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Against a Continental Threat: Transnational Anti-Communist Networks of the Chilean Right Wing in the 1950s

  • Marcelo Casals (a1)

Abstract

Drawing on minutes, publications, diplomatic documents and the written press, I explore the transnational networks of the Chilean right wing within Latin America in the 1950s, especially around the four Congresses against Soviet Intervention in Latin America held in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, Lima and Antigua between 1954 and 1958. I argue that the Chilean right wing's participation in those networks alongside other Latin American like-minded actors was based on both its long local experience in fighting communism and its attachment to Cold War anti-communism. In these transnational spaces, some Chilean right-wingers gained recognition and prestige, as was the case with the conservative leader Sergio Fernández Larraín, largely thanks to his systematic denunciation of supposed Soviet penetration in the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR), then the ruling party in Bolivia.

A partir de minutas, publicaciones, documentos diplomáticos y prensa escrita, exploro las redes transnacionales de la derecha chilena en América Latina en los años 1950s, especialmente alrededor de los cuatro Congresos contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina llevados a cabo en la Ciudad de México, Río de Janeiro, Lima y Antigua entre 1954 y 1958. Argumento que la participación de la derecha chilena en esas redes junto a otros actores latinoamericanos afines se basó tanto en su experiencia local de larga data en su lucha contra el comunismo como en su conexión con el anticomunismo de la Guerra Fría. En estos espacios tradicionales, algunos derechistas chilenos obtuvieron reconocimiento y prestigio, como fue el caso del líder conservador Sergio Fernández Larraín, en gran parte gracias a su sistemática denuncia de la supuesta penetración soviética en el Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR), entonces en el poder en Bolivia.

Com base em atas de reuniões, publicações, documentos diplomáticos e da imprensa escrita, eu exploro as redes transnacionais da direita do Chile na América Latina dos anos 1950s, focando em particular nos quatro Congressos Contra a Intervenção Soviética na América Latina realizados na Cidade do México, Rio de Janeiro, Lima e Antígua entre 1954 e 1958. Argumento também que a integração da direita Chilena a estas redes, conjuntamente com outros agentes Latino Americanos semelhantes, foi devido à experiência da mesma em lutar contra o comunismo e sua ligação ao anticomunismo da Guerra Fria. Nestes espaços transnacionais, alguns membros da direita ganharam prestígio e reconhecimento, como foi o caso do líder conservador Sergio Fernández Larraín, em grande parte devido à denúncia sistemática da suposta penetração Soviética no Movimento Nacionalista Revolucionário (MNR), nesse momento o partido governista da Bolívia.

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*Corresponding author. E-mail: marcelo.casals@uai.cl.

References

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1 ‘Piden al Sr. Fernández Larraín que forme opinión para defensa de las islas Quemoy’, El Diario Ilustrado, 11 Oct. 1958, p. 4.

2 For empirical studies of and theoretical insights into the Latin American anti-communist tradition beyond classical geopolitical, US-centred approaches, see, among others, Drinot, Paulo, ‘Creole Anti-Communism: Labor, the Peruvian Communist Party, and APRA, 1930–1934’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 92: 4 (2012): pp. 703–36; and Joseph, Gilbert M., ‘What We Now Know and Should Know: Bringing Latin America More Meaningfully into Cold War Studies’, in Joseph, Gilbert M. and Spenser, Daniela (eds.), In from the Cold: Latin America's New Encounter with the Cold War (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2007).

3 Although with important differences between them, this is a common trait in works such as: Correa, Sofía, Con las riendas del poder: La derecha chilena en el siglo XX (Santiago: Editorial Sudamericana, 2005); de Zárate, Verónica Valdivia Ortiz, Nacionales y gremialistas: El ‘parto’ de la nueva derecha política chilena, 1964–1973 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2008); Apiolaza, Pablo Rubio, Los civiles de Pinochet: La derecha en el régimen militar chileno, 1983–1990 (Santiago: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, 2013); Pereira, Teresa, El Partido Conservador 1930–1965: Ideas, figuras y actitudes (Santiago: Fundación Mario Góngora, 1994). If anyone has been paying attention to this dimension of right-wing political practices, although limited to women's participation against the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) government (1970–3), it is Power, Margaret, Right-Wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende, 1964–1973 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002).

