1. Sigmund, Freud, The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works, trans, and ed. James Strachey, 24 vols. (London: Hogarth Press, 1953-74), vol. 1Google Scholar, The Interpretation of Dreams (London, 1953), p. 246.

2. This reading is nicely developed by Jurij Striedter in his “Poetic Genre and the Sense of History in Pushkin,” New Literary History, 8, no. 2 (Winter 1977): 299-300.

3. I use the text of Kapitanskaia dochka in Pushkin, A. S., Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 10 vols. (Leningrad, 1977-79), 6: 269Google Scholar (hereafter cited as PSS). All translations are my own.

4. See N. N. Strakhov's article, “Voina i mir” (1869), excerpted in “Kapitanskaia dochka v otklikakh ee pervykh chitatelei, kritikov i sovremmenykh issledovatelei,” in Iu. G. Oksman, ed., Kapitanskaia dochka (Moscow, 1964), p. 223,Google Scholar

5. Freud, Interpretation of Dreams, pp. 248-68, 273-76.

6. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 265.

7. Ibid., p. 268.

8. Ibid., p. 269.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., p. 308.

11. Ibid., p. 309.

12. Ibid., p. 269.

13. Ibid.

14. Ibid., p. 309.

15. Sigmund Freud, Standard Edition, 17: 179-204.

16. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 269.

17. Ibid., p. 266.

18. Ibid., p. 272.

19. Ibid., p. 308.

20. Ibid., p. 258.

21. Ibid.

22. The elder Grinev's name is itself symbolic. In both its parts it recalls the founders of families, religions, and cities (Andrei pervozvanets and the Petersburg of Peter the Great). But old Grinev himself has an ambiguous relationship to authority. Pushkin suggests that he had rebelled against changes at court, a veiled reference to Catherine's irregular ascension to the throne, and had retired early. Although an alternation of first names from father to son is common in Russian families, here the alternation suggests that the father's career prefigured the son's struggle. Andrei Petrovich was both a son of, and a father to, the historical problem posed by a “Peter.”

23. See Viktor, Shklovskii, Zametki o proze Pushkina (Moscow, 1937), p. 103.Google Scholar

24. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 291.

25. Ibid., p. 294.

26. Reference is made to Mumford's historical scenario in which male-dominated fortresses or citadels emerge out of matriarchal villages (see Lewis, Mumford, The City in History [New York: Harcourt Brace & World, 1961], pp. 21-25).Google ScholarPubMed Belogorskii Fortress is a comic image precisely because it is “refeminized.”

27. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 278.

28. Ibid., pp. 298, 275.

29. This process is discussed in detail by Oksman in his chapter, “Pushkin v rabote nad romanom Kapitanskaia dochka” (see Oksman, Kapitanskaia dochka, pp. 156-70). It is perhaps worth mentioning that Pushkin himself had a great deal of difficulty “growing up.” The difficulty included a protracted hostile relationship with his father, who at one time accused the son of trying to kill him. Shvabrin, the “romantic villain,” in his final incarnation bears a striking physical resemblance to Pushkin himself ( “a young officer, short and with a swarthy face, noticeably ugly but extremely lively” [Pushkin, PSS, 6: 277]). Grinev, on the other hand, is a model of filial respect.

30. Letter from V. F. Odoevskii to Pushkin, December 26, 1836 (cited in Oksman, Kapitanskaia dochka, p. 214).

31. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 276.

32. Ibid., p. 282.

33. Ibid., p. 289.

34. Ibid., p. 366.

35. Petrov, S. M., Istoricheskii roman A. S. Pushkina (Moscow, 1953), pp, 123-24.Google Scholar

36. It takes Jeanie Deans half the novel, and half a dozen intermediaries, to make her arduous trip from Edinburgh to London. In temperament and appearance Jeanie is clearly a model for Masha (see chap, nine of The Heart of Midlothian). Scott's polemical intent with Jeanie seems to accord with Pushkin's use of Masha, also a specifically unsentimental heroine (see Scott's 1827 introduction to Chronicles of the Canongate: “[Jeanie is] interesting by mere dignity of mind and rectitude, assisted by unpretending good sense and temper, without any of the beauty, grace, talent, accomplishment and wit to which a heroine of romance is supposed to have a prescriptive right” (Sir Walter Scott, Chronicles of the Canongate, 2 vols. [Edinburgh, 1827], l: ix).

