Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-c4f8m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-20T07:04:06.377Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Photographic Encounters: Martín Chambi, Indigeneity and Chile–Peru Relations in the Early Twentieth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 July 2018

Joanna Crow
Joanna Crow*
Affiliation:
Senior Lecturer, Latin American Studies, University of Bristol
*
*Corresponding author. Email: jo.crow@bristol.ac.uk
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

In 1936, the indigenous Peruvian photographer Martín Chambi travelled to and exhibited his work in Chile. Using a transnational framework of historical analysis, this article explores the multiple meanings of his visit. In particular it underscores the involvement of the Chilean and Peruvian governments in this cultural encounter, and highlights some of the commonalities and connections, as well as differences, between the discourses of race that were circulating in Chile and Peru at the time. This is important because it undermines the dominant historical narratives, which have tended to present Chile as a country that – in contrast to Peru – failed to engage in discussions about the so-called ‘indigenous question’, and which have interpreted relations between Chile and Peru almost exclusively as antagonistic and hostile.

Spanish abstract

En 1936, el fotógrafo peruano indígena Martín Chambi viajó y exhibió su trabajo en Chile. Utilizando un marco transnacional de análisis histórico, este artículo explora los múltiples significados de su visita. Se subraya particularmente el involucramiento de los gobiernos chileno y peruano en este encuentro cultural, y se identifican algunas de las cuestiones en común y conexiones, así como las diferencias, que existían entre los discursos de raza que estaban circulando en Chile y Perú en ese momento. Este hallazgo es importante porque debilita las narrativas históricas dominantes que han tendido a presentar a Chile como un país que – al contrario de Perú – fracasó en involucrarse en la discusión de la llamada ‘cuestión indígena’ y que han interpretado las relaciones entre Perú y Chile casi exclusivamente como antagónicas y hostiles.

Portuguese abstract

Em 1936, Martín Chambi, um fotógrafo peruano indígena, visitou e exibiu seus trabalhos no Chile. Através do uso de uma abordagem transnacional de análise histórica, esse artigo explora os múltiplos significados de sua visita. Em particular, ressalta o envolvimento dos governos do Chile e do Peru nesse encontro cultural e destaca algumas das semelhanças e conexões, e também diferenças, entre os discursos de raça que circulavam no Chile e no Peru na época. Essa análise é importante porque enfraquece as narrativas históricas dominantes, que tendem a apresentar o Chile como um país que – ao contrário do Peru – tem falhado em envolver-se em discussões sobre a assim chamada ‘questão indígena’ e que também interpretam o relacionamento entre Chile e Peru quase que exclusivamente como antagonista e hostil.

Keywords

ChambiChilePeruindigenoustransnationalencounterChambiChilePerúindígenatransnacionalencuentroChambiChilePeruindígenatransnacionalencontro
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 51 , Issue 1 , February 2019 , pp. 31 - 58
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Spitta, Silvia, ‘Monumentally Indian: The Photography of Edward Curtis and the Cuzco School of Photography’, Comparative American Studies, 11: 2 (2013), p. 180CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Excélsior (Cuzco), 4 Dec. 1927. For a brief overview of Chambi's life story see Camp, Roderic, ‘Martín Chambi: Photographer of the Andes’, Latin American Research Review, 13: 2 (1978), p. 224Google Scholar.

3 For example, Andrés Garay Albújar, Martín Chambi, por sí mismo (Pamplona: Universidad de Navarra, 2010), pp. 152–4; Michele Penhall, ‘The Invention and Reinvention of Martin Chambi’, History of Photography, 24: 2 (2000), p. 107; Edward Ranney, ‘The Legacy of Martin Chambi’, in Martin Chambi: Photographs, 1920–1950 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993), p. 11; Herman Schwarz, ‘Martín Chambi: Corresponsal gráfico, 1918–1929’, in Andrés Garay Albújar (ed.), Martín Chambi (Madrid: Fundación Telefónica, 2007), p. 31. These authors mention Chambi's trip to Chile, but the focus of their analysis lies elsewhere.

4 One major repercussion was the festering maritime border dispute, arbitrated by the International Court of Justice in 2013.

5 Carmen McEvoy and Ana María Stuven, La república peregrina: Hombres de letras y armas en América del Sur, 1800–1884 (Lima: IEP, 2007).

