I would like to acknowledge the assistance of IREX, which provided a grant for study in Poland, and the generous cooperation of Polish historians and officials. I also want to thank two of the referees used by the Slavic Review for their important observations about Marxism and Polish scholarship. My description of the ups and downs of institutional Marxism should not obscure the fact that genuine Marxist methodology has produced many noteworthy works and that some Marxist concepts and terms have wide currency (for example, "feudalism" with its chronology has replaced the "Middle Ages").

1. For accounts of the pre-1956 period see Elizabeth K. Valkenier, “Soviet Impact on PolishHistoriography, 1946–1950,” Journal of Central European Affairs, 11, no. 4 (January 1952): 372–96;Pawel Korzec, “Materialy do studiów nad historiografią Polski Ludowej,” Kultura's Zeszyty Historyczne(Paris), no. 20 (1971): 43–58. See also Hvibner, Piotr, Kongres Nauki Polskiej jako formarealizacji zalozen polityki naukowej Panstwa Ludowego (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1983)Google Scholar for the bestdocumented discussion of the reorganization of learning.

2. Discontent peaked at the Eighth Congress of Historians, held in 1958, at which TadeuszManteuffel gave a highly critical report on the negative effects of restricted archival access, politicalcontrols, and isolation from Western scholarship. It was not included in the five-volume publicationVIII Powszechny Zjazd Historykdw Polskich (Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, 1960). Forthe 1956–59 period see Valkenier, “Sovietization and Liberalization in Polish Postwar Historiography, “Journal of Central European Affairs, 19, no. 2 (July 1959): 149–73; Korzec, , “Materiary dostudiow nad historiografia, PRL w zakresie historii najnowszej,” Zeszyty Historyczne (Paris) no. 22(1972): 3–21, and no. 23 (1973): 19–32.Google Scholar

3. Kieniewicz, Stefan, ed., “Powstanie Styczniowe 1863,” IX Powszechny Zjazd Historyków Polskich (Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, 1964)Google Scholar. See also his Powstanie Styczniowe (Warsaw:Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, 1972). Halicz, Emanuel, Kwestja chlopska w Królestwie Polskimw dobie Powstania Styczniowego (Warsaw: Ksiązka i Wiedza, 1955)Google Scholar is a good example of thedogmatic interpretation.

4. The contribution of Catholic intellectual clubs (KIK) should not be overlooked. In mid-1961they held a conference which noted the gulf between the official and the popular versions of Polishhistory and stressed the importance of the emotional response of a society steeped in tradition inmaking history meaningful. “Dyskusja nad spoleczng funkcją historii,” Więz, no. 7–8 (1961):11–52.

5. 7 polskich grzechów glównych (Warsaw: Iskra, 1962). Adam Kosta's O postępowych tradycjachi antynarodowych mitach (Warsaw: Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej, 1955) is a good exampleof the dogmatic presentation.

6. “Spór o ideaty wychowawcze socjalizmu,” Trybuna Ludu, April 26, 1963, pp. 3–4.

7. For the Marxists’ arguments consult the series on historical education, “Edukacja historyczna, “Polityka, no. 35 (August 31, 1963) and subsequent issues; the report of the meeting of theacademy's History Institute and the Military Political Academy's researchers on the Second Republic, “O dziejach Rzeczypospolitej,” Wspólczesność, no. 1 (January 6–19, 1965); and Janusz Żarnowski'sbook on the structure of the Polish intelligentsia, based on Western quantitative methodology, Strukturaspokczna inteligencji w Polsce w latach 1918–1939 (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe,1964). For the Catholic contribution consult Andrzej Micewski's book on the political geography ofthe interwar period, the first attempt to present a full picture of the political spectrum, Geografiapolityczna Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej (Kraków: Znak, 1964).

8. The long delay in completing the Marxist synthesis of Polish history by the History Instituteof the Academy of Sciences is a good example of the difficulties inherent in liberalizing the accountof the modern period. The preliminary version (makieta) covering only the years 1918 to 1921 appeared in 1966, after ten years of preparation and numerous revisions. Yet it still bore all themarks of dogmatic interpretation that were first attacked in 1956. It was not approved for publicationand was resubmitted for another round of corrections. Tadeusz Manteuffel, director of the institute,is reputed to have said that the work created the impression of having been written by a foreignerwho was “not sympathetic toward Poland and unfamiliar with its problems.” Józef Lewandowski, “Historia Polski, Tom IV” Zeszyty Historyczne (Paris), no. 28 (1974): 220.

