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“To a Dog, a Dog's Death!”: Naïve Monarchism and Regicide in Imperial Russia, 1878–1884

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 May 2021

Daniel Beer
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Abstract

The article examines arrest protocols drawn up from the mid-1870s to the mid-1880s by local policemen investigating thousands of individuals denounced to the authorities for having voiced criticisms of the monarchy and approval of the campaign of terror in the reign of Alexander II. The discussion proceeds in two stages. It first argues that the arrest protocols constitute grounds for a revisionist challenge to the existing historiography which charts enduring, if gradually declining, popular support for the monarchy in the final decades of tsarism. It then argues for a reappraisal of the efforts by revolutionaries in the reign of Alexander II to destroy the sanctity of the autocracy through the use of “propaganda by the deed.” The campaign to assassinate the tsar emerges in the arrest protocols as an effective form of political messaging that gained real purchase in the popular imagination. It prompted lower-class Russians to articulate their own local grievances in terms of popular sovereignty, natural justice and political accountability.

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Articles
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Slavic Review , Volume 80 , Issue 1 , Spring 2021 , pp. 112 - 132
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Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies

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References

1. Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Istoricheskii Arkhiv (RGIA), fond (f.) 1405, opis (op.) 540, delo (d.) 37 (1880), list (l.) 288–288ob (Spravochnye listki ob obviniaemykh v gosudarstvennykh prestupleniiakh).

2. Ibid., l. 152–152ob.

3. Ibid., l. 288.

4. The 62 archival files, entitled, “Spravochnye listki ob obviniaemykh v gosudarstvennykh prestupleniiakh,” each contain approximately 300 individual arrest protocols on separate pages, yielding around 800 cases annually, or two to three per day. See RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, dd. 1–62.

5. Ulozhenie o nakazaniiakh ugolovnykh i ispravitel΄nykh (St. Petersburg, 1845), part 3, article 268, 100. Peter the Great first introduced the crime of lèse majesté in Russia in his Military Statutes. See, Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, vol. 5, chapter 1, article 20. Available (p. 325 of vol. 5) at https://runivers.ru/bookreader/book9813/#page/321/mode/1up (accessed March 30, 2021).

6. Daniel Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar (Boston, 1989).

7. On the history of naïve monarchism in early modern Russia, see Cherniavsky, Michael, Tsar and People: Studies in Russian Myths (New Haven, 1961)Google Scholar; Kivelson, Valerie, “The Devil Stole His Mind: The Tsar and the 1648 Moscow Uprising,” American Historical Review 98, no. 3 (June 1993), 733–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Perrie, Maureen, Pretenders and Popular Monarchism in Early Modern Russia: The False Tsars of the Time of Troubles (Cambridge, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Lukin, P.V., Narodnye predstavleniia o gosudarstvennoi vlasti v Rossii XVII veka (Moscow, 2000)Google Scholar.

8. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, 6.

9. Vladimir Dal΄, ed., Poslovitsy russkogo naroda: Sbornik poslovits, pogovorok, rechenii, prislovii, chistogovorok, pribautok, zagadok, povierii i proch (Moscow, 1862), 244; and Leonid Heretz, Russia on the Eve of Modernity: Popular Religion and Traditional Culture under the Last Tsars (Cambridge, Eng., 2008), 123–24.

10. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, 12–13, 17. On the figure of the tsar in folklore, see Maureen Perrie, “Folklore as Evidence of PeasantMentalité: Social Attitudes and Values in Russian Popular Culture,” Russian Review 48, no. 2 (April 1989): 119–43.

11. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, 1–2.

12. Alexander Herzen, “The Russian People and Socialism: A Letter to Jules Michelet,” in hisFrom the Other Shore and the Russian People and Socialism, trans. Richard Wollheim (Oxford, 1979), 180–81.

13. Reginald E. Zelnik, “Populists and Workers: The First Encounter between Populists and Industrial Workers in St. Petersburg, 1871–74,” Soviet Studies 24, no. 2 (1972), 251–69; Franco Venturi, Roots of Revolution: a History of the Populist and Socialist Movements in Nineteenth-Century Russia, trans. Francis Haskell (London, 1960), ch. 19; Ben Eklof and Tatiana Saburova, A Generation of Revolutionaries: Nikolai Charushin and Russian Populism from the Great Reforms to Perestroika (Bloomington, 2017), 63–67; and Christopher Ely, Underground Petersburg: Radical Populism, Urban Space, and the Tactics of Subversion in Reform-Era Russia (DeKalb, 2016), ch. 4.