6 Eduardo Cavieres and Cristóbal Aljovín de Losada (eds.), Chile–Perú, Perú–Chile: 1820–1920: Desarrollos políticos, económicos y culturales (Valparaíso: Ediciones Universitarias de Valparaíso, 2005).

7 Sergio González and Daniel Parodi (eds.), Las historias que nos unen: Episodios positivos en las relaciones peruano-chilenas, siglos XIX y XX (Santiago: RIL Editores – Universidad Arturo Prat, 2013).

8 Paulo Drinot, ‘Website of Memory: The War of the Pacific in the Global Age of YouTube’, Memory Studies, 44: 4 (2011), pp. 370–5; and Stefanie Gänger, Relics of the Past: The Collecting and Study of Pre-Columbian Antiquities in Peru and Chile, 1837–1911 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

9 Drinot, ‘Website of Memory’, p. 378.

10 Gänger, Relics of the Past, pp. 206–7.

11 Jo Guldi and David Armitage, The History Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 15.

12 The 1883 Treaty of Ancón stipulated that Chile was to maintain control of the provinces of Arica and Tacna for the next ten years. At the end of this period, the local population was supposed to decide whether to be Chilean or Peruvian by plebiscite. For a variety of reasons, however, the plebiscite never took place. In 1929, a final settlement, the Tacna and Arica Treaty, allowed Tacna to be reincorporated into Peruvian territory, whilst Arica remained Chilean. See William Skuban, Lines in the Sand: Nationalism and Identity on the Chilean–Peruvian Frontier (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), which opens with the words of Ríos Gallardo.

13 Hoy (Santiago), No. 223, 25 Feb. 1936.

14 El Pueblo (Arequipa), 19 April 1947.

15 Interview with Martín Chambi, ‘El alma quechua alienta en los cuadros de un artista vernáculo’, Hoy, No. 224, 4 March 1936, p. 1.

16 Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002), p. 109; Erika Beckman, ‘The Creolization of Imperial Reason: Chilean State Racism in the War of the Pacific’, Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies, 18: 1 (2009), pp. 73–90.

17 Seemin Qayum, ‘Indian Ruins, National Origins: Tiwanaku and Indigenismo in La Paz, 1897–1933’, in Laura Gotkowitz (ed.), Histories of Race and Racism: The Andes and Mesoamerica from Colonial Times to the Present (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2011), p. 160.

18 According to cultural historian Jorge Larraín, Chile never really developed an indigenista movement, at least not in the early twentieth century. He acknowledges that several prominent Chilean intellectuals wrote about the ‘indigenous question’ but claims such writings were limited to anthropology scholarship and had limited impact. It was not until the 1980s, Larraín says, that a significant number of authors began to show an interest in the subject. See his Identidad chilena (Santiago: Ediciones LOM, 2001), pp. 232–3.

19 Angel Rama, trans. by David Frye, Writing across Culture: Narrative Transculturation in Latin America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012), p. 95.

20 Cited in Priscilla Archibald, Imagining Modernity in the Andes (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2011), p. 25.

21 Joanna Crow, The Mapuche in Modern Chile: A Cultural History (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 2013), especially chapters 2 and 3.

22 Tomás Guevara, Rodolfo Lenz and José Felix de Augusta were of a slightly earlier period, writing their best-known works on Mapudungun between 1890 and 1910, but these were republished in new editions long after their deaths.

23 For example, Gabriela Mistral, ‘Música araucana’, La Nación (Buenos Aires), 17 April 1932, p. 82. Pablo Neruda also took an interest in the Mapuche, and was reprimanded by Chilean state authorities when, as Consul in Mexico City in 1940, he published a magazine called Araucanía, with a Mapuche woman on the front cover.

24 Andrés Donoso Romo, Educación y nación al sur de la frontera: Organizaciones mapuches en el umbral de nuestra contemporaneidad, 1880–1930 (Santiago: Pehuén, 2008).

25 On the annual Araucanian Congresses organised by Manuel Aburto Panguilef, see André Menard and Jorge Pavez, ‘El Congreso Araucano: Ley, raza y escritura en la política mapuche’, Política, 44 (2005), pp. 211–32.

26 ‘Participación del Comité Indígena antenoche en la recepción del candidato señor Alessandri’, El Diario Austral (Temuco), 28 Sept. 1931.

27 ‘Martín Chambi, el genial artista de la luz’, El Pueblo (Arequipa), 19 April 1947.

