1. Aleksandr, Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, I- VII, 3 vols., trans. Thomas P. Whitney (vols. 1 -2) and Harry Willetts (vol. 3) (New York: Harper & Row, 1973-78), 3:478–79Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Gulag 1, 2, or 3).

2. Alexander, Solzhenitsyn, Nobel Lecture, trans. F. D. Reeve (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1972), pp. 9–10Google Scholar. The character is Sologdin in The First Circle.

3. Krystyna, Pomorska, “The Overcoded World of Solzhenitsyn” Poetics Today, 1, no. 3 (Spring 1980): 164Google Scholar.

4. Ibid., pp. 165-70. In the final section of Gulag 3, Solzhenitsyn describes the transformation of the spoon he fashioned himself and his zek number from signs in the camp code to sacred relics. Pomorska draws heavily on Bulgakov, Sergei's Filosofiia imeni (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1953)Google Scholar.

5. Susan Sontag has harsh words to say about those writers who, in the nineteenth century, used tuberculosis and, in the twentieth, use cancer as metaphors for social and social-psychological malaise (Illness as Metaphor [New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1978], pp. 82-83, footnote). Curiously enough, Sontag exempts Solzhenitsyn from the charge, assuming that Cancer Ward was only about a cancer ward; that it was as well a metaphor for Soviet society is made abundantly clear in Gulag 2.

6. Gulag 2, p. 9.

7. In a previous essay on Solzhenitsyn, I tried to point out Solzhenitsyn's discomfort with “wideopen “ situations as well as with manifestation of the Dionysian element in human life, with intoxication of all sorts, but especially with sex (see Sidney Monas, “Fourteen Years of Aleksandr Isaevich,” Slavic Review, 35, no. 3 [September 1976]: 518-26). In Gulag 2, he deals with it with special compassion.

8. Yeats, W. B., “The Great Day,” The Collected Poems of W. B. Yeats (New York: Macmillan, 1951), p. 309 Google Scholar.

9. Most recently, Solzhenitsyn has repeated this in response to Alexander Dallin's criticism of his views on American scholarship concerning Russia. Solzhenitsyn's original article, “Misconceptions about Russia Are a Threat to America, “appeared in Foreign Affairs, 58, no. 4 (Spring 1980): 797-834. In the subsequent issue, a reply by Robert Tucker appeared (ibid., no. 5 [Summer 1980]: 1178-83). In the fall issue were letters by other American scholars, including Alexander Dallin, and Solzhenitsyn's response to them ( “Mr. Solzhenitsyn and His Critics,” ibid., 59, no. 1 [Fall 1980]: 187-210). In this response he once more depicts communism as “metaphysical evil” and denies yet again that other leadership might have led to gentler policies.

10. Igor Shafarevich is a mathematician, still in the USSR, who contributed three essays to the volume edited by Solzhenitsyn, , From Under the Rubble (New York, 1976 Google Scholar). The one in point is called “Socialism in our Past and Future” (ibid., pp. 24-65) and was later expanded into a book, The Socialist Phenomenon (New York: Harper & Row, 1980). Although Shafarevich sees Freudianism as stemming from the same corrupt, atheist-materialist tradition as socialism, he nevertheless uses Freud's idea of the “death instinct” in his attack.

11. Vadim, Borisov, “Personality and National Awareness” From Under the Rubble, pp. 193–Google Scholar

12. On Slavophilism the best book is still Andrzej, Walicki, The Slavophile Controversy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975 Google Scholar); for Slavophilism in its more modern guises see Alexander, Yanov, The Russian New Right (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1978 Google Scholar).

13. For Eurocommunism and Strada, see Aleksandr, Solzhenitsyn, The Oak and the Calf; Sketches of Literary Life in the Soviet Union (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), p. 554 Google Scholar; Olga, Carlisle, Solzhenitsyn and the Secret Circle (New York: Holt-Rinehart & Winston, 1978 Google Scholar); and Aleksandr, Solzhenitsyn, “Persidskii triuk” Novoe Russkoe Slovo, November 20, 1979Google Scholar. The Oak and the Calf appeared in Russian in 1976, three years before the BBC interview, though the English translation has just become available.

14. See the account by Robert Kaiser, then Moscow correspondent of the Washington Post, of an interview along with Hedrick Smith of the New York Times, of Solzhenitsyn in Moscow ( Kaiser, , Russia: The People and the Power [New York: Pocket Books, 1976], pp. 466–73Google Scholar).

15. See Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I., A World Split Apart: Commencement Address Delivered at Harvard University (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), p. 37 Google Scholar.

16. Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I., Warning to the West (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1976), p. 6 Google Scholar.