37. Pushkin, PSS. 6: 327.

38. Ibid., p. 304.

39. Ibid., p. 305

40. The phrase “band of brothers” makes reference to Freud's famous scenario in which the sons band together to kill the father of the primal horde. Having committed patricide and devoured the father, this fraternity guaranteed against another “father” arising in their midst by establishing taboos against murder and incest, the two impulses most likely to disrupt their fragile cooperation.

41. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 313.

42. Marina, Tsvetaeva, “Pushkin i Pugachev,” in Moi Pushkin (Moscow, 1967), p. 107–60.Google Scholar

43. Ibid., p. 109.

44. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 315.

45. Ibid., p. 316.

46. Ibid., p. 341.

47. See V. V. Vinogradov, 5/(7’ Pushkina (Moscow, 1941), p. 526.Google Scholar

48. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 270.

49. Ibid., p. 307.

50. Ibid., p. 314.

51. Ibid., p. 318.

52. See Gaston Bachelard, The Psychoanalysis of Fire, trans. Alan C. M. Ross (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

53. Pushkin, PSS, 6: 355.

54. Ibid., p. 356.

55. Ibid., p. 367.

56. Ibid., p. 369.

57. Viktor, Shklovskii, Povesti o proze (Moscow, 1966), p. 45.Google Scholar

58. D., Blagoi, Masterstvo Pushkina (Moscow, 1955), p. 259–62.Google Scholar

59. See Shklovskii, Povesti o proze, p. 51; see also Shklovskii, Zametki o proze Pushkina, pp. 121-28.

60. Toibin, I. M., “Voprosy istorizma i khudozhestvennaia sistema Pushkina 1830-kh godov,” in Pushkin: hsledovaniia i materialy, vol. 6 (Leningrad, 1969), p. 37.Google Scholar

61. Ibid.

62. An excellent discussion of history and parody, helpful to my conclusions here, can be found in Gary Saul Morson, The Boundaries of Genre: Dostoevsky's “Diary of a Writer” and the Traditions of Literary Utopia, University of Texas Press Slavic Series, no. 4 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981). “Denial of history is invitation to parody,” Morson writes (ibid., p. 119), and this also applies to the undoing of official history by the unreworked logic of historical events.

63. I use “idyll” here not in its strict generic sense, but as a setting for the simple, anonymous, and apolitical. Monarchs, of course, always retain the extralegal option of pardoning criminals. And the costumed garden party, where high society dresses up as shepherds and shepherdesses, was a favorite eighteenth-century diversion. But here Catherine's garden setting means more. It functions as a “pastoral interlude,” in Renato Poggioli's words, a bit of wish fulfillment both for those burdened with power and those helpless without it. “Pastoral poetry becomes a catharsis of worldly failure,” Poggioli writes, “and sublimates that failure into a triumph of the spirit” ( Renato, Poggioli, The Oaten Flute: Essays on Pastoral Poetry and the Pastoral Ideal [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975], p. 24).Google Scholar Catherine assumes the pastoral pose not for her own sake but to reward a deserving daughter, to provide justice outside the system which had created her imperial rank. And this, incidentally, corroborates the timeless Russian myth of the batiushka- (or matiushka-) tsar who would understand the plight of history's victims, could these victims only get an audience and plead their case eye-to-eye. The Catherine of the portrait believes the Pugachev story as Masha tells it, while her deputies in the Kazan'court could not believe it from Petrusha. Catherine returns to her throne room and dons full regal dress before: summoning an astonished Masha to hear the verdict, and this is a necessary frame for keeping the pastoral precisely an interlude. Catherine as matiushka trusts Masha as captain's daughter, which permits Masha, at last, to be wife. In place of guilt are the flourishing descendants. “The pastoral of innocence,” Poggioli writes, “views the human condition from the standpoint of the family” (see ibid., p. 21).