4 An important part of the historiography of the PC has emphasised its international dimension. Undoubtedly, the greatest contribution in this matter are the three volumes published so far in the work by Olga Ulianova and Alfredo Riquelme Segovia (eds.), all published in Santiago by DIBAM – Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana: Chile en los archivos soviéticos, 1922–1991, vol. 1: Komintern y Chile, 1922–1931 (2005); vol. 2: Komintern y Chile entre julio de 1931 y febrero de 1935: Crisis e ilusión revolucionaria (2009); and vol. 3: Komintern y Chile, 1936–1941 (2017).

5 For more information, see Ulianova, Olga, ‘Inserción internacional del socialismo chileno, 1933–1973’, in Ulianova, Olga (ed.), Redes políticas y militancias: La historia política está de vuelta (Santiago: Universidad de Santiago de Chile, 2009); and Abara, Joaquín Fernández, ‘Nacionalismo y Marxismo en el Partido Socialista Popular (1948–1957)’, in Izquierdas, 34 (2017), pp. 2649.

6 Nocera, Raffaele, Acuerdos y desacuerdos: La DC italiana y el PDC chileno: 1962–1973 (Santiago: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2015). On the international dimension of Chilean politics in the Cold War, see Riquelme, Alfredo, ‘La Guerra Fría en Chile: Los intrincados nexos entre lo nacional y lo global’, in Riquelme, Alfredo and Harmer, Tanya (eds.), Chile y la guerra fría global (Santiago: RIL Editores – Instituto de Historia, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2014), pp. 1143; and Ulianova, Olga, ‘Algunas reflexiones sobre la guerra fría desde el fin del mundo’, in Torretti, Fernando Purcell and Riquelme, Alfredo (eds.), Ampliando miradas: Chile y su historia en un tiempo global (Santiago: RIL Editores – Instituto de Historia, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2012), pp. 235–59.

7 Bertonha, João Fábio and Bohoslavsky, Ernesto, ‘Las derechas sudamericanas: Trayectorias, miradas y circulación’, in Bertonha, João Fábio and Bohoslavsky, Ernesto (eds.), Circule por la derecha: Percepciones, redes y contactos entre las derechas sudamericanas, 1917–1973 (Los Polvorines: Ediciones UNGS, 2016).

8 Durham, Martin and Power, Margaret, ‘Introduction’, in Durham, Martin and Power, Margaret (eds.), New Perspectives on the Transnational Right (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). The multidirectionality of right-wing transnational links has been explored empirically in the context of the Latin American Cold War by, among others, Ariel C. Armony, ‘Transnationalizing the Dirty War: Argentina in Central America’, in Joseph and Spenser (eds.), In from the Cold, pp. 134–68; and Aparicio, Fernando, Ferreira, Roberto García and Terra, Mercedes, Espionaje y política: Guerra fría, inteligencia policial y anticomunismo en el sur de América Latina, 1947–1961 (Montevideo: Ediciones B, 2013). See also, for the case of the transnational diffusion of fascism between Europe and Latin America, Finchelstein, Federico, Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919–1945 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010).

9 Dongen, Luc van, Roulin, Stéphanie and Scott-Smith, Giles, ‘Introduction’, in van Dongen, Luc, Roulin, Stéphanie and Scott-Smith, Giles (eds.), Transnational Anti-Communism and the Cold War. Agents, Activities, and Networks (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).

10 Power, Margaret, ‘Who but a Woman? The Transnational Diffusion of Anti-Communism among Conservative Women in Brazil, Chile and the United States during the Cold War’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 47: 1 (2015), pp. 93119; Iber, Patrick, Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), chap. 3.

