^{page 156 note 2} The more recent studies include: Thomas, N. W., Anthropological Report on Sierra Leone, vol. i, London, 1916Google Scholar; Hall, H. U., The Sherbro of Sierra Leone, Philadelphia, 1938Google Scholar; Harley, G. W., Notes on the Poro in Liberia, Cambridge, 1941Google Scholar; Schwab, B., Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland, Cambridge, 1947Google Scholar; McCulloch, M., The Peoples of Sierra Leone Protectorate, London, 1950Google Scholar; Little, K. L., The Mende of Sierra Leone, London, 1951Google Scholar; references to earlier accounts may be obtained from these sources.

^{page 156 note 3} No comprehensive account of the Ragbenle society exists in the literature, to the writer's know ledge. Thomas, N. W., op. cit., provides the most information and McCulloch, M., op. cit., has ably summarized the data available at that time.

^{page 156 note 4} McCulloch, M., op. cit., p. 62.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 1} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 2} Little, K. L., op. cit., p. 184.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 1} I am indebted to a variety of informants for this information, but feel it necessary to point out that errors quite possibly exist, particularly in the boundary between the Muslim and Ramεna areas.

^{page 158 note 2} This statement is a composite of nearly identical accounts given by two elderly inhabitants of Mayoso, each of whom said he first heard it as a boy from the old people.

^{page 159 note 1} Perhaps this is the source of Thomas's statement, presumably with regard to Sanda country, that ‘members appear to be chosen by the existing members of the society, but take their places only after the old ones die’ (op. cit., p. 147). The situation in the Kolifa area is discussed below.

^{page 159 note 2} The information on the Ragbenle in Port Loko was obtained solely from my interpreter-assistant Mr. Mohamed A. Bangura, a son of Ali Kali Mela, the late chief of Port Loko. Aŋbambani was originally a Limba society which has diffused through much of Temne country. Its powers were highly regarded in Port Loko.

^{page 160 note 1} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 151.Google Scholar The writer never visited Ramεna chiefdoms and the information utilized here was gathered from Mayoso people who had lived in Masimera and Marampa chiefdoms, in several cases for a decade or more. Ramŋna is also the name of a Temne dance.

^{page 160 note 2} Specifically, Ramŋna is said to conduct the burial and installation ceremonies for chiefs including instruction during the pre-installation period; to treat the chief so that medicines will not harm him; to sacrifice in connexion with the farming cycle; and, with the subchiefs, to throw wine as sacrifice at the aεsit εa mƏsƏm. The Ramεna bush is known as roporo or romare, ‘the place of changing’.

^{page 160 note 3} Banton (op. cit., p. 18), in speaking of the Ragbenle,says simply that ‘the Ramεna is similar’. The names of the Ragbenle officials vary from one chiefdom to another as do the titles of chiefs and sub-chiefs, of Poro and Bundu officers, and so on.

^{page 160 note 4} Subchiefs in the Ragbenle and Ramεna areas bear the title Kapr; i.e. Kapr mƏsƏm, Kapr Toll and so on.

^{page 160 note 5} Paramount chiefs are buried in a particular place, and their stones are kept in the aŋsit ŋa mƏsƏm, the small house or shelter containing the sacred things of the chiefs.

^{page 161 note 1} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 2} Kantha literally means ‘to close’, and the chief-elect together with his sub-chiefs is shut up in a house for a period that may reach several months. During this time the Ragbenle teach him native law, the boundaries of the chiefdom, the major problems in interpersonal relations faced by the late chief, and whatever else the chief-elect need know to rule successfully.

^{page 161 note 3} The same is true as regards the Raka or ‘mes sengers’ of the Poro society.

^{page 161 note 4} One paramount chief once flogged a Ragbenle spirit for implicating him in adultery; when he died his burial was delayed until the case was settled by his family.

^{page 161 note 5} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 147Google Scholar, speaks of Banεkεlema as the ‘head of the society’ and as performing sacrifices in the Turuma for healing. Probably he is referring to the actions of Korgba, who often impersonates Banεkεlema.

^{page 161 note 6} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., includes a picture of Nεmaŋkεra and two aroŋ (pl. v). Mela, properly amela, is the archaic name for Kamara, the ruling clan in the Mayoso area. Pa Mela, the chiefdom okrifi, has other specific duties as such. He is usually impersonated by a Ragbenle but is not considered to be a society spirit.

^{page 162 note 1} The corpse is placed on a platform carried by two men on their heads, and the deceased ‘answers’ questions put to him by directing the movements of the bearers. The method, known as asaŋka, is common along the Guinea Coast.

^{page 162 note 2} The Temne concept of medicine, aŋtol, has several subdivisions, one of which, mŋsasa or aŋsεŋa, is translated by literate Temne as a ‘swearing medicine’ or a ‘swear’. An aŋsasa is a device which brings illness and/or death by supernatural means to the person against whom it is directed. Swears are owned by individuals or societies and one hires the owner of a particular swear to use it for a specific end. Materially, a swear is usually an animal horn or leather pouch containing various ingredients believed to have a supernatural power. The Temne word aŋsεŋa is both a verb and a noun, and I thus use ‘to swear’ and ‘a swear’ throughout this paper in the special sense in which they are used by literate Temne.