14. Daniel Field has cautioned against setting too much store by these retrospective accounts of the hopelessness of the propaganda effort, faced with the intransigence of, among other things, peasant faith in the tsar. Memoirs were often written long after their authors had abandoned agitational work in favor either of political terror or small-deeds legal activity and now had a vested interest in showing that their earlier “efforts had indeed been ridiculous.” It remains the case, however, that much of the contemporary testimony given by radicals arrested during the Going-to-the-People movement tends to confirm this perception of peasant resistance to the proselyting efforts of the students. See Field, “Peasants and Propagandists in the Russian Movement to the People of 1874,” Journal of Modern History 59, no. 3 (September 1987): 420; Boris Itenberg, ed., Revoliutsionnoe narodnichestvo 70-kh godov XIX veka, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1964), 1:266–67, 1:292–96.

15. Vladimir Debagorii-Mokrievich, Ot buntarstva k terrorizmu, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1930), 1:174.

16. V. Ia. Bogucharskii, Aktivnoe narodnichestvo semidesiatykh godov (Moscow, 1912), 194–96; Field, “Peasants and Propagandists,” 419. Spurred by their conviction that the peasants could not be readily disabused of their naïve monarchism, one group of radicals cynically sought to exploit it by summoning one particularly gullible group of peasants to rebellion in the name of the “real tsar,” in what became known as the “Chigrin Affair.” Ely, Underground Petersburg, 130–40; Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, ch. 3.

17. Itenberg, ed., Revoliutsionnoe narodnichestvo, 1:241, 1:419.

18. Elizaveta Koval΄skaia, Iuzhno-russkii rabochii soiuz 1880–1881 (Moscow, 1926), 28–29 (cited in Deborah Pearl, “Tsar and Religion in Russian Revolutionary Propaganda,” “Festschrift” for Nicholas Valentine Riasanovsky, special issue ofRussian History 20, no. 1–4 [1993], 84).

19. Pearl, “Tsar and Religion,” 89; Pearl, “Educating Workers for Revolution: Populist Propaganda in St. Petersburg, 1879–1882,” Russian History 15, no. 2–4 (Summer–Fall–Winter 1988): 282; and Reginald E. Zelnik, “‘To the Unaccustomed Eye’: Religion and Irreligion in the Experience of St. Petersburg Workers in the 1870s,” Festschrift for Leopold H. Haimson, special issue ofRussian History 16, no. 2–4 (1989): 321–22.

20. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, 21.

21. Pearl, “Tsar and Religion,” 93.

22. François-Xavier Coquin, “Un aspect méconnu de la revolution de 1905: les ‘motions paysannes,’” in François-Xavier Coquin and Céline Gervais-Francelle, eds., 1905: la première revolution russe (Paris, 1986), 202; L.T. Senchakova, “Prigovory i nakazy—zerkalo krest΄ianskogo mentaliteta 1905–1907 gg.,” in V.P. Danilov and L.V. Milov, eds., Mentalitet i agrarnoe razvitie Rossii (XIX–XX vv.), (Moscow, 1996), 181; Andrew Verner, “Discursive Strategies in the 1905 Revolution: Peasant Petitions from Vladimir Province,” Russian Review 54 (January 1995): 65–90; and Heretz, Russia on the Eve of Modernity, 160–61.

23. B.I. Kolonitskii, “Tragicheskaia erotika”: Obrazy imperatorskoi sem΄i v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny (Moscow, 2010), 568; and Vladislav Aksenov, “Ubit΄ ikonu: Vizual΄noe myshlenie krest΄ian i funktsii tsarskogo portreta v period krizisa karnaval΄noi kul΄tury 1914–1917 gg.,” Eidos: Almanakh teorii ta istorii istorychnoi nauky 6 (2011/2012): 386–409.

24. Orlando Figes and Boris Kolonitskii, Interpreting the Russian Revolution: The Language and Symbols of 1917 (New Haven, 1999), ch. 1.

25. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, 211–12.

