This study analyzes variations in the incidence of state involvement in investment treaty arbitration in Latin America and the Caribbean over the 1987–2014 period. Its main contributions are fourfold. First, by focusing on the balance of incentives and opportunities facing political leaders and foreign investors, the study establishes a new basis for understanding the reasons actors opt for the risks and uncertainties of international arbitration instead of resolving international investment disputes via alternative means. Second, by restricting the focus of research to the Latin American region, the study is able to move beyond the analysis of relatively time-invariant structural and institutional conditions and crude indicators to address the role played by the preferences of political actors. Third, by disaggregating disputes by sector of investment, the analysis documents the variable role of ideology and electoral incentives in investment treaty arbitration. Finally, by underlining the distinctiveness of the Latin American experience with investment treaty arbitration, the study offers new insights into the global backlash against investment treaty arbitration, which has gone farther in the region than anywhere else. Overall, the results underline the potential payoffs of breaking down the international experience with investment treaty arbitration into regional patterns to obtain a deeper and more granular understanding of the political economy of investor-state dispute settlement.

As both a focus and locus of vibrant scholarly work, the field of Bolivian studies burst onto the international scene, carving a distinctive niche for itself within the larger fields of Andean and Latin American studies over the past twenty-five years. Bolivia went from being the hemisphere’s “least studied” country, according to a 1984 LASA Forum survey, to becoming a beacon of intercultural dialogue, vanguard scholarship, and postcolonial debate. This essay traces Bolivian studies’ coming of age. Plotting the field’s developments and dialogues across history, anthropology, and ethnohistory, it argues that a dual process of academic decentering and epistemic reinvention unfolded in Bolivia at the height of its indigenous and popular mobilizations during the 1990s and early 2000s. The article closes by identifying five thematic clusters of recent research and briefly reflects on the place of Bolivian scholarship in the wider purview of Andean studies.

On March 14, 2008, Granma started publication of a new section entitled Cartas a la dirección, which printed letters to the editor containing complaints, criticisms, and suggestions. The section rapidly grew in popularity and became the most closely read portion of the Friday paper. This essay engages with three related questions that have theoretical relevance beyond the specific case of Cuba. First, why would the flagship newspaper in a communist regime solicit citizen letters? Second, why would some of these letters be printed? And third, why would news media seek out responses to the letters and comment on unsatisfactory responses? This essay argues that in Cuba, as in other communist regimes, published complaint letters have two functions: the simple printing of select letters facilitates the collective letting off of steam, whereas the publication of responses to the letters by the authorities that were responsible for the infractions outlined in the initial complaint allows the regime to demonstrate that it takes popular input seriously. Therefore, Cartas a la dirección serves as a nonelectoral mechanism of accountability.

This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries’ policy-making capacity in presidential regimes. Using the concept of family resemblance, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition, whereas the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on either of the latter dimensions, the stronger is the capacity of the foreign ministry to influence the chief executive and to contest other players’ policy preferences. To empirically validate our concept, we measure the three dimensions in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico between 1946 and 2015 using data on diplomats’ recruitment and career paths, influence of diplomatic schools and doctrines, appointment patterns of foreign ministers, and relevance of presidential diplomacy, with an emphasis on travels abroad. Our analysis indicates that Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico enjoy a high level of professionalization of their diplomatic corps; however, differences—both across countries and over time—remain regarding institutional attributions and presidential delegation.

Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders “back home,” are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. Moreover, emigrants and individuals in the country of origin do not vary in the extent to which ideological preferences are used to judge presidents, which is a key marker of political sophistication. These results suggest that in the context of Mexican and Colombian politics, living abroad does not markedly diminish the potential for effective democratic engagement.

Este artigo investiga o impacto da diversidade de denominações religiosas de cunho evangélico no nível municipal sobre a proporção de votos obtidos pelos deputados eleitos que representam esse grupo demográfico. Para alcançar tais propósitos, utilizamos dados demográficos e eleitorais, assim como relativos à composição da bancada evangélica no congresso para as eleições de 2014. Comparamos o efeito da diversidade confessional nos municípios entre dois grupos de deputados eleitos: evangélicos e não-evangélicos. Verificamos que quanto o maior número de igrejas evangélicas com representação no município, maior a proporção de votos obtida pelos deputados evangélicos. O controle do efeito da diversidade confessional no desempenho eleitoral pelos outros parlamentares também nos permitiu confirmar que o efeito observado era exclusivo de deputados evangélicos, não sendo reproduzido em outros representantes. Os resultados aportam evidências empíricas consistentes a favor da hipótese de que existe complementaridade entre denominações religiosas no que se refere ao voto.

