¹ The conceptualization of the structural differences is essentially that suggested long ago by Max Weber, The City, (New York: Free Press, 1958), pp. 68–70.Google Scholar

² See the Introduction to Valentina Vargas, Fernández, La población de Leon en el siglo XVI, (Madrid: Seminario de Historia Economica y Social de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de al Universidad de Madrid, 1968), p. 11.Google Scholar

³ For a discussion of the two types of economic organization, see Sir Hicks, John, A Theory of Economic History, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969)Google Scholar, Chapters II, III, and VI. For a similar analysis of a very different city, see E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London's Importance in Changing English Society and Economy, 1650–1750,” Past and Present, No. 37 (1967), 44–70.

⁴ Reed, Clyde G., “Transactions Costs and Differential Growth in Western Europe During the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of Economic History, XXXIII (1973)Google Scholar; North, Douglass C., “Sources of Productivity Change in Ocean Shipping, 1600–1850,” Journal of Political Economy, (1958), pp. 953–970.Google Scholar

⁵ For the standard version of this thesis, see Larraz, Jose, La época del mercantilismo en Castilla, 1500–1700, (3rd edition; Madrid:. Aguilar, 1963), pp. 38–46.Google Scholar

⁶ One hundred miles of transport sometimes doubled the price of wheat between origin and destination. See Archivo Histórico Nacional, (hereafter AHN), Consejos, legajo., 6775, expediente, 3. For the impact of transport on fuel prices, see AHN, Cons., leg., 6790–2. See also Ringrose, David R., Transportation and Economic Stagnation in Spain, 1750–1850, (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1970).Google Scholar

⁷ This was a routine aspect of urban economic life. See Heckscher, Eli, Mercantilism, (2 vols.; London: Allen & Unwin, 1935), I, 39–40, 123–29, II, 132–35Google Scholar; Weber, Adna Ferrin, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967Google Scholar, Orig. New York: Macmillan, 1899), pp. 176–78; Max Weber, The City, pp. 187–88.

⁸ Braudel, Fernānd, La Mediterranee et le monde mediterraneén a l'époque de Philippe II, (2nd edition, 2 vols.; Paris: Colin, 1966), I, 370–71Google Scholar; Vives, Jaime Vicens, Manual de historia económica de España, (Barcelona: Ed. Vicens-Vives, 1967), pp. 301–2.Google Scholar

⁹ Silva, José Gentil da, En Espagne, développement économique, subsistence, déclin, (Paris: Mouton, 1965), pp. 21–22Google Scholar; Salomon, Noël, La campagne de Nouvelle Castille a la fin du XVI^e siècle d'apres les Relaciones Topográficas, (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1964), p. 44Google Scholar; Castillo, Alvaro, “Richesse et population en Castille dans la deuxième moitié du XVI^e siècle,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, vol. 20 (1965), pp. 719–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ See Weisser, Michael, “Crime and Subsistence: The Peasants of the Tierra, of Toledo, 1550–1700,” unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1972, Tables 6, 7, and 8, “Tithes,” pp. 315–21.Google Scholar

¹¹ Anes, Gonzalo, Las crisis agrarias en la España moderna, (Madrid: Taurus, 1970), p. 116Google Scholar; Gentil da Silva, En Espagne, p. 110, Ortiz, Domínguez, La sociedad, espanola en el siglo XVII, I (Madrid: C.S.I.C, 1963), p. 113Google Scholar; Fernández Vargas, Leon, pp. 135, 163. The latter shows that Leon declined by 30 percent between 1591 and 1646.

¹² Bennassar, Bartolome, Recherches sur les grandes epidemies dans le nord de l'Espagne a la fin du XVI^e siècle, (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1969), pp. 62–63Google Scholar; Domínguez Ortiz, El siglo XVII, p. 81.

¹³ Carla Rahn Philips, “Ciudad Real in the 17th Century,” paper presented to the Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies, New Brunswick, New Jersey, April, 1972.

¹⁴ Domínguez Ortiz, El siglo XVII, pp. 90–95.

¹⁵ Gentil da Silva, En Espagne, p. 110; Domínguez Ortiz, El siglo XVII, p. 113.

