Introduction

One of the most significant challenges confronting America is the disproportionately high rate of homicide and nonfatal violence occurring among black males. There exists very little consensus among criminologists and other crime scholars regarding “the causes” of black male violence. Numerous explanations have been offered, including acquired biological causes (e.g., head injuries) (Bell, 1987); social disorganization and inadequate socialization (Shaw and McKay, 1942); poverty and economic inequality (Blau and Blau, 1982); racial oppression and displaced aggression (Johnson, 1941; Poussaint, 1983); adherence to the norms of a subculture of violence (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967); joblessness and family disruption (Sampson, 1987); the cheapening of black life as a result of the imposition of lenient sentences against blacks who assault or murder blacks (Hawkins, 1983); and involvement in self-destructive lifestyles centered around heavy drinking (Harper, 1976; Gary, 1986), drug abuse and drug trafficking (Goldstein et al., 1989), and street gangs (Block and Block, 1993; Decker and VanWinkle, 1996). Theoretical explanations of black male violence have generally emphasized the significance of structural factors (Staples, 1974; Hawkins, 1983) or cultural factors (Frazier, 1939; Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967).

Although they represent a minority viewpoint, some criminologists maintain that racial differences in violent crime offending may stem from genetic/nonacquired biological factors (Hirschi and Hindelang, 1977; Ellis and Walsh, 1997). For example, proponents of cheater theory suggest that there exists a population of men who possess genes that incline them toward extremely low parental involvement.