11 On the early stages of Chilean socialism and the reactions to it, see, among many others, Miranda, Sergio González, El dios cautivo: Las Ligas Patrióticas en la chilenización compulsiva de Tarapacá (1910–1922) (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2004); Deutsch, Sandra McGee, ‘Las Derechas’: The Extreme Right in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, 1890–1939 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), chap. 5; Vallejos, Julio Pinto and de Zárate, Verónica Valdivia Ortiz, ¿Revolución proletaria o querida chusma?: Socialismo y alessandrismo en la pugna por la politización pampina (1911–1932) (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2001); and Toso, Sergio Grez, Historia del comunismo en Chile: La era de Recabarren, 1912–1924 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2011). On the ‘social question’, see Toso, Sergio Grez, La ‘cuestión social’ en Chile: Ideas y debates precursores, 1804–1902 (Santiago: Dirección de Bibliotecas, Archivo y Museos – Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, 1995).

12 Fediakova, Evguenia, ‘Rusia soviética en el imaginario político chileno, 1917–1939’, in Loyola, Manuel and Flores, Jorge Rojas (eds.), Por un rojo amanecer: Hacia una historia de los comunistas chilenos (Santiago: ICAL, 2000), pp. 107–42.

13 de Zárate, Verónica Valdivia Ortiz, Subversión, coerción y consenso: Creando el Chile del siglo XX (1918–1938) (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2017).

14 Angell, Alan, Politics and the Labour Movement in Chile (London and New York: Oxford University Press – Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1972), chap. 5.

15 Correa, Con las riendas del poder, chap. 1; Pinto, Raúl Burgos, ‘La discusión cívica y moralizadora en el discurso anticomunista de la derecha conservadora chilena, 1932–1938’, Historia Crítica, 61 (2016), pp. 171–91.

16 Correa, Con las riendas del poder, chap. 2; Huneeus, Carlos, La Guerra Fría chilena: Gabriel González Videla y la Ley Maldita (Santiago: Random House Mondadori, 2009). I have discussed these issues in greater detail in Casals, Marcelo, La creación de la amenaza roja. Del surgimiento del anticomunismo en Chile a la ‘campaña del terror’ de 1964 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2016), chaps. 2–5.

17 Correa, Con las riendas del poder, chaps. 3–5.

18 de la Sotta, Héctor Rodríguez, O Capitalismo o Comunismo. O vivir como en Estados Unidos o vivir como en Rusia (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1952).

19 Sergio Fernández Larraín, ‘Nociones de derecho político soviético’, unpubl. thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1933.

20 Fernández, Sergio Salas, ‘Sergio Fernández Larraín (1909–1983): Una inquieta existencia’, Boletín de la Academia Chilena de la Historia, 72: 115 (2006), p. 248.

21 On the impact of the Spanish Civil War on Chilean politics in the 1930s and beyond, see Weld, Kirsten, ‘The Spanish Civil War and the Construction of a Reactionary Historical Consciousness in Augusto Pinochet's Chile’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 98: 1 (2018), pp. 77115.

22 In fact, between 1958 and 1961 Fernández Larraín was Chile's ambassador to Spain, establishing a friendly relationship with Francisco Franco himself. His resignation from the embassy, as he pointed out to the then president Jorge Alessandri, was motivated by a ‘deep concern’ about the advance of the ‘communist forces’ in Chile. Salas Fernández, ‘Sergio Fernández Larraín’, pp. 251–3 and 266–7.

23 Eladio Huentemilla, ‘Antecedentes de la Ley de Defensa Permanente de la Democracia’, unpubl. BA thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1992, pp. 33–44.

24 Fernández Larraín compiled and published his own speeches at this juncture in order to give them greater publicity. Larraín, Sergio Fernández, ¡¡Traición!! (Santiago: El Imparcial, 1941).

25 Larraín, Sergio Fernández, ‘La línea zigzagueante de los partidos comunistas. Discurso pronunciado el 25 de agosto de 1942’, in En vigilia de guerra … Exposiciones y discursos parlamentarios (Santiago: El Imparcial, 1946), p. 6.

26 Pereira, El Partido Conservador, pp. 223–8.

27 Correa, Con las riendas del poder, chap. 3. The majority of the conservatives remained in the party. After the split, they agreed to add the adjective ‘Traditionalist’ to their name, resulting in the Partido Conservador Tradicionalista (Traditionalist Conservative Party, PCT), in order to differentiate themselves from the Partido Conservador Social Cristiano (Social Christian Conservative Party), organised around Cruz-Coke and his supporters.

