^{page 274 note 2} For example, in the Sierra Leone hinterland a ‘bar’ of tobacco was equivalent to forty leaves of tobacco; a ‘bar’ of soap to 2 lb., &c. Cf. Rankin, F. H., The White Man's Grape, vol. i, 1836.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 1} Cf. Little, K. L., The Mende of Sierra Leone, 1951, passim.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 276 note 1} Fortes, M., ‘Ashanti Survey, 1945-46: An Experiment in Social Research’, Geographical Journal, vol. cx, 1947, pp. 149–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 276 note 2} Cf. Forde, D. and Scott, R.The Native Economies of Nigeria, 1946.Google Scholar

^{page 276 note 3} Cf. Gamble, D. P., Contributions to a Socio-Economic Survey of the Gambia (Research Department, Colonial Office), 1949.Google Scholar

^{page 276 note 4} Cf. Fortes, M., ‘The Impact of the War on British West Africa’, International Affairs, vol. xxi No. 2, 1945, pp. 205–19.Google Scholar

^{page 276 note 5} Some idea of the recent rate of economic development can be gathered from the fact that the value of Nigerian exports in 1949 was nearly six times as great as in 1939, and the Nigerian railway carried nearly double the tonnage of pre-war years.

^{page 277 note 1} Cf. Fortes, , ‘Ashanti Survey’, p. 164.Google Scholar

^{page 277 note 2} Report on a Social Survey of Takoradi-Sekondi, 1950.Google Scholar

^{page 278 note 1} Busia, K. A., op. cit.Google Scholar

^{page 278 note 2} Cf. Coleman, James S., ‘The Role of Tribal Associations in Nigeria’, paper read at a conference of the West African Institute of Social and Economic Research, April 1952.Google Scholar

^{page 279 note 1} Cf. Little, K. L., op. cit.,Google Scholar chap, xiii, ‘The Modern Social Trend’.

^{page 279 note 2} The latter point is exemplified most strikingly by various ‘inter-racial’ groups, semi-officially inspired, or organized under the auspices of the British Council in some of the principal towns of the Coast.

^{page 279 note 3} Describing how the strength of kinship organization among the Yakö of South-Eastern Nigeria had been weakened, Forde pointed out before the war that the development of external trading had provided opportunities for enterprising and self-reliant persons to evade obligations to their kinsmen, ‘Men who devote their entire time to trading, are tending in fact to become socially as well as economically divorced from the community and to acquire an independent and commercial outlook.’ Forde, Daryll, ‘Government in Umor’, Africa, vol. xii, No. 2, 1939, pp. 129–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 280 note 1} Lloyd, Peter, ‘Craft Organization in Yoruba Towns’, Africa, vol. xxiii, No. i, 1953, pp. 30–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 280 note 2} Cf. A. W. Hoernlé and Ellen Hellman, ‘The Analysis of Social Change and its Bearing on Education’, reprinted in The Colonial Review, vol. vii, No. 8, 1952.Google Scholar ‘Because the term “social change” is generally used to describe change within a modern Western culture, and the term “culture contact” to describe the changes due to the juxtaposition of two entirely different cultures, it has become common to regard the two processes as different in kind. There appears to us to be no justification for this. Culture contact is one type of social change, different not in kind, but in degree. …' See also Gluckman's, Maxcriticism of Malinowski's theory of cultural change, The Rhodes-Livingstone Papers, No. 16, 1949.Google Scholar

^{page 281 note 1} Op. cit., pp. 13–14.

^{page 281 note 2} Discussing the difficulties of reconciling agricultural development with the traditional attitude of regarding farming as a way of life, Fortes has suggested that kin and community, the paramount factors in African farming life, have become to some extent an impediment to progress. ‘The Social Effects of Agricultural Development in Africa’, London Calling, 10 Jan. 1952.Google Scholar

^{page 281 note 3} Writing of the boy who leaves school at Standard IV, Mrs. Helen Judd points out that he has not learned enough to handle his environment, and the labour market is not organized to offer him employment. ‘The official theory is that he should return to his village at about the age of fourteen… and become an instrument of progress there, suggesting new farming methods and participating in literacy drives. Yet he left the village to make good in the towns and to provide in his turn for younger relatives. He will not go back, and he remains an incubus’ (West Africa, 24 May 1952)Google Scholar. See also Faulkner, Donald, Social Welfare and Juvenile Delinquency in Lagos, Nigeria.Google Scholar

^{page 282 note 1} Cf. Rev. Charles, Pierre, ‘Tribal Society and Labour Legislation’, International Labour Review, lxv, No. 4Google Scholar. for a very thoughtful discussion of this matter.

^{page 282 note 2} Firth, Raymond, ‘Social Problems and Research in British West Africa’, Africa, vol. xvii, 1947, pp. 77-91, 170–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 282 note 3} Cf. Little, K. L., op. cit. and ‘Social Change and Social Class in the Sierra Leone Protectorate’, American Journal of Sociology, July 1948CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I note Voget has employed a somewhat similar method of conceptualizing acculturation among the Crow Indians of Montana. He distinguished four such ‘socio-cultural’ groupings, labelled ‘native’, ‘native-modified’, ‘American-modified’, and ‘American-marginal’, on the basis of the cultural orientations of the individuals studied. Voget, Fred, ‘Acculturation at Caughnawaga: A Note on the Native-Modified Group’, American Anthropologist, vol. liii, No. 2, 1951.Google Scholar

^{page 282 note 4} ‘Ashanti Survey’.

^{page 283 note 1} Ibid.

^{page 283 note 2} Cf. Vallee, F. G., ‘A Study of a Hebridean Community’. Unpublished manuscript.Google Scholar

^{page 283 note 3} According to Fortes, numerical support for anthropological generalizations is now ‘an indispensable part of sociological research’. Op. cit., p. 166.