17. On the fifth anniversary of Solzhenitsyn's departure from the USSR, the BBC Russian Service broadcast a conversation between him and Janis Sapiets which took place in Solzhenitsyn's home in Vermont. The full text of the interview appeared in Russian in Vestnik russkogo khristianskogo dvizheniia, no. 127 (1978), pp. 279-95. A slightly abridged English translation appeared in two issues of the Listener, February 15, 1979, pp. 240-41, and February 22, 1979, pp. 270-72. My quotations are from the English translation. The unabridged Russian version contains a passage on the possible renaming of Leningrad, not back to St. Petersburg, which Solzhenitsyn also dislikes, but to Nevagrad. It also contains some contemptuous remarks on Andrei Voznesenskii. Otherwise the English version seems fairly complete.

18. See note 9 above.

19. Although Berdiaev might be in some way congenial to Solzhenitsyn, he has made it clear in his response to Alexander Dallin ( “Mr. Solzhenitsyn and His Critics, “pp. 196-210) that his admiration has its limitations. Berdiaev's espousal of the Soviet cause during the years of World War II and his identification of Bolshevism and Russia draws Solzhenitsyn's wrath. “It cannot be,” Solzhenitsyn said in the BBC interview, “that the 1,000-year existence of our people will not, in some as yet unknown form, overcome the 65-year frenzied sway of the communists” (Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 272).

20. Listener, February 15, 1979, p. 240.

21. Ibid.

22. Oswald, Spengler, The Decline of the West, 2 vols. (New York: Knopf, 1937), 2:187–230 Google Scholar. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 272.

23. While holding no particular truck for the Nazis, Solzhenitsyn insists on seeing communism as a far worse form of totalitarianism. He also insists that while Communist rulers are shrewd and flexible enough to capture some of the sentiments attaching to nationalism, they are fundamentally committed to its destruction and care least of all about the well-being of their own people. Communism and nationalism, he repeats, are incompatible. The Nazis, on the other hand, he tends to see as a perversion of nationalism. They never abused their own people, he writes ( “Mr. Solzhenitsyn and His Critics,” pp. 196- 210). It is true they never actively persecuted those they defined as their own people—but their definition was hardly in the generous spirit of pre-1848 nationalism! And was not the war, the main aim and purpose of the Nazis, and the disaster that it incurred, abuse enough?

24. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 271.

25. Gulag 1, p. 602.

26. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 270.

27. Maurice, Friedburg, “Solzhenitsyn and Russia's Jews” Midstream, 20, no. 7 (August-September 1974): 76-81Google Scholar.

28. Solzhenitsyn, “Persidskii triuk “; see also A World Split Apart, p. 5. The other such state is Poland. Solzhenitsyn's indignation at being identified with the Ayatollah Khomeini is certainly not based on an aversion to theocracy, but more likely to “physical general revolution,” cruel notions of justice, and perhaps barbarism.

29. In general, the notion that one can identify oneself as Jewish and American or Jewish and Russian would seem to be strange to Solzhenitsyn. This may be due to his understandable reaction against the notion of a Soviet identity.

30. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 271.

31. Ibid. Solzhenitsyn's real grudge against Yanov is the latter's critique of Russian nationalism and his lack of public interest in religion. “In his books, for instance, you will find no hint that the Russian people might have some sort of religion or that this might have some significance in its history and aspirations,” Solzhenitsyn went on to say.

32. Ibid.

33. See, for example, George Breslauer, Five Images of the Soviet Future (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1978). In his discussion-rebuttal following the essay of A. Y. Shtromas, Jerry Hough has criticized the “influence” of Russian emigres in general and Yanov in particular ( “Dissent and Political Change in the Soviet Union,” Studies in Comparative Communism, 12, nos. 2-3 [Summer- Autumn 1979]: 212-76). But it is unlikely that Solzhenitsyn would take comfort.

34. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 272. Solzhenitsyn goes on to say: “I will recall our officer corps in the Second World War: how many ardent honest hearts completed that war with the urge finally to build a better life in the homeland. “

35. Solzhenitsyn, , The Oak and the Calf, footnote on p. 115Google Scholar.

36. Ibid., p. 119.

37. Ibid., p. 458.

38. Ibid., p. 313. It is a remarkable fact that Solzhenitsyn, as he explains at the very end of Gulag Archipelago, never had the entire work “on the same desk at the same time!” He describes how he “kept jotting down reminders to myself to check this and remove that, and travelled from place to place with these bits of paper” (Gulag 3, p. 527). * A review of Lakshin's work appears in the book review section of this issue (pp. 507-508).—Ed.

39. Vladimir, Lakshin, “Solzhenitsyn, Tvardovskii i Novyi Mir ,” Dvadtsatyi Vek: Obshchestvennopoliticheskii i literaturnyi al'manakh (London, 1977), pp. 151–213 Google Scholar. An English translation has been published by MIT Press (Solzhenitsyn, Tvardovsky, and “Novy Mir,” trans. Michael Glenny [Cambridge, Mass., 1980]).

40. Solzhenitsyn, , The Oak and the Calf, p. 157Google Scholar.

41. Ibid., p. 42.

42. Ibid., p. 132.

43. Solzhenitsyn, , Nobel Lecture, p. 8 Google Scholar.

44. Listener, February 22, 1979, p. 272.

45. Ibid., February 15, 1979, p. 241.