¹⁶ Weisser, Michael M., “Toledo in the Siglo de Oro,”, paper presented to the Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies, New Brunswick, New Jersey, April, 1972.Google Scholar

¹⁷ An important aspect of this development which has not been discussed is the expulsion of the Moriscos (1609–11). Current findings suggest that from 3,600 to 4,100 persons, or about 5 percent of Toledo's population, were expelled. If this included skilled textile workers, the connection with the decline would be important. If, however, the Moriscos were primarily truck gardeners, peddlers, and rural laborers as in Valladolid, the event recedes in importance. Work currently under way by Michael Weisser of the City University of New York promises more precise information on this topic. See Peyre, Henri La, Geographie de l'Espagne morisque, (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1959), pp. 158, 200, 212Google Scholar; Baroja, Julio Caro, Los moriscos del Reino de Granada, (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1957)Google Scholar; Ramon Carande, “Los moriscos de Henri Lapeyre, los de Julio Caro y algun morisco mas,” Moneda y Crédito, no. 78 (1961), 9–26.

¹⁸ These demographic estimates are based on accounts of mortality typical in London, Paris, Amiens, and Valladolid in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as well as a number of generalizations on European towns. These were compared with descriptions of the conditions in seventeenth-century Madrid and evidence about the city's demographic patterns in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. See, respectively: Wrigley, E. A., Population and History, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), pp. 114–115, 125–26Google Scholar; Deyon, Pierre, Amiens—capitale provinciale: étude sur la société urbaine au XVII^e siècle, (Paris: Mouton, 1967), pp. 35–44Google Scholar; Bennassar, Bartolome, Valladolid au siècle d'or; une ville de Castille et sa campagne au XVI^e siècle, (Paris: Mouton, 1967), pp. 157–160, 183–189Google Scholar; Mols, Roger, Introduction a la demographie historique des villes d'Europe du XIV^e au XVIIl^e siècle, (3 vols.; Louvain: Publications Universitaires, 1954), IIGoogle Scholar, 329–338, III, 203–232; Weber, The Growth of Cities, pp. 230–237; José Piñuelo, Deleito y, Solo Madrid es corte (La capital de dos mundos bajo Felipe IV, (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1953), pp. 127–138Google Scholar; Isla, Maria Carbajo, “Primeros resultados cuantitativos de un estudio sobre la poblacion de Madrid (1742–1836), Moneda y Crédito, no. 107 (1968), pp. 71–91.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For complaints on specific problems, see: AHN, Sala de Alcaldes y Corte, año, 1598, f. 160, año, 1609, f. 406, año, 1614, ff. 22–23.

²⁰ For a theoretical exposition of this locational problem and a summary of its development beginning with von Thünen, see: Dunn, Edgar S. Jr, The Location of Agricultural Production, (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1954), especially pp. 56–70 and 99–104Google Scholar; Henshall, Janet D., “Models of Agricultural Activity,” in Socio-Economic Models in Geography, Chorley, Richard J. and Haggett, Peter, eds. (London: Methuen, 1969), pp. 443–45.Google Scholar

²¹ Burial registers do not begin in this area until the mid-seventeenth century, but such 20 percent declines are suggested by a comparison of baptisms vs. burials for Ventas con Peña Aquilera (1647–49) and Los Yebenes (1684–85) in Weisser, “Crime and Subsistence,” pp. 333, 336.

²² The price series are based on Earl Hamilton, whose sources for this period were institutions in Toledo, with some data interpolated from Alcalá de Henares. See Hamilton, Earl J., American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), pp. 144, 149, 213CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fourastie, Jacqueline, Les formules d'indices de prix, (Paris: Colin, 1966), p. 108.Google Scholar

²³ Unfortunately, no consumption data on other cereals were available, but an idea of their role can be hypothesized from Labrousse, Ernest, Fluctuaciones económicas e historia social, (Madrid: Tecnos, 1962), pp. 119–37.Google Scholar This is a condensation of Labrousse's famous Esquisse du movement des prix et des revenus en France au XVIII^e siècle, (Paris: Dalloz, 1933).Google Scholar See also, Anes, Gonzalo, “Las fluctuaciones de los precios del trigo, de la cebada y del aceite en España (1788–1808), un contraste regional,” Moneda y Crédito, No. 97 (1966), 69–150Google Scholar; and Gonzalo Anes and Flem, Jean Paul le, “Las crisis del siglo XVII: produccion agrícola, precios eingresos en tierras de Segovia,” Moneda y Crédito, No. 93, (1965), 3–55. Composite cereal indices are in Hamilton, American Treasure, pp. 390–92.Google Scholar

²⁴ This estimate is based on Madrid's demand for 180,000 to 200,000 fanegas, of wheat in 1598, a 20 percent increase in the population of Toledo, 1575–1600, comparable populations in 1598. See Tables 1, 2, and 4, and the comments on population growth.

²⁵ Larraz, Mercantilismo, p. 60.

²⁶ Hamilton, American Treasure, pp. 391–92; see also note 6 above. In the later eighteenth century, when transport was better organized, a fanega, of wheat costing 25 reales, in Palencia incurred 20 reales, in transport costs plus commissions and handling costs during the trip to Madrid.

