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Introduction: Impressions of a Century of Historiography

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 June 2017

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Extract

The three fine essays that follow and the recent turn of the century provide the occasion for an assessment of the state of the early modern social welfare history endeavor. What do we know now about the poor and poverty relief in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that the great policy historians of the early twentieth century did not know? Why? What methodological assumptions and foci have emerged over the past hundred years, and how have they deepened our understanding of social welfare? What are the current points of research departure? With such a potentially vast historical literature to consider, I must dismiss at the outset any claim to complete thoroughness. I have, rather, organized the essay around eight clusters of work that have shaped the historiographical corpus.

Type
Symposium: The Study of the Early Modern Poor and Poverty Relief
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2000

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Footnotes

*

The editor is grateful to Paul Fideler for his assistance in arranging this symposium.

References

1 Leonard, E. M., The Early History of English Poor Relief (New York, 1965 [1900])Google Scholar; Tawney, R. H., The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1967 [1912]), and Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: A Historical Study (Gloucester, MA, 1954 [1926])Google Scholar; Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Local Government: English Poor Law History: Part I. The Old Poor Law (London, 1927).Google Scholar See also these earlier histories: Burn, Richard, The History of the Poor Laws: With Observations (London, 1764)Google Scholar; Ruggles, Thomas, The History of the Poor, Their Rights, Duties, and the Laws Respecting Them, 2 vols. (London, 1793-94), 2d ed. in 1 vol. (London, 1797)Google Scholar; SirEden, Frederic, The State of the Poor: Or, An History of the Labouring Classes in England, 3 vols. (London, 1797), esp. two extended essays in vol. 1: “Of the Poor from the Conquest to the Present” and “Of National Establishments for the Maintenance of the PoorGoogle Scholar; and SirNicholls, George, A History of the English Poor Law, 2 vols. (London, 1854), rev. ed. in 3 vols. (London, 1898-1900)Google Scholar. Harris, Jose has noted that in the first half of the twentieth century proponents of “idealist” social science sought, among other things, to “reintegrate the fragmented consciousness of modern man” and to insure that the state should have the central role in welfare provision. Adding to the intensity that Tawney and the Webbs brought to this agenda was their Fabian socialism and commitment to labor organization (“Political Thought and the Welfare State 1870-1940,” Past and Present 135 [May 1992]: 127, 132, 133, 136-37, 140–41)Google Scholar.

2 Parish churchwardens assisted by four overseers of the poor (substantial householders, the middling sort) were to raise a parish fundby taxing inhabitants and occupiers of land in the parish” and in kind and apply this fund to: purchase make-work materials for the able-bodied poor (sometimes utilized in Houses of Correction); relieve at home or outdoors the “lame, impotent, old, blind,” and those otherwise unable to support themselves (and whose grandparents, parents or children were unable to maintain them); and put poor children to work or into apprenticeships. “Wandering and begging” were prohibited, unless begging was for food and approved by the overseers (The Statutes of the Realm, 12 vols. [London, 1963 (1810-28)], 4: 896–98)Google Scholar.

3 For their praise of Burleigh, Charles I, Laud, and the Council for enforcing the poor law, see: Tawney, , Religion, pp. 170–75; and Webb, English Local Government, pp. 67, 70, 77, 398Google Scholar. Leonard noted the irony thatthese infringers of individual liberties were also…the protectors of the poor” in their vigorous enforcement of the “socialistic schemes” of the old poor law, which provided “more poor relief in England than we ever had before or since (English Poor Relief, pp. 163–64, 171, 185, 165-06, 277)Google Scholar. For the historians’ harsh estimates of post-Restoration poor relief, which nevertheless made the transition to industrialization relatively peaceful, see: ibid., pp. 293-94, 302, 304; Tawney, , Religion, pp. 237, 262; and Webb, English Local Government, pp. 424, 404–05Google Scholar. For parish, laissez faire see Marshall, Dorothy, The English Poor in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1926), pp. 69.Google Scholar

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5 Tawney, , Agrarian Problem, pp. 214, 402, 408-09, and Religion, pp. xix, 219, 232, 239-40, 264-68, 272–73Google Scholar.

