A careful reexamination of funerary contexts suggests that Moche (ca. A.D. 100–800) graves were not simply spaces for the disposal of decaying corpses, but contexts periodically revisited by certain members of Moche society. The dynamic nature of funerary practices is documented through an examination of delayed burials. It is argued that these were the product of two distinct ritual processes, one of which involved the storage of corpses to be used as retainers in subsequent rituals. The practice of grave reopening is also explored, leading to the identification of different types of rituals. At least some graves were reopened to remove skeletal parts of possible potent ancestors. Related ideology is addressed by examining cases of bone destruction and the more common secondary offerings of human remains. This study highlights the dynamic nature of Moche mortuary activity while stressing the important role of those in charge of manipulating ancestors’ remains. Finally, it is argued that the Moche shared with their highland neighbors a common vision of the eternal character of human remains, comparable ritual practices involving the human body, and a similar belief in the capacity of the living to influence the course of their destiny through periodic manipulation of ancestors’ remains.

Recent research on the Inka has documented the strategies and effects of imperial administration at a provincial and household level. Less is known, however, about the structure and dynamics of the Inka frontier and its impact on local and economic processes. The southeastern Inka frontier—according to ethnohistoric record—was the setting for conflict between the Inkas and the Guaraní-speaking Chiriguano groups from the Chaco piedmonts and Amazonian lowlands. In the context of two competing frontier models, one military (a hardened perimeter or in-depth defense) and one cultural (with wide socioeconomic processes), this article evaluates the nature of the southeastern Inka frontier and its effects on local socioeconomic dynamics. Archaeological and ethnohistorical research at Oroncota and Cuzcotuyo, two Inka centers of this frontier, suggest an alternative in the form of a “soft military frontier” formed by outposts and imperial centers disembedded from local socioeconomic processes. While architecture reveals high levels of investment, settlement data, storage capability, and the distribution of Inka imperial materials all suggest a minimal involvement in local socioeconomic processes. The results are relevant to understanding Inka frontier strategies and provide a case study of frontier interaction between a highly organized prehistoric state and tribal populations.

Ethnohistorical and archaeological data suggest that a collection of more than 450 finely worked Inka building stones found near Saraguro in the southern highlands of Ecuador originated outside that region. The origin of those andesite blocks was investigated via geochemical analysis. Wavelength-dispersive X-ray fluorescence determined the concentrations of nine elements in samples from stones in the Saraguro region and in samples from known Inka andesite quarries at Cojitambo in the southern sierra of Ecuador, and at the Rumiqolqa and Huaccoto quarries near the Inka capital of Cuzco in Peru. The results show that the geochemical composition of the Saraguro stones closely matches that of the Rumiqolqa material, indicating that the Inka had these large andesite blocks moved over a distance of more than 1,600 km, the greatest known distance for the transport of large objects in the precolumbian New World. This endeavor had many implications, including reinforcing state power and ideology, and is also perceived to reflect an imperial “made-work” policy that consumed excess labor through non-utilitarian assignments. These “made-work” projects are best explained as a strategy for reinforcing state control over subject provinces, in contrast to current models of Inka economic organization that focus on efficiency in the use of labor.

A masonry and adobe construction called the “Area I Palace” was excavated by the authors at the site of El Palenque (SMT-llb), located near San Martín Tilcajete in the Ocotlán district of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. The Area I Palace covered 850 m2 and consisted of nine interconnected structures, one of which was an elaborate residence that measured 16 m by 16 m and had eight rooms arranged around an interior patio. Several additional platforms and two paved courtyards were probably more ceremonial in nature. There is evidence that multiple work groups were involved in the construction of the palace. The associated ceramics and four radiocarbon samples indicate that the palace was built at the beginning of the Late Monte Albán I phase (300–100 B.C.) and abandoned in the first century B.C. It is argued that the Area I Palace is one of earliest known examples of a Zapotec quihuitào or royal palace.