28 Hoy, 4 March 1936.

29 ‘Martín Chambi, reliquia del Arte Fotográfico del Cuzco. El artista del paisaje cumple Bodas de Oro’, El Pueblo (Arequipa), 24 June 1958, p. 13.

30 Ibid.

31 El Sol (Cuzco), 15 June 1958.

32 Deborah Poole, Vision, Race and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 10.

33 Lima was home to approximately 500,000 people by this time.

34 Camp, ‘Martín Chambi’, p. 224.

35 Tom Cummins, ‘A Tale of Two Cities: Cuzco, Lima and the Construction of Colonial Representation’, in Diana Fane (ed.), Converging Cultures: Art and Identity in Spanish America (New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1996), pp. 157–71; Edward Ranney, ‘New Light on the Cusco School: Juan Manuel Figueroa Aznar and Martín Chambi’, History of Photography, 24: 2 (2000), p. 113.

36 As noted by Spitta, the city had a faster connection to Buenos Aires than did Lima at the time (‘Monumentally Indian’, pp. 173–4).

37 See Marisol de la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000), p. 137.

38 Ibid., p. 129.

39 The Socialist Party was renamed the Communist Party in 1930. Robert J. Alexander notes the historic strength of Communism in Cuzco, and claims this dated from the early 1930s, when Eudosio Rabines – Secretary General of the Partido Comunista Peruano (Peruvian Communist Party, PCP) – ‘had considerable success proselytising among the Indians there’. See A History of Organised Labor in Peru and Ecuador (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007), p. 72. The hostile political climate of the second half of the 1930s limited the capacity of both the PCP and APRA to influence the labour movement (many leaders were jailed or sent into exile), but recruitment efforts continued nonetheless. See Paulo Drinot, ‘Creole Anti-Communism: Labor, the Peruvian Communist Party and APRA, 1930–1934’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 92: 4 (2012), pp. 703–36. For more focused works on Communism in Cuzco, see José Luis Renique, Sueños de la sierra: Cusco en el siglo XX (Lima: Centro Peruano de Estudios Sociales, 1991) and Julio Gutiérrez, Así nació la cruz roja: Contribución a su historia política, 1924–1934 (Cuzco: J. G. Gutiérrez, 1986).

40 Robert Levine, Images of History: Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Latin American Photographs as Documents (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 1989), p. 65.

41 De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, p. 132.

42 ‘Granadas de mano: En casa de Martín Chambi’, El Tiempo (Cuzco), 16 Aug. 1936.

43 Levine, Images of History, p. 65.

44 Jorge Coronado, The Andes Imagined: Indigenismo, Society and Modernity (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009).

45 Archibald, Imagining Modernity, pp. 25 and 50.

46 James Scorer, ‘Andean Self-Fashioning: Martin Chambi, Photography and the Ruins at Machu Picchu’, History of Photography, 38: 4 (2014), pp. 379–97.

47 For example, ‘El artista Martín Chambi viajará a Chile’, Los Andes (Cuzco), 23 Jan. 1936.

48 ‘Artista peruano fue recibido por el Sr. Alessandri’ was the title of the article in La Nación, 5 May 1936.

49 Zig-Zag, of 8 May 1936, affirmed that Chilean state authorities had ‘provided all that Chambi needs for his tour around the south’.

50 ‘El artista Martín Chambi’. Albert Giesecke, rector of San Antonio Abad University, was labouring tirelessly at this time to make ‘the archaeological value of Cuzco and its environs known worldwide’ (Spitta, ‘Monumentally Indian’, p. 180). The same year that Chambi visited Chile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs entrusted Giesecke with the promotion of Peru abroad.

51 ‘Martín Chambi, artista de la fotografía, debe llegar hoy’, La Prensa (Osorno), 6 April 1936.

52 After three years of de facto civil war under Luis Sánchez Cerro, many Peruvians hoped Benavides would succeed in restoring civil order. Initially, he declared amnesty for numerous political prisoners and set about instituting social reforms, but this brief political opening was over by the end of 1934. See Kathleen Weaver, Peruvian Rebel: The World of Magda Portal (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009), pp. 119–20.

53 As detailed by Drinot, Peruvian policy makers studied the Chilean Social Security Law of 1935–6, and Chileans followed closely certain elements of the Benavides government's statist social action programme, particularly its ‘Restaurantes populares’ initiative. See The Allure of Labor: Workers, Race, and the Making of the Peruvian State (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011), pp. 180, 189–90 and 199–200.