6 Webb, English Local Government, pp. 401, 150, 350, 406–07Google Scholar. “religion”, Tawney’s volume, which they admired, appeared in 1926 when much of the Webbs’s volume was already completed. In that same year, Sidney provided the Preface to Salter, F. R., ed., Some Early Tracts on Poor Relief (London, 1926)Google Scholar; he used the occasion to announce the arrival of thefourth stage” in the history of provision for the poor—the “maintenance of a ‘National Minimum’ in the Standard of Life”—which had been hinted at by Vives, , Luther, , and Zwingli, , but “the time was not yet come” (pp. xixii)Google Scholar.

7 Emmison, F. G., “Poor-relief accounts of two rural parishes in Bedfordshire, 1563-98,” Economic History Review 3 (1931): 102–16Google Scholar; Hampson, E. M., The Treatment of Poverty in Cambridgeshire 1597-1834 (Cambridge, 1934), pp. 11, 21-26, 2829Google Scholar.

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9 Jordan, W. K., Philanthropy in England 1480-1660 (London, 1959), pp. 18, 19, 94-98, 109-17, 144, 147-49, 151, 156Google Scholar. Jordan claimed that the new philanthropy was so powerful that in no year prior to 1660 did the poor rate contribute more than 7% of the costs of maintaining the poor, even though he was convinced that the Privy Council had put extraordinary pressure on justices, magistrates, and parish officers to enforce the poor law from 1631-38 (pp. 133-34, 140). His often proclaimed failure to deal adequately with inflation in his estimates of the value of the philanthropy also has led historians to be wary of his numbers, although opinion is divided on the impact of that error on his overall argument. For a judicious assessment of Jordan’s accomplishment by a historian who is not particularly sympathetic to his optimism, see Archer, Ian W., The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 163-69 178, 181–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Pound, John F., Poverty and Vagrancy in Tudor England (London, 1971), pp. 27-28, 36, 46-48, 58-75, 8485Google Scholar; see also: Emmison, F. G., “Poor-relief,” and “The care of the poor in Elizabethan Essex,” Essex Review 52 (1953): 728Google Scholar.

11 The first fruit of this was Laslett, Peter, The World We Have Lost (Cambridge, 1965)Google Scholar; For his contemporary work in political theory see: Laslett, , ed., Philosophy, Politics and Society (Oxford, 1956Google Scholar) and Locke, John, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Laslett (Cambridge, 1960Google Scholar).

12 Beier, A. L., “Poor Relief in Warwickshire 1630-1660,” Past and Present 35 (December 1966): 78, 80, 9697; Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England, 2nd ed. (New York, 1967), pp. 270–71, 297, 430–33Google Scholar; Everett, Alan, “Farm Labourers,” in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. IV 15001640, ed. Thirsk, Joan (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 417-18, 462–64Google Scholar.

13 Clark, Peter and Slack, Paul, eds., Crisis and Order in English Towns 1500-1700 (London, 1972Google Scholar), Introduction; three essays in the collection achieved a considerable half-life of their own: Phythian-Adams, Charles, “Ceremony and the citizen: The communal year at Coventry 1450-1550,” pp. 5785; Clark, “The migrant in Kentish towns 1580-1640,” pp. 117–63Google Scholar; and Slack, , “Poverty and politics in Salisbury 1597-1666,” pp. 164203Google Scholar.

14 Beier, A. L., “Vagrants and the Social Order in Elizabethan England,” Past and Present 64 (August 1974): 329Google Scholar; and Slack, Paul, “Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664,” Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 27 (Aug. 1974): 360–78Google Scholar. See also: Beier, , Masterless men: the vagrancy problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985)Google Scholar; Clark, Peter, “The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640,” pp. 117–18Google Scholar; and Roberts, Peter, “Elizabethan Players and Minstrels and the Legislation of 1572 Against Retainers and Vagabonds,” in Religion, Culture and Society in Early Modern Britain, eds. Anthony Fletcher and Peter Roberts (Cambridge, 1994), p. 33Google Scholar.

