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We explain science, both the idealised version to which scientists aspire, and the real version that involves actual human beings. If you are a cosmic revolutionary, who wants to replace the prevailing big bang theory with their own ideas, we explain the importance of mathematical models, publishing, peer review and presentation of your ideas. In particular, we show how to make scientist's human motivations work in your favour.
The universe is smooth on the largest scales, with roughly the same number of galaxies in every large cosmic neighbourhood. But the standard history of the universe won't allow any process to smooth out an initially smooth universe. An addition to the standard model, called cosmic inflation, aims to fill this void.
The universe has a remarkably consistent elemental composition: about 75% hydrogen, 24% helium, and 1% heavier elements. Stars, for all their element-producing abilities, cannot have created these abundances. This points to another cosmic oven, in the universe’s hotter past.
Various alternatives to the big bang model have been proposed, both inside and outside the scientific literature. We review some examples, and show how they deal (or not) with the evidence of astronomy.
Studying the relationships among citizens' preferences, policy-makers' preferences, and policy orientations poses many challenges, and this chapter outlines how we chose to meet those challenges. We discuss our measures of each and how we intend to use them to capture one-to-one, many-to-many, and many-to-one congruence and responsiveness at different stages in the chain of representation. We also make the case for why it is vital that all these concepts be measured on a common scale, and we give a brief preview of how we intend to do that. We also provide an overview of the features of electoral systems and policy-making processes that we will aggregate or cluster in order to summarize their incentives for providing congruence and responsiveness. We conclude the chapter by setting our work in the context of important related works that do not exactly set out to tackle the questions we will tackle here.
I seek to establish the claim that we are fundamentally and distinctively the meaning-seeking animal through an exploration of the engaged standpoint from within our human form of life, where it can be seen that our human form of life is shaped by “strong evaluative meaning,” that is, meaning or value that involves qualitative distinction (e.g., between higher and lower, noble and base, sacred and profane, etc.) and places normative demands upon us. I also show how this dimension of meaning is overlooked by the dominant neo-Aristotelian approach because of its emphasis on a disengaged standpoint on our human form of life rather than an engaged standpoint and, thus, it does not provide us with an adequate philosophical anthropology and along with this it does not provide us with an adequate account of our reasons for the life of virtue. Moreover, I seek to counter a disenchanting move made by such neo-Aristotelians that involves denying any special realm of obligation. There is such a realm, I argue, and it is the whole realm of strong evaluative meaning, which includes more than just the domain of “the moral” narrowly construed as concerned with what we owe to others.
In Bangladeshi student politics, political performances in public spaces play an essential role in establishing patronage relationships and determining local authority structures. As Thomas Blom Hansen has famously argued, “visibility means everything” in such a context. With the emergence of social networking sites like Facebook, new digital public spaces have appeared. Focusing on ruling-party student activists at Rajshahi University, this article examines how student politicians in Bangladesh utilize Facebook to become visible in their everyday politicking. It shows how longstanding performative repertoires in the nondigital public space have gained a new salience through performances in the digital public space. It is those digital spaces that allow the performer to rearticulate even mundane everyday events as political performances. As these new digital public spaces impact the politics of visibility, it is crucial to integrate them in our efforts to understand local politics in South Asia and beyond.
is a closed orientable graph manifold, we show that
admits a coorientable taut foliation if and only if
is not an L-space. Combined with previous work of Boyer and Clay, this implies that
is an L-space if and only if
is not left-orderable.
Protected area systems include sites preserved by various institutions and mechanisms, but the benefits to biodiversity provided by different types of sites are poorly understood. Protected areas established by local communities for various reasons may provide complementary benefits to those established by large-scale agencies and organizations. Local communities are geographically constrained, however, and it remains unclear how effectively they protect biodiversity. We explored this issue by focusing on protected areas established through direct democracy via local ballot initiatives whereby communities vote to tax themselves for open space preservation. We compared the effectiveness of local ballot-protected areas to areas protected by a large-scale conservation actor, The Nature Conservancy (TNC). We evaluated how well the two protected area types correspond with amphibians, reptiles, birds, mammals and special status elements of natural diversity. Local ballot-protected areas differed from those of TNC in terms of size, location, proximity to urban areas and habitat diversity. In terms of potential habitat coverage, local ballot-protected areas outperformed TNC sites for all species groups with the exception of special status elements of natural diversity. While not necessarily targeting wildlife and habitats, we conclude that locally established protected areas can make an important contribution to biodiversity conservation.