28 Larraín, Sergio Fernández, Informe sobre el comunismo rendido a la Convención General del Partido Conservador Unido el 12 de octubre de 1954 (Santiago: Talleres de la Empresa Editora Zig-Zag, 1954), p. 167. At the same time, Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy initiated a large-scale anti-communist campaign in the United States. Although I have not found evidence of any connection between Fernández Larraín and McCarthy, the left-wing press did notice the resemblance. According to Fredrick Pike, Fernández Larraín was known – in a mocking tone – as the ‘McCarthy from Melipilla’, referring to his birthplace. Pike, Fredrick B., Chile and the United States, 1880–1962: The Emergence of Chile's Social Crisis and the Challenge to United States Diplomacy (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1963), note 425.

29 Blanco, Guillermo, Recuerdos no siempre cuerdos (Santiago: Tajamar Editores, 2005), p. 118.

30 Velasco, Jaime Castillo, El problema comunista (Santiago: Editorial del Pacífico, 1955).

31 Fernández Larraín's replies to social-Christian criticism regarding conservative anti-communism are compiled in Larraín, Sergio Fernández, Falange nacional, democracia cristiana y comunismo (Santiago: Imprenta ZAI, 1958); and in Larraín, Sergio Fernández, Y el comunismo sigue su marcha … (Santiago: Del Pregón, 1963).

32 Iber, Neither Peace nor Freedom, pp. 92–3.

33 Bethell, Leslie and Roxborough, Ian, ‘Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War: Some Reflections on the 1945–8 Conjuncture’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 20:1 (1988), pp. 167–89.

34 Servín, Elisa, ‘Propaganda y Guerra Fría: La campaña anticomunista en la prensa mexicana del medio siglo’, Signos Históricos, 11 (2004), pp. 939; Ávila, Luis Alberto Herrán, ‘Las guerrillas blancas: Anticomunismo transnacional e imaginarios de derechas en Argentina y México, 1954–1972’, Quinto sol, 19: 1 (June 2015), pp. 126.

35 Frente Popular Anti-comunista de México, ‘Declaración de Principios y Estatutos’, Mexico City, 1952, p. 3: https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP83-00423R001100320006-8.pdf, last access 6 Nov. 2018.

36 Mario Virgilio Santiago Jiménez, ‘Entre “hispanistas” y “pro-yanquis”. El Primer Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina, México, mayo de 1954’, Nuevo Mundo – Mundos Nuevos, Coloquios (2017): https://nuevomundo.revues.org/70497, last access 6 Nov. 2018.

37 On the American intervention in Guatemala, see Schlesinger, Stephen C. and Kinzer, Stephen, Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala, 2nd edn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).

38 For a detailed account, see the CIA's report on and the transcripts of the Congress debates (untitled) in the CIA's online archives: https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000922613.pdf and https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000922999.pdf, last access 18 Nov. 2018.

39 Santiago Jiménez, ‘Entre “hispanistas” y “pro-yanquis”’.

40 ‘Frente Popular anticomunista en América presidiría D. Eisenhower’, El Diario Ilustrado, 1 June 1954, p. 9.

41 ‘“Memoria del primer congreso contra la intervención soviética en América Latina”. Publicaciones de la Comisión Permanente del Primer Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina, México, 1955’, Estudios sobre el Comunismo, 12 (April–June 1956), p. 142.

42 Memoria del Segundo Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina (Mexico City: n.p., 1956), pp. 57. One of these commissions visited Guatemala after the overthrow of Árbenz. As a way of showing support for the dictatorship of Carlos Castillo Armas and expressing its enthusiasm for the CIA-inspired coup, the Commission published an extensive essay condemning ‘communism’ in Guatemala: Comisión Permanente del Primer Congreso Contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina y Jorge Prieto Laurens, El libro negro del comunismo en Guatemala: Comisión Permanente del Primer Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina (Mexico City: S. Turanzas del Valle, [1954]).