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17 Wales, Tim, “Poverty, poor relief and the life-cycle: some evidence from seventeenth-century Norfolk,” in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Smith, Richard M. (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 360, 364-65, 374, 380, 387–88Google Scholar.

18 Patten, John, English Towns 1500-1700 (Hamden, CT, 1978), pp. 76-79, 124-25, 145Google Scholar.

19 Pearl, Valerie: “Change and Stability in Seventeenth-Century London,” The London Journal 5, 1 (May 1979): 34; and “Social Policy in Early Modern London,” in History and Imagination: Essays in Honour of H. R. Trevor-Roper, eds. Lloyd-Jones, Hugh, Pearl, Valerie, and Blair Worden (London, 1981), pp. 116, 130–31Google Scholar.

20 Rappaport, Steve, Worlds Within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 6, 22-24, 42-13, 121-22, 170-71, 282–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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22 Boulton, Jeremy, Neighborhood and Society: A London Suburb in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 92-95, 260-61, 284–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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24 An indispensable entry into Reformation historiography is Margo Todd, ed., Reformation to Revolution: Politics and Religion in Early Modern England (London, 1995)Google Scholar.

25 Mcintosh, Marjorie K., “Local Responses to the Poor in Late Medieval and Tudor England,” Continuity and Change 3, 2 (1988): 209–15, and A Community Transformed: The Manor and Liberty of Havering, 1500-1620 (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar.

26 Tittler, Robert: “The Incorporation of Boroughs, 1540-1558,” History 62/204 (Feb. 1977): 2442; “The Emergence of Urban Policy, 1536-1558,” in The Mid-Tudor Polity, c. 1540-1560, eds. Loach, Jennifer and Tittler (London, 1980), 7493; “Reformation, Resources and Authority in English towns: An Overview,” in The Reformation in English Towns, 1500-1640, eds. Collinson, Patrick and Craig, John (New York, 1998), 190201; and The Reformation and the Towns in England (Oxford, 1998). See also Collinson, Patrick, The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (London and Basingstoke, 1988)Google Scholar.

27 Collinson, , Birthpangs of Protestantism, p. 143, and Puritan Character. Polemics and Polarities in Early Seventeen-Century English Culture (Los Angeles, 1989), pp. 2335Google Scholar; Lake, Peter, “Periodization, Politics, and ‘The Social’,” Journal of British Studies 37, 3 (July 1998): 279–90Google Scholar; McIntosh, Marjorie K., Controlling misbehavior in England, 1370-1600 (Cambridge, 1998), p. 128, and “Response,” Journal of British Studies 37, 3 (July 1998): 299300CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Slack, Paul, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1988), pp. 78Google Scholar; Levine, and Wrightson, , Poverty and Piety, pp. 1718, 218–20Google Scholar; and Heal, Felicity, Hospitality in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1990), pp. 15-17, 103–07CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other scholars have pointed out that concern for misbehavior had a long history prior to the turn of the seventeenth century; for example, Spufford, Margaret,”Puritanism and Social Control?,” in Order and Disorder in Early Modern England, eds. Fletcher, Anthony and Stevenson, John (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 4157CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ingram, Martin, “Reformation of Manners in Early Modern England,” in The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, eds. Paul Griffiths, Adam Fox, and Steve Hindle (Basingstoke, 1996), pp. 4788CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Levine, and Wrightson, , Poverty and Piety, pp. 198, 207Google Scholar; see also: Slack, , “Poverty and politics in Salisbury,” pp. 164203Google Scholar; MacCaffrey, Wallace, Exeter, 1540-1640 (Cambridge, MA, 1975), pp. 21-25, 199202CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Underdown, David, Fire from Heaven (London, 1992), chs. 3, 4Google Scholar.

