A 63-year-old woman was referred because of decreased strength of her right leg manifesting with buckling of the knee for the past five years. Sometimes this led to falls, which made her feel insecure while walking. She experienced some aching in her right heel and in her right knee after long walks. She was able to walk for two hours. She and her husband loved to walk in the mountains, and during those hikes she used a cane. The previous history is relevant because at age 5 years she had suffered from poliomyelitis anterior acuta, which had affected both legs. She had a partial recovery in the sense that she regained normal strength of her left leg and was left with residual weakness of her right leg. She underwent surgery at age 10 years (ankle arthrodesis on the right and epiphysiodesis of the left leg).

A 53-year-old man developed a left-sided foot drop and a painful sensation on the ventral side of the foot and outer part of the lower leg. Two weeks later, the same symptoms also developed on the right side. In addition, he noticed progressive numbness of his lower legs. Three weeks later, he noticed weakness of his right hand, and was unable to spread his fingers. He had no other symptoms, and his medical history was not informative. He did not recall a tick bite or erythema migrans, or any pulmonary abnormality, and had not visited tropical countries. He does not sit with crossed legs.

This chapter focuses on quantitative EEG processing, also known as EEG trend analysis. These types of algorithms process raw EEG data in a quantitative way, and display the data in more compressed forms that may be easier for the amateur EEG reader to interpret. Specific QEEG algorithms described in this chapter include amplitude integrated EEG, FFT spectrogram, rhythmicity spectrogram, asymmetry indices, and seizure detectors. Specific roles for QEEG covered include seizure detection and detection of focal cerebral ischemia.

Chapter 4 explores cross-linguistic variation in the language of space along with the potential implications of this variation for the spatial conceptualization of time.

Given China’s position in Pacific Asia, defining its regional centrality might seem a simple task. But centralities grander than merely geographical have been alleged and contested. Currently some maintain that China is the central kingdom because of its power. But it was conquered by the Mongols and the Manchus, and its present centrality is due more to its economic mass and connectivity than to its military. Others claim that hierarchy is natural to Asian culture, and China is the apex. But neighbors were often cynical about China’s moral stature, and China’s soft power is now at a low ebb. I argue that China was the center of regional attention in the premodern era, and that it has returned to center stage since 2008. The three basic reasons for China’s original centrality and its return were situational: presence, population, and production. The salience of all three disappeared with Western imperialism’s global presence, the devaluation of mere demography, and industrial production. Traditional and current centrality created asymmetric relationships between China and its neighbors, but the regional situations differ fundamentally.

Pacific Asia, comprised of Northeast Asia, Greater China, and Southeast Asia, has surpassed the combined production of the United States and Europe, and its intraregional economic cohesiveness exceeds that of either the EU or North America. Pacific Asia has emerged gradually and without major conflict, but it should be taken seriously as a region. China is primarily a regional power, but in a prosperous region deeply interconnected to the rest of the world. The United States tends to view China as a lone global competitor, but its global presence and strength rest on its centrality to Pacific Asia. Understanding China in its region is the first task of this book, followed by the challenge of rethinking the global order in terms of a multinodal matrix rather than a bipolar competition of great powers. This requires background on the evolution of the Pacific Asian configuration, including China’s premodern centrality as well as the splintering of the region by European colonialism. Rethinking is aided by commentaries from four of Asia’s leading thinkers about international relationships.

While Pacific Asia had China as a “solid center,” a place in the middle where most of the people and production was, the West had a “liquid center,” the Mediterranean. Wealth could be pursued and neighbors conquered in different places in the West, leading to competitive, distinct empires rather than to dynastic cycles.

The question of how translation can do justice is not about seeking equivalence but of acknowledging that translation is, following Spivak, insufficient but necessary nonetheless. I suggest that in asking what kind of justice translation might do, the term translation is carried across (trans-latio) from its technical or formal to its ethical-political dimensions, and the term justice is shifted from the terrain of the quest for parity or alikeness (eye for an eye) to the terrain of repair, dignity, care, responsibility, a justice on terms that are yet to be ascertained. This makes translation into a critical concept in theatre and performance, where, perhaps more than in any other art form, there is a systemic concern with how humans relate to each other and to non-human others.

A focus on care draws attention to the fact that ethical self-cultivation, even in traditions that foreground moral autonomy, relies upon relationships of dependence. The recognition of relational and ethical dependence is familiar to anthropologists and has long been central for feminist ethics. However, the enormous body of anthropological scholarship that has emerged on care over the last decade raises the question of ethical dependence anew. This chapter problematizes the concept of care. It asks: how might ‘care’ as a topic, and as engaged ethnographically, trouble some of the ways that ethical life more broadly has been conceived in the philosophical and anthropological literature? Conversely, how might attention to the ethical stakes of care trouble some of the rich ethnographic scholarship on care? The chapter draws most substantially on anthropological and philosophical scholarship in virtue ethics and in phenomenology to consider both the relational complexities of care and care’s ineffable and elusive ethical dimensions.

Regular patterns are common in living organisms. Examples are the radial symmetry of many flowers, the bilateral symmetry of most animals, the repetition of vertebrae or the branching of vascular systems. In principle, these regular patterns only require the repetition of one elementary module. There is no separate genetic control for each vertebra or body segment, or for left vs. right eyes. Deviation from symmetry, or from precise repetition of identical parts, may require specific control, as in the right- vs. left-handedness of gastropod shells, but what is controlled is deviation from symmetry, rather than polarity of handedness; therefore, flipping between directions can be easy. Repetition of a pattern at different scale produces fractal shapes of which there are a number in living nature. However, targeted investigation is required to confirm if a given symmetric or fractal pattern is produced in the mathematically simplest way, a prediction sometimes contradicted by facts. Genes are involved in specification of positions along the main body axis of animals, but the genome does not contain any specification of the linear paths along which nerve axons or fungal hyphae grow.

The abnormal animal featured here is the Shar-Pei dog, whose skin is severely rumpled. It turns out that the molecular basis for this abnormality is similar to that which causes the folding of the human brain. We go on to consider other "ripple" patterns (e.g., fingerprints) and why they're always asymmetric.