43 Motta, Rodrigo Patto Sá, Em guarda contra o perigo vermelho: O anticomunismo no Brasil, 1917–1964 (São Paulo: Editora Perspectiva– FAPESP, 2002), pp. 143–8.

44 Hove, Mark T., ‘The Arbenz Factor: Salvador Allende, U.S.–Chilean Relations, and the 1954 U.S. Intervention in Guatemala’, Diplomatic History, 31: 4 (2007), pp. 636–7.

45 Memoria del Segundo Congreso, p. 11.

46 Ibid., p. 44.

47 Ibid., p. 124.

48 Ibid., p. 281.

49 ‘Simpatías continentales halla el Congreso Anticomunista en Brasil’, El Diario Ilustrado, 24 Aug. 1955, p. 1; ‘Las 21 naciones de América Latina, unidas para impedir la intervención comunista’, El Diario Ilustrado, 26 Aug. 1955, pp. 1 and 4; ‘Ponencias presentadas por la delegación chilena, aprobadas en el Congreso contra Intervención Soviética en América Latina’, El Diario Ilustrado, 30 Aug. 1955, p. 2, and 1 Sept. 1955, p. 5. Fernández Larraín came very close to chairing the Permanent Commission. Although the assembly voted by a majority for Penna Botto, the Brazilian admiral in a modest gesture tried to reject the position, proposing instead the Chilean conservative. The manoeuvre did not succeed. Memoria del Segundo Congreso, p. 314.

50 Bilbao, Luis, ‘El Segundo Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina’, Estudios sobre el comunismo, 10 (Oct.–Dec. 1955), pp. 3744.

51 Balmaceda, Raúl Marín, ‘¿Por qué soy anticomunista?’, Estudios sobre el comunismo, 2 (Oct.–Dec. 1953), p. 1.

52 This can be deduced from the list of parliamentary appearances in Correa, Mario, Imagen de Raúl Marín Balmaceda (Santiago: Tip. San Pablo, 1964), pp. 81159.

53 Balmaceda, Raúl Marín, Discurso del señor senador don Raúl Marín Balmaceda, delegado suplente de la República de Chile, ante la ‘Confederación Interamericana de Defensa del Continente’, sobre la Defensa Permanente de la Democracia (Mexico City: Publicaciones de la Comisión Permanente del Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina, 1956), p. 3.

54 Confederación Interamericana de Defensa del Continente (CIDC), Resoluciones del Tercer Congreso contra la Infiltración Soviética en América Latina (Mexico City: n.p., 1957), p. 20.

55 CIDC, Resoluciones del Tercer Congreso, p. 25.

56 Botto, Carlos Penna, ‘La amenaza soviética’, Estudios sobre el comunismo, 17 (July–Sept. 1957), p. 5.

57 CIDC, Resoluciones del Tercer Congreso, p. 36; Cortés, Gonzalo Bonilla, ‘El Tercer Congreso contra la Intervención Soviética en América Latina’, Estudios sobre el comunismo, 17 (July–Sept. 1957), pp. 79.

58 The National Archives, United Kingdom (TNA), Foreign Office, file 371/126087, American Department 1077/2, ‘Third Congress against Soviet Intervention in Latin America held in Lima, 10–14 April 1957’.

59 Ibid.

60 Iber, Neither Peace nor Freedom, pp. 96–7.

61 ‘Partido Conservador Unido adhiere a Congr. Anti-comunista en Lima’, El Diario Ilustrado, 10 April 1957, p. 4.

62 Hurtado, Pedro Milos, Historia y memoria: 2 de abril de 1957 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2007), pp. 292304.

63 ‘La conferencia de Lima’, El Diario Ilustrado, 12 April 1957, p. 3. The implicit mention, by the way, referred to social-Christian groups, such as the National Falange, which supported repeal of the law.

64 ‘El congreso de Lima’, El Diario Ilustrado, 25 April 1957, p. 3.

65 This was an initiative that would bear fruit in the 1960s and 1970s, when some Latin American actors joined global anti-communist organisations such as the World Anticommunist League: Pierre Abramovici, ‘The World Anti-Communist League: Origins, Structures and Activities’, in van Dongen et al. (eds.), Transnational Anti-Communism, pp. 113–29.