29 Slack, , “Poverty and politics in Salisbury,” pp. 181–84Google Scholar.

30 Underdown, David, Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603-1660 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 4041Google Scholar; for a general perspective on boundary and loyalty issues among hospitality, philanthropy, government-mandated parish relief, municipal initiatives, and customary responses to the poor, see Fideler, Paul A., “Societas, Civitas and Early Elizabethan Poverty Relief,” in State, Sovereigns and Society in Early Modern England: Essays in Honor of A. J. Slavin, ed. Charles Carlton (Stroud, 1998), pp. 5970Google Scholar.

31 Quintrell, B. W., “The Making of Charles I’s Book of Orders,” English Historical Review 95 (1980): 553–72Google Scholar.

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33 Slack, , Poverty and Policy, pp. 1-14, 17, 114, 153, 156, and “Poverty and Social Regulation in Elizabethan England,” in The Reign of Elizabeth I, ed. Christopher Haigh (London, 1984Google Scholar). For other calls for attention to and work with perceptions and ideas in the historiography of policy, see: Todd, Margo, Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar; Beier, , “Poverty and Progress,” pp. 236–38Google Scholar; and Fideler, Paul A., “Poverty, Policy and Providence: The Tudors and the Poor,” in Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth, eds. Fideler, and Mayer, T. F. (London, 1992), pp. 194222Google Scholar.

34 Piety and Poverty, pp. 209-10, 212.

35 Wrightson, Keith, “The Politics of the Parish in Early Modern England,” in The Experience of Authority, pp. 10-12, 13, 18-22, 3537; and Poverty and Piety, “Postscript: Terling Revisited,” pp. 201–02Google Scholar.

36 Hindle, Steve, “Exclusion Crises: Poverty, Migration and Parochial Responsibility in English Rural Communities, c. 1560-1660,” Rural History (1996): 7, 2, 125–49Google Scholar.

37 Hindle, Steve, “The Problem of Pauper Marriage in Seventeenth-Century England,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, sixth ser., 8 (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 71-72, 75-76, 79, 83-86, 8789Google Scholar. Wrightson, notes that the conjugal and domestic relations of the poor are “scarcely visible” in the available records; see his “The Family in Early Modern England: Continuity and Change,” in Hanoverian Britain and Empire: Essays in Memory of Philip Lawson, eds. Taylor, Stephen, Connors, Richard, and Jones, Clyve (Rochester, NY, 1998), p. 14Google Scholar.

38 Hindle, Steve, “The Birthpangs of Welfare: poor relief and parish governance in seventeenth-century Warwickshire,” Dugdale Society Occasiopnal Papers, No. 40 (2000): 132Google Scholar. One can only look forward with anticipation to Hindle’s book, The State and Social Change in Early Modern England, c. 1550-1640 (London and New York, 2000). For a recent challenge to the conventional wisdom that responses to the Book of Orders were relatively few, see Langeluddecke, Henrik, ‘“Patchy and Spasmodic’ : The Response of Justices of the Peace to Charles I’s Book of Orders,” English Historical Review 113 (1998): 123148Google Scholar.

39 Landau, Norma, “The laws of settlement and the surveillance of immigration in eighteenth-century Kent,” Continuity and Change 3, 3 (1988): 391420, and “The eighteenth-century context of the laws of settlement,” Continuity and Change 6, 3 (1991): 417–39Google Scholar; Snell, K. D. M., “Pauper settlement and the right to poor relief in England and Wales,” Continuity and Change 6, 3 (1991): 375415Google Scholar.

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45 Thomson, David, in his assessment of social welfare historiography since World War II, found that historians of the Welfare State tended to shorten and distort public provisions’s past into a story of “evolutionary progress.” This crude “modernization theory” leads to the “simple-minded nostalgia” that in pre-industrial and pre-modern society social welfare was exclusively a family and neighbourly matter, and ultimately to a limited ability to use the past in today’s challenging policy debates. He urged that more careful work be done on nineteenth-century social provision and that “examples from Tudor, Stuart or Hanoverian England might also be drawn into the debate as we contemplate, incredulously for many, the ‘post-Welfare State era’” (“Welfare and the Historians,” in The World We Have Gained, eds. Banfield, Lloyd, Smith, Richard M., and Wrightson, Keith (Oxford, 1986), pp. 356-58, 365–67Google Scholar.

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