54 Frederick Pike, FDR's Good Neighbor Policy: Sixty Years of Generally Gentle Chaos (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1995), p. 152.

55 Comisión Chilena de Cooperación Intelectual, 22 años de labor: 1930–1952 (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1953), p. 5.

56 For this reason, Ranney claims that ‘how Chambi saw himself as an artist is still best indicated by selected newspaper interviews and the titles and print lists of several exhibitions he presented’ (and he explicitly includes Santiago here). See ‘The Legacy of Martin Chambi’, p. 10.

57 Fotografías Artísticas de Martín Chambi J. Motivos de Cuzco (Santiago: Imprenta Bureau Gráfico, 1936).

58 Garay Albújar, Martín Chambi, pp. 150–1.

59 Ibid.

60 ‘La embajada cuzqueña’, El Diario (La Paz), 29 Jan. 1931.

61 ‘De arte: La exposición de Martín Chambi y Francisco Olazo’, La Crónica (Lima), 26 March 1935.

62 Teo Allain Chambi, ‘La herencia de un archivo’, in Garay Albújar (ed.), Martín Chambi, p. 21.

63 Penhall, ‘The Invention and Reinvention of Martin Chambi’, pp. 106–12.

64 Natalia Majluf, ‘“Ce n'est pas le Pérou” or the Failure of Authenticity: Marginal Cosmopolitans at the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1855’, Critical Enquiry, 23 (1997), pp. 868–93, here p. 873.

65 In his notebooks, reproduced by Garay Albújar (Martín Chambi, pp. 281–308), Chambi collected 87 dedications from people who visited him in Cuzco, or whom he met whilst travelling. Of these, 31 described Chambi as an artist (often a ‘great’ or ‘distinguished’ artist, sometimes Peru's ‘greatest artist’) and his photography as an art form. Clearly, the relationship between photography and art was an issue of great debate in early-twentieth-century Peru. On Chambi's training as a photographer, see Adelma Benavente García, ‘The Cusco School: Photography in Southern Peru, 1900–1930’, History of Photography, 24: 2 (2000), pp. 101–5.

66 For example, Hoy of 4 March 1936, Las Últimas Noticias of 16 March 1936, La Nación of 21 March 1936, and Zig-Zag of 8 May 1936.

67 ‘La Nación inaugura esta tarde la exposición fotográfica del artista peruano Martín Chambi’, La Nación, 21 March 1936, p. 1.

68 Interview with Chambi, ‘El alma quechua’, p. 1.

69 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco a través de la fotografía’, Las Últimas Noticias, 16 March 1936.

70 Levine, Images of History, p. 67.

71 Hoy, 4 March 1936.

72 Seminario Nacional (Lima), 18 Aug. 1927.

73 Of the 87 dedications included in Chambi's notebooks, 30 either alluded to or emphatically underscored his indigenous roots.

74 De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, p. 8.

75 Quoted in Mauricio Verbal, ‘Martín Chambi: Poeta de la luz’, La Voz de Cuzco, 29 Jan. 1949.

76 In de la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, p. 143.

77 Poole, Vision, Race and Modernity, p. 190.

78 José Uriel García, ‘Martín Chambi, artista neoindígena’, Revista Excélsior, Aug. 1948, p. 17.

79 ‘Las ruinas incaicas en una colección de fotos’, El Mercurio, 24 Feb. 1936.

80 There are newspaper reports from Osorno and Puerto Montt confirming that he visited. I have not yet found any press coverage from Temuco or Valdivia, but the reports from Osorno and Puerto Montt make reference to these cities, saying that either he has come from, or is on his way to them.

81 ‘Artista peruano en fotografía nos visita’, El Llanquihue, 5 April 1936.

82 ‘Martín Chambi, artista peruano’, Zig-Zag, 8 May 1936, pp. 16–17.

83 Majluf, ‘Ce n'est pas le Pérou’, p. 892.

84 Penhall, ‘The Invention and Reinvention of Martín Chambi’, p. 107.

85 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

86 ‘Las ruinas incaicas’.

87 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

88 Juan Fernández, ‘El alma milenaria de las piedras alienta desde el fondo de Cuzco’, Revista Ercilla, 28 Feb. 1936.

89 El Sol, 26 July 1936.

90 ‘Martín Chambi, reliquia del Arte Fotográfico del Cuzco’, p. 13.

