. 27.

⁷⁷ Washington, June 14, 1946. T.I.A.S. 1533.

⁷⁸ Shanghai, Aug. 30, 1946. Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 22, 1946, p. 548.

⁷⁹ Washington, June 28, 1946. T.I.A.S. 1746.

⁸⁰ Nanking, Aug. 29 and Sept. 3, 1947. T.I.A.S. 1715.

⁸¹ Nanking, Oct. 27, 1947. T.I.A.S. 1674.

⁸² Nanking, Nov. 10, 1947. T.I.A.S. 1687.

⁸³ Nanking, Dec. 8, 1947. T.I.A.S. 1691.

⁸⁴ Nanking, July 3, 1948. T.I.A.S. 1837.

⁸⁵ Nanking, Aug. 3 and 5, 1948. T.I.A.S. 1848.

⁸⁶ China Digest, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Nov. 2, 1948), pp. 11, 16.

⁸⁷ Emancipation Daily (Yenan), Nov. 26, 1947, called it “the most shameful treaty of betrayal in Chinese history.” In protest, it proposed (Dec. 8, 1946) to set the anniversary of the treaty aside as “National Disgrace Day.” In a speech in Yenan, Dec. 12, 1946, General Chou En-lai (now Foreign Minister) termed it a “treaty of national subjugation.”

⁸⁸ See the statement of Maud Russell, Executive Director of the “Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy,” in Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, U. S. Senate, 80th Cong., 2nd Sess., on A Treaty of Friend-ship, Commerce and Navigation… April 26, 1948 (Washington, 1948), pp. 52–66. Owen Lattimore joined in denouncing the “spurious ‘equality’” of the treaty in The Situation in Asia (Boston, 1949), p. 235.

⁸⁹ Art. 59. Italics added.

⁹⁰ Cited in note 65, ante.

⁹¹ North Shensi Radio, Dec. 24, 1948.

⁹² Art. 8. The full text of the proclamation is in China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 2 (May 3, 1949), p. 18.

⁹³ Mao Tse-tung, address to the Shansi-Suiyuan cadres, April 1, 1948. North Shensi Radio, May 8–10, 1948.

⁹⁴ Canning, C. J., “The Question of Recognition,” China Weekly Review (Shanghai), Vol. 114, No. 2 (June 11, 1949), pp. 33–36 Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ For example, the Military Control Commission in Peip’ing in February, 1949, required foreigners to “register” their automobiles but neglected to provide registration facilities. By forcing the American Consulate General in Shanghai to negotiate for the settlement of curiously oppressive wage demands of former employees of the American Navy in July-August, 1949, it was driven home to all Western employers of Chinese labor that a new order had dawned.

⁹⁶ China Digest, Vol. 6, No. 2 (May 3, 1949), p. 6. This comment, precipitated by the case of the British sloop Amethyst, is headlined: “This is 1949, Not 1926,” and reminds the British and Americans that “the Yangtze Biver now belongs to the Chinese people… and no longer to servile and weak-minded traitors.”

⁹⁷ Most of these regulations were reprinted or abstracted in various issues of the China Digest, China Economist (Shanghai), and Far Eastern Economic Review (Hongkong) between January and June, 1949.

⁹⁸ Mao, The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party.

⁹⁹ China Weekly Review, Vol. 114, No. 2 (June 11, 1949), pp. 29–30.

¹⁰⁰ Correspondence on this question was published in Ta Kung Pao (Shanghai), Oct. 16, 1949.