26. Ibid., 21.

27. On the basis of the anti-tsarist invective he has discovered in political investigations, Evgenii Anisimov has argued that faith in the legitimacy and authority of the tsars suffered during the Time of Troubles and continued to decline over the course of the eighteenth century.Dyba i knut: Politicheskii sysk i russkoe obshchestvo v XVIII veke (Moscow, 1999), 66–70.

28. Robert J. Abbott, “Police Reform in the Russian Province of Iaroslavl, 1856–1876,” Slavic Review 32, no. 2 (June 1973): 302. See also, Neil Weissman, “Regular Police in Tsarist Russia, 1900–1914,” Russian Review 44, no. 1 (January 1985): 45–68; and Stephen P. Frank, Crime, Cultural Conflict and Justice in Rural Russia, 1856–1914 (Berkeley, 1999), 30–36.

29. Jeffrey Burds, Peasant Dreams and Market Politics: Labor Migration and the Russian Village, 1861–1905 (Pittsburgh, 1998), ch. 7.

30. M.M. Bogoslovskii, Petr I: Materialy dlia biografii, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1940–1948), 3:178–78, 3:192. (Cited in Evgenii Trefilov and Julia Leikin, “Proof of Sincere Love for the Tsar: Popular Monarchism in the Age of Peter the Great,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 18, no.3 (Summer 2017): 465).

31. Trefilov, “Proof of Sincere Love for the Tsar,” 465–66.

32. The term “propaganda by the deed” is attributed to the Italian anarchist, Carlo Pisacane, who used the term in his 1857 “Political Testament” to call for deeds rather than words in galvanizing Italians to revolt: “Propaganda of the idea is a chimera, the education of the people is an absurdity. Ideas result from deeds, not the latter from the former.. . .The only work a citizen can do for the good of the country is that of cooperating with the material revolution: therefore, conspiracies, plots, attempts, etc. are that series of deeds through which Italy proceeds towards her goal.” Nunzio Pernicone, Italian Anarchism, 1864–1892 (Princeton, 1993), 13. Mikhail Bakunin took up the refrain in his “Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis” of 1870 in which he declared, “we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, and the most irresistible form of propaganda.” Bakunin on Anarchy: Selected Works by the Activist-Founder of World Anarchism, trans. and ed. Sam Dolgoff (New York, 1971), 195–96.

33. Carola Dietze, Die Erfindung des Terrorismus in Europa, Russland und den USA 1858–1866 (Hamburg, 2016), 57, 76.

34. Martha Crenshaw, “The Causes of Terrorism,” Comparative Politics 13, no. 4 (July 1981): 379.

35. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 168.

36. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 152. See also ibid., l. 124.

37. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 223.

38. S.A. Smith, “The Social Meanings of Swearing: Workers and Bad Language in Late Imperial and Early Soviet Russia,” Past and Present 160 (August 1998): 182–92.

39. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 204.

40. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 8 (1881), l. 279. For similar sentiments expressed in similarly colorful terms, see RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 173.

41. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 10 (1881), 1. 85. Aksenov has argued that physical damage to the representations of the ruling family were prosecuted far more aggressively than instances in which the accused merely swore at an image. Aksenov, “Ubit΄ ikonu,” 404.

42. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 146. For similar remarks see also RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 192.

43. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 5. For the canonical discussion of the carnivalesque, see Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Hélène Iswolsky (Bloomington, 1984).

44. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 146.

45. In their studies of lower-class attitudes to the monarchy during the First World War, Kolonitskii and Aksenov have drawn similar distinctions between inchoate expressions of anger or exasperation at the tsar one the one hand and more considered criticisms of his policies on the other. See Kolonitskii, “Tragicheskaia erotika, ” 207 and Aksenov, “Ubit΄ ikonu,” 405–6.

46. As in many contemporary European monarchies, this paternalist exercise of power in the Empire embodied a compact between the ruler and the ruled: service, obedience, and deference were to be rendered by the tsar’s subjects in return for his protection and care. Pavla Miller, Transformations of Patriarchy in the West, 1500–1900 (Bloomington, 1998); Susan K. Morrissey, Suicide and the Body Politic in Imperial Russia (Cambridge, 2006), 11–12; and Richard S. Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1995), vol. 1, ch. 9.

47. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 130.

48. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 170.

49. Ibid., l. 1.

50. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 141–141ob.

51. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 80.

52. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 194–194ob.

53. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 119.

54. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 37. See similar protests in RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 13 and RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 75.