²⁷ Weisser, “Crime and Subsistence,” pp. 299–311, 328–36.

²⁸ Ringrose, David R., “Madrid y Castilla, 1560–1850: Una capital national en una economía regional, Moneda y Crédito, No. 111 (1969), 78–82, 85–86.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ringrose, Ibid.;, Bennassar, Bartolmoé, “L'alimentation d'une capitale espagnol au XVI^e siècle: Valladolid,” in Hémardinquer, Jean-Jacques (ed.), Pour une histoire de l'alimentation, (Paris: Colin, 1970), p. 57.Google Scholar

³⁰ Weisser, “Crime and Subsistence,” pp. 299–311, 328–336. Also: Weisser, Michael M., “Les marchands de Tolède dans l'économie castillane, 1565–1635,” Melanges de la Casa de Velazquez, VII (1971), pp. 223–36.Google Scholar

³¹ The background for this is thin, since we know little about sources of meat, the size of the Mesta flocks after the 1560's, or the price of wool. See Salomon, Nouvelle Castille, pp. 319–321; Klein, Julius, The Mesta, A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273–1836, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920), p. 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jean Paul le Flem, “Las cuentas de la Mesta, 1510–1709,” Moneda y Crédito, No. 121 (1972); Hamilton, American Treasure, pp. 228–29.

³² Larraz, Mercantilismo, pp. 47–48.

³³ Sella, Domenico, “Les mouvements longs de l'industrie lainère á Venise au XVI^e et XVII^e siècles,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, XII (1959), 29–45Google Scholar; Deyon, Piere, “Variations de la production textile aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècles: Sources et premiers resultats,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, XVIII (1963), 939–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Castillo, “Richesse,” p. 730.

³⁴ Estimates as to the size of the Mesta flock show that the average total declined steadily in the first third of the seventeenth century, while Mesta financial records show a precipitous decline in yearly profits from 1635 to 1652. See Le Flem, “Las cuentas de la Mesta,” pp. 70, 77–80.

³⁵ Larraz, Mercantilismo, pp. 38–39.

³⁶ Chaunu, Huguette et Pierre, Seville et l'Atlatique, (8 vols; Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1956), vol. VI, part I, pp. 328–30.Google Scholar

³⁷ On the migration to Madrid, see: Domínguez Ortiz, El Siglo XVII, pp. 131–35. On Toledo's decline as a regional entre-pot, see: Weisser, “Les marchands.”

³⁸ Figure 6 probably overstates this because of the incompleteness of the series for that period.

³⁹ Weisser, “Les marchands.” Professor Weisser is currently developing demographic material on Toledo which suggests that the population of many of the predominantly Spanish parishes was drifting downward from the 1570's while that of the predominantly morisco, parishes was increasing.

⁴⁰ Larraz, Mercantilismo, pp. 38–39.

⁴¹ AHN, Alcaldes, año, 1598, ff. 160, 169–70; año, 1609, f. 406; año, 1614, f. 44; año, 1610, ff. 570–72; año, 1625, ff. 49, 73.

⁴² AHN, Consejos, leg., 6780.

⁴³ Larraz, Mercantilismo, pp. 46–47.

⁴⁴ Ringrose, David R., “Madrid y Castilla, 1560–1850: Una capital national en una economía regional,” Moneda v Crédito, No. 111 (1969), appendix.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ It is anticipated that the data in question will appear in a volume to be published by Editorial Tecnos, Madrid, within a year.

⁴⁶ AHN, Consejos, leg., 511–5; AHN, Alcaldes, año, 1623, f. 545; Archivo de la Villa de Madrid, Secretaría, 2–307–9, 2–487–18, 3–19–4, 3–11–1. Further indication of the nature of some of the duties can be found in Herrera, Antonia Heredia, “Los corredores de lonja en Sevilla y Cádiz,” Archivo Hispalense, 2^aepoca, Nos. 159–164 (1970), 183–98.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See: Ringrose, David R., “Perspectives on the Spanish Economy in the Eighteenth Century,” Historia Ibérica: economia y sociedad en Espana, siglos XVIII y XIX, (New York, Madrid: Anaya-Las Americas, 1973), pp. 59–106.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Gebhart, Monique and Mercadier, Claude, L'octroi de Toulouse a la veille de la Revolution, (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1967).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ For a brief comment on the problems of developing and using such series, see: Braudel, Fernand, “Pour une histoire serielle: Seville et l'Atlantique (1504–1650),” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, XVIII (1963), 541–553.CrossRefGoogle Scholar