9. By that time reinstating professional ethics was not the primary motivation for ridding thefield of crippling ideological controls. An opinion poll of ninety Warsaw historians on what theyconsidered to be the most significant scholarly debates showed that those centering on a more positiveview of the past ranked first; those concerning the ethics of scholarship ranked tenth. Marek Droz-dowski, “Uwagi o historiografii dziejów II Rzeczypospolitej (1957–1967), Najnowsze Dzieje Polski, 13 (1968): 5–36.

10. “Druga Rzeczypospolita. Dyskusja historyczna,” Miesiƙcznik Literacki, no. 6 (June 1968):76–95. Subsequent contributions in the July, September, October, December 1968 and February 1969issues.

11. Feliks Tych, “10 lat kwartalnika ‘Z Pola Walki,’ “ Z Pola Walki, no. 1 (1968): 3–10; “His-toriografia ruchu robotniczego w Polsce,” ibid., no. 2 (1968): 73–152.

12. One of the first discussions on this topic was held in September 1968 under the auspices of the weekly Argumenty. It was subsequently published in book form, Historia i świadomość narodowaI (Warsaw: Wiedza Powszechna, 1970).

13. See Henryk Zielinski's strictures in Pamitnik X Powszechnego Zjazdu Historyków Pobkich, 4 (Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, 1968): 235–38.

14. For lectures and discussions see ibid., vols. 2 (section 7) and 4 (pp. 209–322).

15. See, for example, “Na temat badań nad historią najnowszą,” Nowe Drogi, no. 2 (1970):74–108. This policy was dictated as much by Gomulka's ideological convictions as by his experienceof economic, social, and political inequities in interwar Poland.

16. Polaków portret wlasny (Warsaw: Wyd. Literackie, 1979); Marek Rostworowski, ed., Polakowportret wlasny (Warsaw: Arkady, 1983).

17. Garlicki, Andrzej, ed., Poczet królów i ksiąząt polskich (Warsaw: Czytelnik, 1978)Google Scholar. The publication abroad of Michnik's, Adam Kościól, lewica, dialog (Paris: Inst. Literacki, 1977)Google Scholar, was a different political portent, but equally symptomatic of the growing cohesion of society. The book'sargument that the church had been the single most important defender of human and civil rightsindicated a rapprochement between Catholics and the secular Left.

18. 60 Lat niepodlegiej Polski, 1918–1978. Materiaty z sesji naukowej (Plock: Towarzystwo NaukowePlockie, 1980); “Sesja naukowa w Gdańsku,” Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 2 (1979): 543–45; “Niepodleglość—jej znaczenie dla rozwoju spoleczeristwa polskiego,” ibid., pp. 548–50; “Fenomenonprzezycia,” Więź, no. 10 (1978): 7–24.

19. Rodowody niepokornych (Warsaw: Więź, 1971).

20. An informal opinion poll conducted in 1978 on the best work about the road to independenceshowed that many respondents chose Cywinski's book because it gave them a satisfying insight intothe historical process, which otherwise seemed like an iron chain of impersonal forces and accidentalevents. “Co czytać?” Znak, no. 10–11 (1978): 1332–47.

21. For example, school programs and school textbooks represented the Soviet invasion onSeptember 17,1939 as simply a move to regain “lost” Ukrainian and Belorussian territories. Mentionof the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, never mind its secret clauses, was still taboo, even in a generalsynthesis written by a professor of Kraków University. See Buszko, Józef, Historia Polski, 1864–1948 (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1978), pp. 430ffGoogle Scholar.

22. “Wklad Instytutu Historii na ksztaltowanie spoleczeństwa,” Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 3(1978): 531–40.

23. A sociological survey conducted in 1977 among Warsaw University students showed the riseof an “activist,” personalized conception of history. Since 1965 there had been a marked decline ofinterest in abstract historical processes (progress, democracy, culture) and a surge of interest inindividuals and their actions, especially those who had fought for national independence. BarbaraSzacka, “Stosunek do tradycji narodowej jako odzwierciadlenie systemu wartości studentów uczelniwarszawskich,” Studia Sociologiczne, no. 2 (1981): 107–18.

24. The text of these reports by “Dóswiadczenie i przyszlość” has appeared in English translationin Bielasiak, Jack, ed., Poland Today. The State of the Republic (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe,1981)Google Scholar.