55. Nikolai Morozov, “Znachenie politicheskikh ubiistv” (1879), in E. L. Rudnitskaia and O.V. Budnitskii, eds., Revoliutsionnyi radikalizm v Rossii: Vek deviatnadtsatyi (Moscow, 1997), 414.

56. Jonathan W. Daly, Autocracy Under Siege: Security Police and Opposition in Russia, 1866–1905 (DeKalb, 1998), ch. 3.

57. On anarchist sympathy for the Russian radicals, see Marie Fleming, “Propaganda by the Deed: Terrorism and Anarchist Theory in Late Nineteenth-Century Europe,” Terrorism 4, no. 1–4 (1980): 8–10. On the wider context in which “propaganda by the deed” was attempted and understood, see Jean Maitron, Le mouvement anarchiste en France, vol. 1, De origins à 1914 (Paris, 1975); John Merriman, The Dynamite Club: How a Bombing in Fin-de-Siècle Paris Ignited the Age of Modern Terror (New Haven, 2009); and Richard Bach Jensen, The Battle Against Anarchist Terrorism: An International History, 1878–1934 (Cambridge, 2014), chs. 1–2.

58. “Programma Ispolnitel΄nogo Komiteta,” Narodnaia Volia 2, no. 3 (1 January 1880), in Literatura partii “Narodnoi voli, ” 2 vols. (Moscow, 1907), 85.

59. Peterburgskaia gazeta, March 4, 1881 (no. 54), 1;Rus΄, March 4, 1881, 1; and Louise McReynolds, The News under Russia’s Old Regime: The Development of a Mass-Circulation Press (Princeton, 1991), 94–95. Iuliia Safronova has argued that “there is little evidence that the representatives of [educated] society responded ‘sympathetically’ or even joyfully to the regicide.” Safronova, Russkoe obshchestvo v zerkale revoliutsionnogo terrora, 1879–1881 gody (Moscow, 2014), 293.

60. John D. Klier, Russians, Jews, and the Pogroms of 1881–1882 (Cambridge, Eng., 2011).

61. Ely, Underground Petersburg, 263.

62. For the canonical treatment of the theological underpinnings of the idea, see Ernst Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957).

63. Wortman, Scenarios of Power, 2:196–210, 2:244–48 and Safronova, Russkoe obshchestvo, 72–84.

64. Anna Geifman, Thou Shalt Kill: Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia, 1894–1917 (Princeton, 1993); Oleg Budnitskii, Terrorizm v rossiiskom osvoboditel΄nom dvizhenii: Ideologiia, etika, psikhologiia (vtoraia polovina XIX-nachalo XX v.) (Moscow, 2000); and Sally A. Boniece, “The Spiridonova Case, 1906: Terror, Myth, and Martyrdom,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4, no. 3 (Summer, 2003): 571–606.

65. Vera Figner, Zapechatlennyi trud: Vospominaniia v dvukh tomakh, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1964), 1:282.

66. See, for example, M.M. Gromyko, Mir russkoi derevni (Moscow, 1991), 214; Heretz, Russia on the Eve, 128; and Pearl, “Tsar and Religion,” 89–90.

67. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 21 (1881), l. 301.

68. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 180. For very similar sentiments, see ibid., ll. 209, 252 and RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 30 (1881), l. 200.

69. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 122. The manifesto, “On the Inviolability of the Autocracy,” was a vigorous affirmation of autocratic prerogatives and a declaration of war on sedition.Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, ser. III, vol. 3, no. 1583 (May 12, 1883).

70. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 44.

71. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 11–11ob

72. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 7–7ob.

73. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 21 (1881), l. 271.

74. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 28 (1881), l. 99.

75. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), 1. 160. See similar examples in RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 42 and ibid., l. 254.

76. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 190.

77. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 8.

78. Claudia Verhoeven has argued that Dmitrii Karakozov conceived of his own attempt on the life of Alexander II in 1866 as a full-frontal assault on the very mythic foundation of the state order. Verhoeven, The Odd Man Karakozov: Imperial Russia, Modernity and the Birth of Terrorism (Ithaca, 2009), 179.

79. Peterburgskaia gazeta, 3 March 1881 (no. 52), 1. For further examples, see the coverage in Peterburgskii listok, Sankt-Peterburgskie vedomosti, Moskovskie vedomosti in the days after the assassination.