66 Ibid., p. 119.

67 CIDC, Resoluciones del Tercer Congreso, p. 3.

68 TNA, ‘Third Congress’, American Department 1077/2.

69 Ibid.

70 IV Congreso Continental Anticomunista. Actas de las sesiones, versión taquigráfica, resoluciones (Guatemala City: Talleres de la Tipografía Nacional, 1961), pp. 84 and 126–7.

71 ‘Del Congreso Anticomunista de Guatemala (correspondencia aérea para ‘El Diario Ilustrado’)’, El Diario Ilustrado, 18 Oct. 1958, p. 3.

72 IV Congreso Continental Anticomunista, p. 151.

73 TNA, ‘Third Congress’, American Department 1077/5.

74 Bilbao, ‘El Segundo Congreso’, p. 44.

75 Dunkerley, James, Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia, 1952–82 (London: Verso, 1984), chap. 1.

76 Hylton, Forrest and Thomson, Sinclair, Revolutionary Horizons. Past and Present in Bolivian Politics (New York and London: Verso, 2007), chaps. 5 and 6. On the scale of and conditions attached to US aid to Bolivia in those years, see Siekmeier, James F., The Bolivian Revolution and the United States, 1952 to the Present (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011), chap. 2.

77 ‘Realidad vigente del peligro comunista en América Latina’, El Diario Ilustrado, 24 April 1957, p. 2.

78 Pettinà, Vanni, ‘Del anticomunismo al antinacionalismo: La presidencia Eisenhower y el giro autoritario en la América Latina de los años 50’, Revista de Indias, 67: 240 (2007), pp. 573606.

79 Fernández Abara, ‘Nacionalismo y Marxismo’, p. 37.

80 Larraín, Sergio Fernández, El marxismo en Bolivia. Informe de la mayoría de la comisión designada por el III Congreso de la Confederación Interamericana de Defensa del Continente, sobre la situación interna de Bolivia (Santiago: J. Cifuentes Impresor, 1957), pp. 68.

81 After poor performances in several elections, some of the members who had left the party after the 1948 law (and who had joined the Social-Christian Conservative Party; see note 27) rejoined the PCT, while others would join the PDC on its foundation in 1957. To acknowledge this fact, the PCT changed its name in 1953 (replacing ‘Traditionalist’ by ‘Unido’, or ‘United’), retaining this name until its dissolution in 1966: Correa, Con las riendas del poder, p. 139.

82 Larraín, Sergio Fernández, El comunismo en Bolivia. Versión taquigráfica de la conferencia ofrecida por el autor en el Salón de Actos del Partido Conservador Unido, el 3 de mayo de 1956 (Santiago: Publicaciones de la Unión Democrática Boliviana, 1956), p. 3.

83 At this time (before the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s) Fernández Larraín viewed the leading role given to peasants as evidence of a ‘Chinese’ type of regime, but one that was nevertheless led by Moscow.

84 Fernández Larraín, El comunismo en Bolivia. Versión taquigráfica, p. 17.

85 Ibid., p. 36.

86 International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (Bolivia) Collection, Letter from Mario Diez de Medina, Bolivian ambassador to Mexico, to Manuel Barrau, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Culture of Bolivia, Mexico City, 28 June 1957, fiche no. 397, f. 6466.

87 TNA, ‘Third Congress’, American Department 1077/4.

88 TNA, ‘Third Congress’, American Department 1077/5.

89 Fernández Larraín, El marxismo en Bolivia, pp. 264–5.

90 Ibid., p. 273. Emphasis in original.

91 IV Congreso Continental Anticomunista, p. 43.

92 Cruz, Fernando Zegers Santa, ‘El IV Congreso Continental Anticomunista’, Estudios sobre el comunismo, 24 (April–June 1959), p. 40.

93 IV Congreso Continental Anticomunista, p. 6.

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Against a Continental Threat: Transnational Anti-Communist Networks of the Chilean Right Wing in the 1950s

  • Marcelo Casals (a1)

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