This article argues that descriptive representation, or demographic similarities between legislators and the public, can provide effective substantive representation of citizens’ concerns. We examine representation through the lens of opinion congruence or alignment in the policy preferences of legislators and citizens sharing various identities. Congruence may result from shared material interests or from self-selection into an identity group on the basis of policy views, but it can also be a product of networks and organizations that socialize masses and elites into a common worldview. Though political parties were historically the most important agents of political socialization, we argue that religious organizations constitute a more powerful socializing force in many new democracies. Examining the case of Brazil, we draw on three legislative surveys and fifteen mass surveys to analyze congruence across seven issue areas. Legislators and voters from underrepresented groups—women, Afro-Brazilians, evangelical Christians, and those of lower social class—are generally closer in their opinions than those sharing a party or electoral district. Evangelicals are often the most congruent. Analyzing original surveys of congregations and clergy, we argue that this finding results from the socializing role of churches.

O objetivo deste trabalho será testar qual o efeito de ser eleito para um cargo público sobre o patrimônio individual. Sendo mais preciso, iremos estimar o efeito de ser eleito para o cargo de prefeito no Brasil sobre o total de bens declarados pelos candidatos no futuro. Para isso utilizaremos modelos de regressão descontínua comparando os pares de candidatos que foram eleitos e que não foram eleitos em eleições apertadas e que se reapresentaram na eleição subsequente para o mesmo cargo. Os resultados sugerem que ser eleito a um cargo público não tem efeito sobre a quantidade de bens declarada pelos candidatos. Eleitos e não eleitos em eleições acirradas apresentam um patrimônio semelhante após os primeiros exercerem o cargo de prefeito. Além disso, esse resultado não varia conforme a filiação partidária, região ou experiência política do candidato. Também não encontramos efeitos sobre o patrimônio dos familiares e nem efeitos de longo prazo.

América Latina es la región más afectada por la delincuencia en el mundo. Poco, sin embargo, se sabe sobre los costos sociales que esta genera. En este estudio, se emplearon seis rondas del Barómetro de las Américas (2004–2014) y el método de emparejamiento estadístico con el objetivo de estimar el costo de la victimización sobre la percepción de inseguridad, capital social y percepción de la democracia para 16 países de la región. Los resultados muestran que el costo de la victimización se expande a diversos aspectos sociales, afectando en mayor proporción a las mujeres. Además de incrementar la percepción de inseguridad y reducir la legitimidad y confianza en las instituciones encargadas de luchar contra la delincuencia, la desconfianza se desplaza a instituciones sin este rol, a terceros y afecta la propia percepción del barrio. En lo positivo, la victimización incentiva la participación en organizaciones, aunque especialmente en los grupos de menores ingresos y mayores recursos comunales.

In recent years, citizen-run anti-crime organizations have brought important challenges to Mexico and other Latin American countries. Under what circumstances are citizens more likely to seek out their neighbors to confront crime directly? I argue that when citizens do not trust state authorities, their perception of the trustworthiness of their community can increase their likelihood of engaging in anti-crime organization attempts. I analyze data from Mexico and find that an average citizen’s perception of the trustworthiness of his/her neighbors correlates with his/her likelihood of engaging in an anti-crime organization attempt. Further, consistent with the main argument of this paper, I find this link to be stronger among those who distrust the police. These findings contribute by bringing back citizens’ relation to the state as an important moderating force in society, and helping us understand when social trust can translate into controversial forms of state substitution.

Twenty-five years have passed since Haiti’s first free and fair elections. In that time, democratization has been slow and there have been many setbacks. This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament.

What are the factors behind citizen support for the use of extralegal violence in Latin America? The prevailing argument is that, in countries overwhelmed by skyrocketing levels of criminal violence, people endorse the use of extralegal violence as a way to cope with insecurity. Other scholars believe that support for extralegal violence is the result of state withdrawal and failure. Few empirical studies, however, have tested any of these arguments. In this article, using regional data from the 2012 AmericasBarometer, we examine different explanations regarding citizen support for the utilization of extralegal violence in Latin America and the Caribbean. We developed a multi-item scale that gauges support for different forms of extralegal violence across the Americas, and we hypothesize that support for extralegal violence is higher not only in countries with extreme levels of violence but especially in countries in which people distrust the political system. Results indicate that support for extralegal violence is significantly higher in societies characterized by little support for the existing political system.

Do conditional cash transfers (CCTs) lead to increased participation in multiple political activities in Latin America? If CCTs contribute to broad political participation, how do CCTs increase participation in a wide variety of political activities? I argue that CCTs boost political participation through resource effects, and that both the cash transfers and the conditionalities play an important role in shaping political activity among beneficiaries. Using an original data set from Mexico and existing survey data from nine Latin American countries, I analyze the relationship between CCTs and political participation and examine the hypothesized pathway. The results support my argument.