be a complex reflection group and
the set of the mirrors of the complex reflections in
. It is known that the complement
of the reflection arrangement
an intersection of hyperplanes in
be the complement in
of the hyperplanes in
. We hope that
is always a
. We prove it in case of the monomial groups
. Using known results, we then show that there remain only three irreducible complex reflection groups, leading to just eight such induced arrangements for which this
property remains to be proved.
In Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, and Indonesia, being Malay usually means being a practitioner of Islam and a speaker of standard Bahasa. However, such understandings no longer comprehend other members of the so-called brown-skinned race who were once united with the Malay aggrupation: numerous Filipinos (and East Timorese), who inhabit the same broad geopolitical region. Challenging the recent narrowly defined conceptions of who is, or was Malay, this study recalls an inclusive borderless understanding acquired in antiquity by the Filipino nation, whose peoples were considered by Spanish and American colonisers and educated by their government to consider themselves as part of a pre-modern “Malay” world. Geohistorical evidence shows how such auto-consciousness evolved and preceded the entry of the term into the nearby British colonisers’ lexicon, before its social-reconstruction for the perpetuation of post-colonial polities as well. The author interweaves his textual survey with the problematisation of the location of ethnicity, and points out the seemingly neglected corpus of Iberian works that demonstrate how the knowledge of Malayness could only have been approached by Europeans from a geographic periphery, of which the Philippine archipelago was very much a part, especially the Mindanao area. The author builds on and constructively critiques work by one scholar who had initiated the claims of the Filipino to Malayness. It is shown how sociocultural and geopolitical priorities can help or hinder the relaxation of definitions of who is Malay and where Malays are properly situated, if only because these counter perceptual rigidities, and allow the creation of hybrid third spaces that admit new possibilities of coexistence.
This chapter examines the vision of key non-fictional essays written by creative writers such as C. L .R. James, Wilson Harris, George Lamming, Salman Rushdie, etc. and puts them in dialogue with the critical and theoretical debates of major literary and cultural critics such as Stuart Hall, Paul Gilroy, Homi K. Bhabha, Avtar Brah, and others. Pointing to shared areas of concern, elements of synergy, and extracting elements which illuminate the historiography of creative and critical exchange, this chapter focuses on particular moments of cultural intervention. It traces how the history and development of this body of writing – which has now gained belated acknowledgement – as well as the literary, cultural, and theoretical debates that have surrounded it are inextricably linked with its political and historical context of emergence.
This chapter traces the development of Odisha as a newly imagined territorial entity. By the late 1910s the leaders of the movement had begun to call this proposed province “Natural Orissa,” presenting it as a historical reality that had been lost during centuries of colonial rule. This perspective was backed up by new histories of “ancient” Odisha that were written by Odia advocates. Drawing on the Odia leadership’s portrayals of their desired motherland and sketches of Odisha in the rhetoric of nationalist leaders such as Gandhi, I illustrate the emergence of a shared discourse about the underlying qualities of this imagined province. Odisha was conceptualized as a fundamentally religious land. In contrast to other Hindu religious centers, however, Odisha was seen as being marked by a propensity to absorb lower-caste people, tribal groups, and even Muslims into the Hindu fold–though without undermining the purported differences between such minority groups and the upper-caste, Odia-speaking population. By analyzing this religious outlook and other projected aspects of “Natural Orissa,” I show how the province came to be seen as a fundamentally local and yet simultaneously cosmopolitan Indian space. Such an imagined territory exerted a great appeal for both local and national leaders.
This is a brief description of basic properties of the lattice formed by all subspaces of a vector space and the orthomodular lattice consisting of all closed subspaces of a complex Hilbert space. The first lattice is investigated in classical projective geometry, the second is related to the logical structure of quantum mechanical systems.