The previous chapter noted that no PSA targets pertained to the nexus between migration and international development, but, like economic migration, migration development goals are mentioned in several documents. The Home Office five-year plan, for instance, states that ‘we also have a responsibility to ensure that our migration policies do not compromise the economic well being of poor countries’ (Home Office, 2005a, p 18) and refers to putting migration at the centre of relationships with other countries. The 2002 White Paper refers to the objective of attracting migrants ‘in a manner consistent with our international commitment to eliminate world poverty’ (Home Office, 2002a, p 20).

However, no PSA has underlying indicators that refer to migration development goals. The closest expression is probably the Department for International Development's (DFID) target to ‘increase the impact of the international system in reducing poverty, preventing conflict and responding effectively to conflict and humanitarian crises’, but this does not mention migrants, migration, refugee or displacement issues specifically. DFID has recently released a policy plan on migration, noting that it is a new area of activity, and setting out areas where migration will be incorporated into policy (DFID, 2007, especially pp 37–40). However, while evaluation is promised (in 2010), there are no targets.

An absence of measurable targets does not mean there has been no policy action, though it has been limited. For example, policy guidelines have been laid down to ensure that recruitment to UK public services does not lead to ‘brain drain’ in the developing world, an innovative measure in the international context. DFID has also funded a website on providing information on remittances and has developed remittance ‘partnerships’ with Nigeria, Ghana and Bangladesh (DFID, 2007, p 17).

The research on the effects of the (limited) policy measures that have been introduced reveals little success. For example, there has been no independent evaluation of whether the guidelines to ensure ethical recruitment in the NHS are effective, but the evidence that does exist suggests the voluntary guidelines may not be enforced (House of Commons, 2004). Furthermore, the assumption behind the policy may be wrong; active opportunities to emigrate may encourage human capital accumulation and indeed may already be part of policy (for example in the Philippines).