This article analyses how religious orientations and ideological preferences have coevolved in Chilean society between 1998 and 2014. On the basis of the premise that people experience religion heterogeneously, we develop four hypotheses that describe possible changes in the association between these two variables. Using data from yearly national probability surveys and multinomial regression models, we obtain two general results. First, we observe a general process of political “dealignment,” whereby the proportion of the population, religious and irreligious, that ceases to identify with ideological positions strongly increases. Second, the magnitude of this dealignment is moderated by religious denomination and frequency of church attendance. Irreligious people have ceased to identify with ideological positions at higher rates than Evangelicals and Catholics, whereas frequently attending Catholics have become more reluctant than nonattending Catholics to abandon their traditional right-wing preferences. These results imply that as Catholics have reduced their size in the population, they have also become more politically heterogeneous.

We analyze class structures in Latin America from a sociological perspective, defining social classes as labor market positions. We propose an adaptation of the Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero (EGP) class schema, which has become a standard in advanced industrialized countries but presents some limitations in accounting for labor relations in Latin America. Then, we use recent survey data for nine Latin American countries to delineate a map of current class structures and explore the association between social class and social/economic conditions. Our results indicate that class structures differ significantly not only between Latin America and advanced industrialized nations but also among Latin American countries. There is also a close association between class membership and socioeconomic conditions, including social protection and the risk of poverty. These results suggest that a sociological approach to social class is still pertinent to understanding the relationships among productive structures, labor markets, and living conditions in Latin America.

Importantes protestas laborales ocurrieron en la minería latinoamericana en la última década. Este articulo compara las movilizaciones de contratistas en Chile y Perú, analizando por qué, a pesar de varias similitudes entre países, surgieron diferencias en sus dinámicas sindicales. En el primer caso, los sindicatos perduraron en el tiempo y coordinaron a nivel nacional, mientras que en el segundo las protestas no culminaron en organizaciones sólidas o articuladas. Sobre la base de entrevistas y trabajo de archivo, argumento que es crucial entender la permanencia de los líderes sindicales y sus redes políticas en Chile, y la precariedad no sólo laboral, sino organizativa, del caso peruano.

La tensión entre diferentes subjetividades articuladas por la clase social, las performances de género y la homosociabilidad urbana dieron forma a las expresiones culturales y estrategias militantes de los homosexuales argentinos entre las décadas de 1950 y 1980. El modelo homófilo (de “amor al igual,” denominación predominante entre los movimientos homosexuales de los cincuenta y sesenta) de políticas de la respetabilidad y el activismo liberacionista de ruptura con el orden moral burgués estaban enraizados en la conflictiva relación entre los “entendidos”, o u homosexuales de clase media o alta que valoraban el decoro y la masculinidad autodisciplinada, y las “maricas” de clase trabajadora que proyectaban una feminidad sexualizada y hedonista. Las relaciones con el movimiento sexo-disidente transnacional emanaron de y resaltaron el potencial político de estas subjetividades. Al mismo tiempo, el contexto represivo de mediados de los años setenta llevó a un fortalecimiento de las redes de solidaridad internacional, que contribuyeron a la continuidad de las luchas del Frente de Liberación Homosexual de la Argentina tras su disolución en 1976.

El presente artículo analiza cómo una serie de grupos de capitales argentinos —que a fines de la década del 90 estaban por fuera de las cien empresas de mayores ventas— lograron importantes crecimientos de facturación a partir del año 2003. Esto resulta llamativo, teniendo en cuenta que el contexto general estuvo signado, durante buena parte del mismo, por la extranjerización de varios de los grupos de mayor tamaño. Más allá de la alta atención recibida por parte de la prensa, en especial por la vinculación de parte de estos grupos con el gobierno de turno, desde el ámbito académico no existen trabajos que analicen su crecimiento en forma exhaustiva. El objetivo de este artículo es dar cuenta de este fenómeno, identificando y analizando los vectores de crecimiento de los nuevos grupos.

The ethnographic study of tourism in Latin America and the Caribbean offers the opportunity to examine the ways that racial ideologies perpetuate social inequality, debunking the myth of racial democracy in countries such as Brazil. In the case of Brogodó, in Bahia, Brazil, structural inequality and racial ideology limit the equal participation of Brazilians of African descent in the local ecotourism industry. This article draws on evidence from ethnographic research to investigate the relationship of structural inequality, racial ideology, and cultural and symbolic capital. In the ecotourism industry, employer discourses emphasizing the limits of local community members’ cultural capital conceal their preference for employees exhibiting both the habitus and phenotypic traits associated with whiteness, reflecting broader social and economic practices that discriminate against African-descendent Brazilians. The ability to naturalize habitus and disguise racial ideology behind discussions of education and qualifications reflects employers’ and members of the dominant classes’ symbolic power.