91 The term ‘patria’ has multiple meanings. Here it is not necessarily the Peruvian nation. It could be Chambi's place of origin or the place he feels at home; it could be Cuzco or the broader Andean region. Indeed, Cuzqueños often saw their region as very much opposed to the Peru of Lima and the coast. Chambi seems at least to connect his ‘patria’ and his ‘historic past’ to Peru, though, or to see it as part of Peru, in that he publicly speaks of its natural beauty as a way of bringing foreign tourists to Peru.

92 Geoffrey Schullenberger, ‘That Obscure Object of Desire: Machu Picchu as Myth and Commodity’, Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies, 17: 3 (2008), p. 321.

93 Ibid., p. 320.

94 Ibid.

95 This is the 51st entry in his personal notebooks (Garay Albújar, Martín Chambi, p. 295).

96 Schullenberger, ‘That Obscure Object of Desire’, p. 317.

97 Gänger, Relics of the Past, p. 201.

98 Ibid., p. 225.

99 Joanna Crow, ‘From Araucanian Warriors to Mapuche Terrorists: Contesting Discourses of Gender, Race and Nation in Modern Chile (1810–2010)’, Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, 20 (2014), p. 80.

100 Pablo Neruda, Confieso que he vivido [1974] (Madrid: Plaza & Janés, 1998), p. 220.

101 Ibid.

102 Pablo Neruda, Alturas de Macchu Picchu (Santiago: Nascimiento, 1954).

103 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

104 ‘La Nación inaugura esta tarde’.

105 For example, Valcárcel wrote the accompanying text for Cusco histórico: Homenaje a la ciudad de todos los tiempos en la cuarta centuria de su fundación española (Lima: La Crónica y Variedades, 1934).

106 Valcárcel, Tempestad en los Andes (Place: Publisher, 1927), cited in Alexandra Arellano, ‘The Inca Heritage Revival: Indigenismo in Cuzco, 1905–1945’, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 6: 1 (2008), p. 44.

107 Scorer, ‘Andean Self-Fashioning’, p. 388.

108 Ibid.

109 Poole, Vision, Race and Modernity, p. 191.

110 See also ‘Lo que los ojos no ven’, El Diario Ilustrado, 19 Feb. 1936.

111 Coronado, The Andes Imagined, p. 138.

112 ‘El indio’ became synonymous, across the Americas, with sadness and sorrow, due to the misfortunes that his ‘race’ had suffered since the conquest. And yet Majluf rightly points out the contrast between representations of the defeated Peruvian Indian as passive (politically neutralised) and the narratives of bellicose resistance associated with the Indians of southern Chile and northern Mexico. See Natalia Majluf, ‘The Creation of the Image of the Indian: The Paintings of Francisco Laso (1823–1869)’ (PhD Diss., University of Texas, 1994).

113 Eduardo Lira Espejo, ‘Martín Chambi transparenta en sus fotografías el espíritu cuzqueño’, Arquitectura (Santiago), No. 6, April 1936, p. 1.

114 Arellano, ‘The Inca Heritage Revival’, p. 46.

115 This is what delegates at the Araucanian Congress of 1936 agreed to do. Its organiser and chair, Manuel Aburto Panguilef, was deemed a Communist troublemaker for such actions and sent into internal exile on the island of Chiloé.

116 La Prensa (Lima), 24 March 1935.

117 Cited in Thomas M. Davies Jnr, ‘The Indigenismo of the Peruvian Aprista Party: A Reinterpretation’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 51: 4 (1971), p. 628. Following José Carlos Mariátegui, Haya envisaged Peru's ‘Indian problem’ as a fundamentally social, economic and political problem. Unlike Mariátegui, who argued that this problem would be resolved only through a Socialist revolution, Haya pushed – especially in the 1930s, by which time he had softened his protest rhetoric – for a moderate reform programme, including the conservation of the ‘comunidad’, revised work contracts between Indians and landowners, and the promotion of Indian small industries and crafts. Like many in Peru at the time, he claimed it was necessary to rescue the Indian from his state of ignorance, and that this was to be done through an education in trade and technical skills (ibid.). On Mariátegui's views on the ‘Indian problem’, see Marc Becker, ‘Mariátegui, the Comintern and the Indian Question in Latin America’, Science and Society, 74: 4 (2006), pp. 450–79.