25. Zatruta humanistyka (Warsaw. Glos, 1979).

26. That a respectable scholar—Wapinski had published solid works on the National Democratic Party and on Władyslaw Sikorski—could also be the author of a grossly falsified text can be attributedto the especially rigorous controls over textbooks. In addition to self-censorship and the regularcensorship (which affected all authors), school books were examined (and rewritten) by the CentralCommittee's Department of Learning. Finally, books were submitted for comment to the Polish-Soviet historical commission. As a result, by the time the corrected and amended text reached students, it hardly resembled the author's original version. Wapiński's decision was communicatedto the profession in the teachers’ journal Wiadomości Historyczne, no. 2 (1981): 117. The workings of the commission are described in ibid., no. 2 (1980): 117–18. The minutes of the Polish-SovietCommission meeting, at which ironically enough the Wapinski text was criticized by Soviet historians,were published in Poland by the underground publishers Glos in 1980 and by Zeszyty Historyczne(Paris), no. 57 (1981).

27. Actually the association wanted to eliminate the mention of historical materialism altogether.But in order to be able to register the new statutes, it had to retain the reference to the Marxistmethod. What could be done was to change the order of professional goals by putting the “strivingsfor historical truth” at the head of the list. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego, no. 43(1979): 11–18.

28. “Przeszlość narodowa w oczach spoleczeństwa,” Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 2 (1980):435–45.

29. Two rather full reports on the meeting can be found in Biuletyn Polskiego TowarzystwaHistorycznego, no. 45–46 (1981): 1–11, and Wojskowy Przeglqd Historyczny, no. 1 (1981): 280–83.School teaching has been a sore point from the start of the liberalization process. The EighthCongress of Historians in 1958 was immediately followed by a conference of school teachers, at whichvoices spoke up against the lamentable distortions of facts and interpretations. Nothing came of thiseffort, and instruction remained essentially unaffected by the gradual liberalization on the higheracademic level. The major reason was the regime's unwillingness to relinquish control over instruction.But lack of solidarity within the profession was also a factor. During 1980–81 the new horizontallinkages throughout society made it possible for school teachers and university professors to cooperate.

30. The course of negotiations is outlined in a mimeographed collection of documents, Negocjacjew sprawach oświaty i wychowania, marzec-maj 1981 (Warsaw: Wyd. Związkowe “Mazowsze, “1981). For a narrative account see Achmatowicz, Aleksander, Jak doszlo do zmiany wprogramie nauczania historii (Warsaw: Instytut Wydawniczy Zwiazków Zawodowych, 1981).Google Scholar

31. The text of the proposals the Solidarity side brought to the negotiations with the Ministryof Education has been printed as a pamphlet, Propozycje doraźnych zmian w materiale nauczaniahistorii w szkolach podstawowych i ponadpodstawowych (Warsaw: NSZZ “Solidarnogść KrajowaRada Sekcji Oąwiaty i Wychowania, 1981). Quotations taken from p. 23.

32. The opening sections of the book appeared in no. 3 (1981) as “Polska 1944-czerwiec 1956. “It has since been published in full, without the author's permission, by the underground as Historiapolityczna Polski 1944–1956 (Warsaw: Krąg, 1982).

33. “Jak uprawiac historię najnowszą,” Przegląd Historyczny, no. 3 (1981): 515–26.

34. “Uwagi o badaniach dziejów Polski Ludowej,” Z Pola Walki, no. 3 (1980): 57–66; “Badanianad najnowszymi dziejami klasy robotniczej,” ibid., no. 3–4 (1981): 119–54.

35. “Z metodologii historii i nauk politycznych,” Zeszyty Naukowe (Wojskowa Akademia Polityczna),no. 105 (1980): 3–104.

36. “U źródel referendum z 30-go czerwca 1946,” Dzieje Najnowsze, no. 3 (1981): 151–72; “Wydarzenia kryzysowe w Polsce w latach 1955–57,” Z Pola Walki, nos. 1–2 (1982): 99–143; “Przesileniai zwroty w dziejach Polski Ludowej,” Zeszyty. Naukowe (Wojskowa Akademia Polityczna),no. 110 (1982); Krystyna Kersten, “Spoleczeństwo polskie i wladza w latach 1944–47,” DziejeNajnowsze, nos. 1–4 (1982): 77–90.