^{page 162 note 3} The relationship between Korgba and his Kanlu is analogous to that between a Kashi and his Raka in the Poro society, or between a Digba and her Sampa in the bundu society.

^{page 163 note 1} Similarly, in Paro, a Kashi cannot be installed unless a female Mambori is initiated.

^{page 163 note 2} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 148.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 3} Internal evidence indicates that Thomas spent some time in Matotoka, the chief's town in Tane, and so could have obtained accounts of Nabuntu.

^{page 164 note 1} An open-sided structure where the chief holds court and the men congregate to discuss village affairs.

^{page 164 note 2} There are a number of accounts of both the death and burial and the selection and installation of paramount chiefs in various parts of the Temne area. See especially: Biyi, E., ‘The Temne People and How They Make Their Kings’, J. Afr. Soc. xii. 46, 1913, pp. 190 ff.Google Scholar; Inga, B., ‘Ceremonies on the Death and Crowning of a Paramount Chief in Temne Country’, Sierra Leone Studies, i–iii, 1926, pp. 71–75Google Scholar; Sisay, A., ‘Funeral Ceremonies among the Temne’, ibid., xxi, 1939, pp. 94–100; Langley, E. R., ‘The Temne, Their Life, Land and Ways’, ibid., xxii, 1939, pp. 64–80; Ture, A. B., ‘Notes on Customs and Ceremonies Attending the Selection and Crowning of a Bombali Temne Chief’, ibid., xxii, 1939, pp. 95–103; James, G. W., ‘A Brief Account of Temne Constitutional Law’, ibid., xxii, 1939, pp. 112–19; McCulloch, M., op. cit.

^{page 165 note 1} In the Muslim chiefdoms this purification of widows is handled by the chief-elect.

^{page 165 note 2} See Ture (op. cit., p. 100) for an account of this ritual in Bombali.

^{page 166 note 1} The distinction between ‘Ragbenle mƏsƏm ’ and ‘chief's mƏsƏm’ is real, though informants frequently disagreed on whether a particular prohibition should be in effect for all Ragbenle or only the paramount chief. Today few of these mƏsƏm are observed, for often the chief-elect pays the ‘Assessor Chiefs’ to be free of his mƏsƏm, while the Ragbenle are notoriously lax in their observation of prohibitions. The populace in general also objects to paying fines for violation of mƏsƏm, pointing out the neglect of the chief and Ragbenle in this regard.

^{page 166 note 1} This is true even in the Western Temne chief-doms where the Ragbenle is not connected with the chiefs. There the society still retains the functions of purifying incest prohibition violators, curing people and divining witches.

^{page 167 note 1} Kagboireka, aŋwur, boma, kagbaña, and aŋgbaŋfaŋa are the principal Ragbenle swears. All have the same effect: the victim loses his voice gradually, develops a dry cough, gets pains in his joints as his body dries, the nose disappears, and he dies. Kagboireka is also used to refer to the spirits of the Ramεna society.

^{page 167 note 2} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 147.Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 3} A waŋka is a magical device which protects fields or other property against thieves by afflicting anyone who steals with a specific malady. There are dozens of them known and employed in the Mayoso area. Various individuals ‘have the knowledge’ to erect particular waŋka and these specialists may be hired by anyone for a fee ranging from 6d. to a few shillings.

^{page 167 note 4} This sequence of actions was followed against the present Baiyoso in 1946 when he called chiefdom labour to work on his large farm so often that the people could not do the necessary work on their own plots.

^{page 168 note 1} The late chief of Kolifa Mamunta, a Muslim, was not a Poro member at his installation, and sub sequently suffered in various ways. He was given only a token payment when Poro initiated members and told it would kill him if he used it since it was Poro money. The Poro seized one of his sons in the chief's compound and put him in the Poro bush against his will, saying that the boy had broken a Poro law and had to be initiated; the chief was then afraid to fine them for ‘fighting in his presence’, a Ragbenle mƏsƏm, lest something happen to his son. The boys in Poro bush did little work on the chief's farm and a death in the Poro bush was not reported to the chief.

^{page 168 note 2} The rabiŋa is an official in charge of the Poro bush, and even a Poro official, sokobana, must consult him before using it.

^{page 168 note 3} Thomas, N. W., op. cit., p. 146.Google Scholar Today this is not true in Mayoso, for no individual, Ragbenle or not, ever suggested that Ragbenle was a rival of Poro. One aged informant, tiring of questions, advised me angrily not to concern myself with a ‘dead thing’ (Ragbenle).

^{page 168 note 4} My Mayoso informants stated categorically that there was no Ragbenle in Yoni today, but I was unable to check this statement.

^{page 168 note 5} Perhaps the best indication of this is the reluctance of parents to use the titles of Ragbenle officers as ‘child names’ today, though this was a common practice in the past, judging from genealogies and census material.

^{page 169 note 1} This is also true as regards Poro and Bundu officials, and to a lesser extent ordinary members, on the one hand, and Muslims and Christians on the other.