80. McReynolds, The News Under Russia’s Old Regime, 94. Richard Wortman has observed that “with the assassination, the sense of the tsar’s inviolability died… much as it had in France with the execution of Louis XVI.” See Wortman, “Moscow and Petersburg: The Problem of Political Center in Tsarist Russia, 1881–1914,” in Sean Wilentz, ed., Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics Since the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1985), 248.

81. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 8 (1881), l. 46.

82. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 206. For similar sentiments, see RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 228–228ob and RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 8.

83. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 227–227ob.

84. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 62 (1881), l. 250–250ob.

85. Ibid., l. 126.

86. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 37 (1880), l. 99–99ob.

87. Ibid., l. 86.

88. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 243–243ob.

89. A.I. Gertsen, “Le peuple russe et le socialisme,” in hisPolnoe sobranie sochinenii, 30 vols. (Moscow, 1954–65), 7:271–306.

90. Burds, Peasant Dreams and Market Politics; Reginald E. Zelnik, Labor and Society in Tsarist Russia: The Factory Workers of St. Petersburg 1855–1870 (Stanford, 1971); Barbara Alpern Engel, Between Fields and the City: Women, Work, and Family in Russia, 1861–1914 (Cambridge, 1994); Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, Social Identity in Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 1997), ch. 4; and Mark D. Steinberg, Moral Communities: The Culture of Class Relations in the Russian Printing Industry, 1867–1907 (Berkeley, 1992).

91. McReynolds, The News Under Russia’s Old Regime and Jeffrey Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Culture, 1861–1917 (Princeton, 1985).

92. See, for example, Literatura partii “Narodnoi voli.”

93. Itenberg, ed., Revoliutsionnoe narodnichestvo, 1:153.

94. “Za kogo tsar’?,” Zerno, June 1883, no. 3, in V.I. Nevskii, ed., Istoriko-revoliutsionnyi sbornik, 3 vols. (Leningrad, 1924–26), 2:364.

95. Ekaterina Zav΄ialova has shown how in Smolensk in the 1870s, gendarmes themselves noticed increasing expressions of “revolutionary propaganda” in the “foul language” directed by peasants at Alexander II. “Osobennosti otnosheniia krest΄ian k tsarskoi vlasti vo vtoroi polovine XIX veka (na materialakh Smolenskoi gubernii),” Istoricheskie, filosofskie, politicheskie i iuridicheskie nauki, kulturologiia i iskusstvovedenie. Voprosy teorii i praktiki, 2011, no. 7, part 2:85.

96. Pearl, “Educating Workers for Revolution,” 276–77. See also the appeals penned by Nikolai Dolgushin in Venturi, Roots of Revolution, 496–99.

97. RGIA, f. 1405, op. 540, d. 60 (1881), l. 186–186ob.

98. Kolonitskii, “Tragicheskaia erotika,” ch. 3.

99. In her recent study of terrorism at the turn of the twentieth century, Susan K. Morrissey has argued that “alongside their evocation of memory and grievance, narratives of vengeance projected a vista on to the future, elaborating a modern and forward-looking language of popular sovereignty, universalism, agency, justice and human dignity.” See: “Terrorism andRessentiment in Revolutionary Russia,” Past and Present 246, no. 1 (February 2020): 198.

100. Grakkh (P.N. Tkachev), “Terrorizm kak edinstvennoe sredstvo nravstvennogo i obshchestvennogo vozrozhdeniia Rossii” (September 1, 1881), in Rudnitskaia and Budnitskii, eds., Revoliutsionnyi radikalizm, 438.

101. The Populists also sought to challenge the dynastic sovereignty of the tsar and assert the inviolability of individual rights in their confrontations with the state on the scaffold. See Daniel Beer, “Civil Death, Radical Protest and the Theatre of the Punishment in the Reign of Alexander II”, Past and Present, 250 (February 2021): 171–202.

102. Fleming, “Propaganda by the Deed,” 10.

103. Andrieux, Louis, Souvenirs d’un préfet de police (Paris, 1885), 347Google Scholar.

104. Kropotkin, Peter, “The Spirit of Revolt,” in Capouya, Emile and Thompkins, Keitha, eds., The Essential Kropotkin (New York, 1975), 5–6Google Scholar.

105. Jensen, The Battle Against Anarchist Terrorism, 17.