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Foreign Finance in Argentina for the First Half-Century of Independence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Extract

Extreme nationalism and a web of conspiracy theories make it particularly difficult to distinguish history from myth for the experience of foreign finance in Argentina. Julio Irazusta agrees with Raúl Scalabrini Ortíz that the London Loan of 1824 (the Baring Loan) was part of a system of spoliation, on a continental scale, by which Britons and their Government exacted full payment for the recognition of the newly independent Republics. Ortega and Duhalde report a gentleman’s agreement between London bankers in the mid-1802s; Hispanic America was to be partitioned into spheres of influence and Baring Brothers were left with the River Plate. The British loans of the 1820s were intended to tie the new Republics firmly to Britain; default was welcome, since ‘guarantees’ could then be enforced by Britain's armed might. Baring Brothers are condemned for failing to pay up the full proceeds of the 1824 loan to Buenos Aires, for plotting to overthrow Juan Manuel de Rosas, for negotiating a harsh settlement of the debt in 1857, and for intervening in one way or another at every stage in the politics and economics of Argentina, even to the extent of promoting the Paraguayan War.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1983

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References

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9 Ibid. pp. 7, 9.

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21 The accounts in Buenos Aires have been examined and discussed by Ernesto, J. Fitte, Historia de ten Eméristito: La emisión de Baring Brothers en 1824 (Buenos Aires, 1962), chapter IV. Barings’ own accounts, which are complete, are in the archives of Baring Brothers & Co. Ltd., Guildhall Library, London (hereafter ‘Baring’), European Ledger and C. a/c A–L (31 December 1823 to 30 December 1824).Google Scholar

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52 Thomas, Baring to Norberto, de la Riestra, 12 04 1867. Ottawa, frame nos. 75789–90.Google Scholar

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68 Ibid., p. 529. Moreover, Mulhall was writing after four years of commercial and financial crisis during which (he said, unreliably) ‘more than 400 commercial houses in the River Plate alone have failed, for an aggregate sum often to fifteen millions sterling’ (p. 528)Google Scholar.

69 The figures are from Ernesto Tornquist & Co. Ltd., The Economic Development of the Argentine Republic in the last Fifty Years (Buenos Aires, 1919), p. 116.Google Scholar

70 Raül, Scalabrini Ortíz, Historia de los Ferrocarriles Argentinos (4th. ed., Buenos Aires, nd.), p. 18.Google Scholar

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77 Ferns, , Britain and Argentina, pp. 34–6, 344.Google Scholar

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81 Ibid.. p. 70.

82 Ricardo, M. Ortíz, El Ferrocarril en Ia Economía Argentina (2nd. ed., Buenos Aires, 1958), pp. 31–2. Yet, bearing in mind the size achieved by Argentina’s railway system, it is unrealistic to conclude, as does Ortíz, that state activities in railways ‘constituyan por si solos una actividad comparable a la desarrollada por los organismos ferroviarios de origen extranjero’. If possible, Scalabrini is even more unreliable in this respect.Google Scholar Raúl Scalabrini, Ortíz, Hisloria de los Ferrocarriles Argentinos (Buenos Aires, 1940), passim.Google Scholar

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