This final chapter is concerned with the continued cohesion of the labour movement during and after the war. Given that the conflict divided the Liberal party to the extent that it was excluded from office for almost a century, why did it not have the same effect on Labour, a far more recent political creation, and one facing apparent existential ideological conflicts over nationalism and internationalism? British labour emerged stronger, more united, and with a new sense of purpose. The idea that the Liberals merely ‘lost’ their position, allowing Labour to become the main opposition to the Conservatives by default, is unsatisfactory; and the question of how Labour was able – institutionally and ideologically – not merely to survive the war intact, but to actively prosper, has not received enough attention. This chapter takes a broad view of all of the various organisations which could be said to compose the British Left at the time of the war: the Labour Party itself; the roughly one thousand trade unions in different groups and associations; various women's groups which, while not necessarily sympathetic with all of Labour's policies, sometimes co-operated on franchise reform; the three-million strong Co-operative movement, consisting of the Co-operative Wholesale Society (CWS) and the Co-operative Union; and the socialist societies such as the British Socialist party (BSP), the Fabian Society, and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Finally, the war created great impetus for an ultra-patriotic secession from the labour movement, or even a nationalistic coup within labour. The failure of this movement will also be examined. The selection of trade unions here deliberately eschews groups such as miners or cotton operatives, and includes both skilled craft and general labourers’ unions, the overtly patriotic and those more sceptical of the war.