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INTRODUCTION

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 November 2023

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Introduction
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Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Royal Historical Society

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References

1 Contemporary information about Tangier was sparse and inaccurate. Initially, the Moroccans were mistaken for Turks and al-Ghailan was thought to rule the entire country (A Description of Tangier; the Country and People Adjoyning with an Account of the Person and Government of Gayland, the Present Usurper of the Kingdom of Fez (London, 1664); Routh, Tangier, 1–11). See Ogilby, John, Africa being an Accurate Description of the Regions of Aegypt, Barbary, Libya, and Billedulgerid (London, 1970)Google Scholar.

2 The marriage treaty was signed on 23 June 1661. Portugal later ceded its Moroccan enclave of Ceuta to Spain by the Treaty of Lisbon, 1 January 1668, which also confirmed Portuguese independence.

3 Edward Hyde, 1st earl of Clarendon, The Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon, 3 vols (Oxford, 1759), III. 313; Pepys, Diary, IV. 319; VIII. 289; Ollard, Cromwell's Earl, 44–45; Meakin, Land of the Moors, 119–120; Thurloe State Papers, VI. 505; Luke, Tangier, 59–60, 127, 160, 194, 209–210; Hornstein, 8, 155–160, 207–208; Glickman, ‘Empire’, 247–280; Riley, Last Ironsides, 35–41; Childs, Army of Charles II, 163–164; David Abulafia, The Great Sea: A Human History of the Mediterranean (London, 2012), 491–494; Stein, ‘Tangier in the Restoration empire’, 988, 997; Fernando de Meneses, Historia de Tangere (Lisbon, 1732), 242–264. See App. A, FIENNES CLINTON, George.

4 The Battle of the Jew's River, 3 May 1664. See App. A, RUTHERFORD, Andrew;WITHAM, Edward.

5 See App. C.

6 An earlier diplomatic mission to Meknès had been a fiasco. Ambassador Lord Henry Howard (1628–1684), 6th duke of Norfolk from 1677, had arrived in Tangier on 11 August 1669 intending to travel to Fez, then the Moroccan capital, to negotiate a treaty of peace and commerce. Petrified at the prospect of leaving Tangier, he found every excuse to delay his embassy and eventually sailed for home on 9 July 1670 having achieved nothing (Elbl, Portuguese Tangier, 818; Routh, Tangier, 99–102, 283, 296; Luke, Tangier, 213; Hopkins, Letters, 18–19; Ken Parker, ‘Reading “Barbary” in early modern England, 1550–1685’, in Cultural Encounters between East and West, ed. Matthew Birchwood and Matthew Dimmock (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2005), 77–105; Wenceslaus Hollar, ‘View from Peterborough Tower. Tangier Castle’, September 1669, BL, SL.5214.20).

7 Letters 6, 118, 125, 147.

8 Letter 67. Written communications between London and Tangier were highly vulnerable. Letters sent via the overland route through France and Spain took about three weeks but the dangers of interception and tampering were very high. A sea passage, which took between two and eight weeks, depending upon weather and season, was obviously slower but preferred because it offered greater security. All correspondence was routinely sent in duplicate and, sometimes, triplicate.

9 Sources of intelligence were few and unreliable. Information about Morocco and its government, most of which was hearsay or otherwise uncorroborated, mainly emanated from the administration in Tangier, merchants, ships’ masters, officers of the Royal Navy's Straits Squadron, and the English consuls in Lisbon, Cadiz, Algiers, Tripoli, and Sallee.

10 Letters 22, 48, 106. Other interested parties were more astute. During 1682, the Dutch purchased a treaty of peace and commerce for 600 quintals of gunpowder and a richly appointed state coach while a French envoy hovered about Meknès promising considerable rewards if Moulay Ismail agreed to participate in a joint Franco-Moroccan attack on Tangier. To maintain communication between her Mediterranean and Atlantic fleets via the Straits of Gibraltar, France pursued a forward policy in Morocco, helping with the construction of Meknès and providing military consultancy. Dutch interests in the area were similar to those of England, i.e. assistance to maritime trade principally through the suppression of pirates (Alexander H. de Groot, ‘Ottoman North Africa and the Dutch Republic in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, Revue des mondes musselmans et de la Méditerranée, 39 (1980), 131–147).

11 The danger from the Barbary corsairs was ultimately contained by the employment of Royal Navy cruisers to convoy trade through the Straits of Gibraltar and the Western Mediterranean. When presented with fewer, easy English targets, the pirates switched their attention to the shipping of other states. Paper agreements and treaties proved consistently unproductive (Hornstein, 53–96, 209–211. See Peter Earle, Corsairs of Malta and Barbary (London, 1970); Bernard Capp, British Slaves and Barbary Corsairs, 1580–1750 (Oxford, 2022).

12 Mercer, 122–123.

13 Dalton, Army Lists, I. 279.

14 Although always known as the Treaty of Meknès, it was never ratified by Moulay Ismail (Childs, Kirke, 34–39; Routh, Tangier, 197–198; CO 279/26, fols 278–285. See Letters 1, 5).

15 Pepys, Tangier Papers, 91.

16 Letters 78, 98, 116, 129, 145; TNA AO 1/51/28; HMC, Dartmouth MSS, V. 28–29. See App. A, BLAND, John; NORWOOD, Henry.

17 Forts Fountain, Cambridge, Pole, Whitehall, and Whitby; the ramparts; ditch; York Castle; the citadel, or Upper Castle; and Peterborough Tower (HMC, Dartmouth MSS, I. 76–77).