118 Castellote, ‘Martín Chambi’, in Garay Albújar (ed.), Martín Chambi, p. 74.

119 Uriel García, ‘Martín Chambi, artista neoindígena’, p. 17.

120 See, for example, Mistral's aforementioned essay ‘Música araucana’.

121 Two key figures who stood out in this regard were Ricardo Latcham and Aureliano Oyarzun.

122 Exiled Aprista leader Manuel Seoane was director of (as well as writer for) the magazine.

123 Fernández, ‘El alma milenaria’.

124 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

125 See Drinot, The Allure of Labour (especially pp. 40–3), on early-twentieth-century Peruvian debates as to how suitable the Indian was for industrial labour. One view was that industrial work – symbolic of ‘civilisation’ – could redeem and help to ‘awaken’ the Indian; others saw indigeneity and labour as incompatible. Chambi's photographs largely depicted Indians as agricultural (rather than urban) labourers, but still we could read this as an assertion of their capacity for work.

126 Lira Espejo, ‘Martín Chambi’, p. 1.

127 Valcárcel's classic indigenista text, published in Lima by Editorial Minerva in 1927.

128 De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, p. 140.

129 For example, Patrick Barr Melej, Reforming Chile: Cultural Politics, Nationalism, and the Rise of the Middle Class (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2001).

130 On one particularly important (albeit disputed) event in this regard, see Florencia Mallon, ‘Victims and Emblems: Images of the Ranquil Massacre in Chilean National Narratives, 1934–2004’, Labor: Studies in Working Class History of the Americas, 8: 1 (2011), pp. 29–57.

131 Interview with Chambi, ‘El alma quechua’, p. 1. The term ‘mestizaje’ is used to refer to the process or discourse of cultural or racial (biological) mixing. In this case, the focus is on cultural mixing.

132 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

133 Tom Cummins, ‘A Tale of Two Cities’, p. 158.

134 De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, p. 131.

135 Florencia Mallon, ‘Constructing Mestizaje in Latin America: Authenticity, Marginality and Gender in the Claiming of Ethnic Identities’, Journal of Latin American Anthropology, 2: 1 (1996), p. 171.

136 Richards, , Race and the Chilean Miracle: Neoliberalism, Democracy, and Indigenous Rights (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2013)Google Scholar, p. 8.

137 Crow, The Mapuche in Modern Chile.

138 Mallon, ‘Constructing Mestizaje in Latin America’, pp. 171–2.

139 Ibid., p. 172.

140 Gänger, Relics of the Past, p. 236. Nicolás Palacios was a physician and writer, and author of Raza chilena, originally published in 1904.

141 Lira Espejo, ‘Martín Chambi’, p. 1.

142 Uriel García cited in ibid., p. 2.

143 Ibid., p. 2.

144 Viñuales, Rodrigo Gutiérrez, Cuzco–Buenos Aires: Ruta de la intelectualidad americana, 1900–1950 (Lima: Universidad de San Martín de Porras, 2009), p. 194CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

145 ‘Saludo a Uriel García’, Qué Hubo (Santiago), 2 Jan. 1940.

146 Cuzco: Capital arqueológico de Sudamérica (Buenos Aires: La Pampa, 1951), with photographs by Chambi and prologue by Uriel García.

147 ‘Grandeza del Viejo Cuzco’.

148 We are thus reminded of Poole's warning against understanding the gaze as a ‘singular or one-sided instrument of domination and control’ (Vision, Race and Modernity, p. 7).

149 ‘Martín Chambi, artista peruano’.

150 The fragmentary primary source material presented here proves only that Chambi took photographs of the southern region; I have yet to find any direct evidence that these were subsequently displayed in Peru. I plan to do more extensive research in Peruvian archives, particularly in Cuzco, and to combine this with research in Argentine and Bolivian archives, in order to expand my analysis of Chambi's transnational encounters.

151 ‘Martín Chambi y sus obras de arte’, La Tradición (Lima), 22 Aug. 1927.

152 Martín Chambi en Chile, fotografías 1922–1944 (Santiago: Museo de Bellas Artes, 1995).

153 Teo Allain Chambi, ‘La herencia de un archivo’, p. 28.

154 ‘Martín Chambi: La luz de la tierra’, 6 April–4 June 2016: https://antesantiago.wordpress.com/2016/06/02/martin-chambi-en-las-condes/; last access 28 March 2018.