37. Maciejewski, Jaroslaw, Trojanowiczowa, Zofia, eds., Poznański Czerwiec 1956 (Poznan:Wyd. Poznańskie, 1981).Google Scholar

38. Historiographical articles had begun appearing already in 1978 in the quarterly organs ofthe History Institute of the Academy of Sciences and the Historical Association. See Janusz Zarnowski'ssurvey of writings on 1918 in Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 4, and the discussion by Andrzej Garlicki et al. of the literature on the Second Republic in Przegląd Historyczny, no. 3. But withSolidarity they became more numerous and took political pressure into consideration. See Antoni Czubiński, “Ewolucja poglądów publicystyki i historiografii polskiej na temat przyczyn odbudowy iznaczenia niepodleglego państwa dla narodu polskiego (1918–1978),” Dzieje Najnowsze, no. 1–2(1981): 37–61. It is interesting to note that when Józef Buszko's synthesis, Historia Polski 1864–1940, was reissued in 1982 in a more objective version, the single most significant change was a new chapterof some 30 pages discussing sources and secondary literature.

39. An English version, “The Kubiak Report,” appeared in Survey, 26, no. 3 (Summer 1982):87–107.

40. Orzechowski, M., “Świadomość’ historyczna jako plaszczyzna walki ideologicznej,” NoweDrogi, no. 4 (1982): 43–59.Google Scholar

41. For a good example of both tendencies see the discussion in the party's daily, “Świadomośćhistoryczna a walka polityczna,” Trybuna Ludu, May 28–29, 1983.

42. See, for example, the report on the conference entitled “Kryzysy spoleczno-polityczne wPolsce Ludowej” ( “Sociopolitical Crises in People's Poland “) held at Poznaii University with theparticipation of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee. Zeszyty Naukowe(Wojskowa Akademia Polityczna), no. 110 (1982): 200–203.

43. The situation of school teachers was much worse. There were many more arrests, dismissals,and continued harrassment. But the Historical Association and the church were active on behalf ofthese less well-known and more vulnerable persons.

44. “Ustawa dnia 4 maja 1982 o szkolnictwie wyzszym,” Dziennik Ustaw, no. 14 (May 20,1982):259. The temporary regulations of July 1983 left the statute unaltered but gave the authorities specialpowers that strongly limited it. These regulations empowered the minister of higher education toreplace an elected official in case of conflict for the duration of office but did not cancel the principleof elections. (The rector elected at Warsaw University in mid-1984 was not approved and a newelection was scheduled for six months later.) As for making a plurality of views available to students,the right of free access to Western, émigré, and uncensored publications that obtained during themonths of Solidarity was not revoked altogether (as of late 1984). Students now needed the instructor'spermission to consult these sources. The content of the once again compulsory courses in Marxistideology depended pretty much on the instructor. With many it had become customary already beforeSolidarity to turn the course into a survey of political philosophy.

45. “Obrady historyków,” Odra, no. 4 (1983): 107.

46. Ministerstwo Oświaty i Wychowania. Instytut Programdw Szkolnych, “Cele ksztatcenia iwychowania,” (Warsaw, August 1983), p. 18, mimeographed.

47. The same can be said of a new series, Zeszyty Historyczne, issued during 1982/83 by theteacher's weekly, Gtos Nauczycielski. Like any series it is uneven, with some authors observing amore orthodox party line and others presenting a more objective interpretation. Nonetheless, it marksan advance over what was previously available, for the series contains decent biographies of noncommunistpolitical figures, ranging from Maciej Rataj, a Peasant Party leader, to Marshal J6zefPilsudski, as well as a fair description of the country's experience with parliamentary democracy.

48. This was the theme of a conference on history and education held in December 1982 underthe auspices of the Defense Ministry. The main emphasis was on strengthening state security byreducing the gulf between society and the regime through factually correct instruction in history.Historia i Wychowanie (Warsaw: Wyd. Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1982).

49. “Najnowsza historia Polski,” Krytyka, no. 13–14 (1983): 228–31. The reviewer took exceptionto Albert's presentation of Polish history from a provincial, isolationist viewpoint that took littlenotice of the general European or comparative context; to the excessive contempt for the Bolshevikrevolution; to the one-dimensional picture of Polish Communists as traitors to the nation; to thescant attention given to the problem of national minorities; and to the hostile description of the Jews.

50. “Propozycje programowe dla szkol samoksztalcenia,” Zeszyty Edukacji Narodowej, no. 1(Warszawa: Oświata Niezależna, 1982).

51. In the absence of a free press, political debates under the guise of historical commentaryare nothing new in People's Poland. For a description of these debates from 1945 to 1968 see Stanislaw Bębenek, Myślenie o przeszlości (Warsaw: Panstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1981).

52. “Stan i potrzeby nauk historycznych w Polsce,” Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 2 (1983): 305–10. A good example of a fair and multi-faceted discussion of modern Polish political thought isRoman Wapinski's “Pokolenia drugiej Rzeczypospolitej,” Kwartalnik Historyczny, no. 3 (1983): 483–504.