18 Letter 98.

19 Letters 25, 30, 35, 44, 55, 56, 73, 76, 89, 116. Most absentees returned on 3 March 1683.

20 Letters 76, 78.

21 Letters 2, 22, 66, 76, 80, 81, 83, 135, 136,141.

22 Letters 67, 70, 94, 145.

23 Moroccan-Tangerine relations were based upon an amalgam of expedient extractions from Sackville's six-month truce, Moulay Ismail's offer of a four-year ceasefire, and the unratified Treaty of Meknès, none of which was legally binding. This unsatisfactory situation endured until the evacuation (HMC, Dartmouth MSS, I. 77; Hopkins, Letters, 23–30; Tangier Texts, 245–251. See Letter 34).

24 Mercer, 134. See Robert Rézette, Spanish Enclaves in Morocco (Paris, 1976); Letters 6, 28, 34.

25 Moulay Ismail had suggested Christopher Monck, 2nd duke of Albemarle (1653–1688), whom Ben Haddu had met and liked while in London, as a suitable ambassador (CSPD, 1682, 560, 2 December 1682).

26 i.e. the alcaid of Alcazar.

27 Tangier Texts, 237–241, 3 March 1683; Stein, ‘Tangier in the Restoration empire’, 987; Hopkins, Letters, 24–25; CO 279/31, fo. 113, 27 October 1682; Letters 110, 116, 125. See App. A, BONAN.

28 CO 279/30, fo. 353. Kirke thought that this letter was forged by al-Hajj Mohammed Lucas and accordingly disregarded it. Nevertheless, even if the contents were fictitious the sentiments expressed were not and it had considerable impact in Whitehall (Routh, Tangier, 232; Letter 144).

29 Tangier Texts, 241; Routh, Tangier, 357–358.

30 Principally, Sir John Narborough (c.1640–1688), 1675–1679, and Arthur Herbert, 1679–1683 (Davis, Queen's, I. 261; Hornstein, 106, 155–208. See Letter 89).

31 Between December 1682 and December 1683, disease, alcohol, desertion, accident, and enemy action reduced the garrison from 3,411 to 2,299 men.

32 CO 279/26, fo 183; Anchitell Grey, The Debates of the House of Commons, 1667–1694, 10 vols (London, 1769), VIII. 96–102; His Majesty's Most Gracious Speech To both Houses of Parliament, on Wednesday 15th of December, 1680 (London, 1680), 4.

33 Tangier's establishment had cost £42,338 12s 3d in 1678 (Glickman, ‘Empire’, 249; CTB, 1661–1685, 1009–1111).

34 Letters 65, 93, 139.

35 Meakin, Land of the Moors, 129; Routh, Tangier, 242–246.

36 CSPD, 1683, 331–332, 20 June 1683; Pepys, Tangier Papers, 16–17. Pepys continued to refer to ‘Governor Kirke’, despite his demotion.

37 Mercer, 139. See App. A, PHILLIPS, Thomas.

38 See Childs, Kirke; App. A, KIRKE, Percy.

39 PROB 11/493/209, 13 March 1707; PROB 11/723/475, 23 February 1743; Harleian Society, X. 357, 362; CJ, XXIV. 74; Childs, Kirke, 187–188.

40 Maclagan, Michael, ‘The Family of Dormer in Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire’, Oxoniensia, 11 (1946), 90101Google Scholar; Baker, Samuel, A Catalogue of the Genuine and Elegant Library of Sir Clement Cottrell Dormer (London, 1764)Google Scholar; Hazen, Allen T., A Catalogue of Horace Walpole's Library, 3 vols (New Haven, 1969), II. 390Google Scholar.

41 The Letter Book was sold along with two tomes of Constantinople correspondence that had been collected by Sir Julius Caesar (1558–1636). Paterson, Samuel, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Right Honourable and Right Worshipful Sir Julius Caesar, Knight (London, 1757), 6Google Scholar; Robins, George, Catalogue of the Classic Contents of Strawberry Hill collected by Horace Walpole (London, 1842), 79Google Scholar; Phillipps, Sir Thomas, Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum in Bibliotheca D. Thomae Phillipps Bt (London, 1837), 203Google Scholar.

42 Catalogue of the First Portion of the Famous Library of the late Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart. F.R.S. (London, 1886).

43 W.S. Lewis founded the Lewis Walpole Library in 1940 at his home, Cowles House, Farmington, Connecticut.

44 Smith, Warren Hunting, ‘The Manuscript Collections at the Lewis Walpole Library’, Yale University Library Gazette, 55 (1982), 5354Google Scholar; Munby, A.N.L., Portrait of an Obsession (New York, 1967), 56Google Scholar; Munby, A.N.L., The Catalogues of Manuscripts & Printed Books of Sir Thomas Phillipps (Cambridge, 1951), 27Google Scholar; Munby, A.N.L., The Dispersal of the Phillipps Collection (Cambridge 1960)Google Scholar; Burrows, Toby, ‘Manuscripts of Sir Thomas Phillipps in North American Institutions’, Manuscript Studies, I (2016), 312314, 327Google Scholar; Peltier, Karen V., ‘Additions and Corrections to Hazen's “A Catalogue of Horace Walpole's Library” ’, Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 78 (1984), 473488CrossRefGoogle Scholar.