¹ The research for this article was made possible in part by a grant from the British Academy, for which I am very grateful. Professor A. C. de la Mare told me a great deal about Holes, showed me his handwriting and most generously supplied me with a list of his manuscripts known to her. Without this help the article could not have been written. On Holes see especially Bennett, Josephine W., ‘Andrew Holes: a neglected harbinger of the English Renaissance’, Speculum xix (1944), 314–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Emden, A. B., BRUO, 3 vols, Oxford 1957–1959, 2 949–50.Google Scholar

² Roberto, Weiss, Humanism in England during the Fifteenth Century, 3rd edn, Oxford 1967, esp. pp. 77–80.Google Scholar

³ Much of Vespasiano's comment is given in Bennett, art. cit. 322–3.

⁴ ONB 4139, fols 6ir-gr. I have used a photocopy and have not examined the MS. See also below n. 35.

⁵ Weiss, op. cit. 77, 78.

⁶ On this topic I have found most helpful Charles, Trinkaus, In our Image and Likeness; humanity and divinity in Italian humanist thought, 2 vols, Chicago 1970Google Scholar; Stinger, Charles L., Humanism and the Church Fathers: Ambrogio Traversari (1386–1439) and Christian antiquity in the Italian Renaissance, Albany 1977Google Scholar; idem, The Renaissance in Rome, Bloomington 1985Google Scholar; D'Amico, John F., Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, humanists and churchmen on the eve of the Reformation, Baltimore-London 1983Google Scholar; Alister, McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, Oxford 1987, esp. ch. 2.Google Scholar

⁷ D'Amico, op. cit., is especially enlightening here. See in particular ch. ix.

⁸ On Holes's books see Hunt, Richard W., ‘The medieval library’, in J, Buxton and Penry, Williams, Mew College 1379–1979, Oxford 1979, 317–45Google Scholar, esp. pp. 326–7; Lytle, Guy F., ‘Wykhamist culture in Pre-Reformation England’, in Custance, R. (ed.), Winchester College. Sixth centenary essays, Oxford 1982, 129–64Google Scholar; Andrew, Watson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts c. 1435–1600 in Oxford Libraries, Oxford 1984, 1. nos 78, 683, 829, 830, 833, 847, 854Google Scholar; Alexander, Jonathan J. G. and Temple, E., Illuminated Manuscripts in Oxford College Libraries, the University Archives and Taylor Institute, Oxford 1985, nos 878, 909, 912, 921, 924, 925, 927, 981.Google Scholar

⁹ Schofield, A. N. E. D., ‘England and the Council of Basel’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum v (1973), 1–117Google Scholar, esp. pp. 17–50.

¹⁰ Details from Bennett, art. cit., and Emden, BRUO.

¹¹ For the purposes of the journey see Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records xlviii (1887), 262, 263, letters of protection for Robert, Fitzhugh and Thomas, Spofford, bishop of Hereford, and full powers to Spofford, Fitzhugh, Holes and Master Henry Herburgh to treat with Aragon, 16 July 1429;Google ScholarHarris, Nicolas, Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England, London 1835, 3. 347–8Google Scholar, ‘ad conveniendum cum ambaxiatoribus Regis Aragonis ac ligas, amicicias et confederaciones… tractandum…et concludendum’;Google ScholarThomas, Rymer, Foedera, Conventiones etc., London1739–5Google Scholar. I quote from the edn reissued by the Gregg Press, quoting the ten-volume edition from its margin, iv/4. 150 (x. 433). Details of the diplomacy are inGoogle ScholarFerguson, John, English Diplomacy 1422–1461, Oxford 1972, 43–9;Google Scholar Karl A. Fink, Martin V und Aragon, Berlin 1938; idem, ‘König Sigismund und Aragon. Die Bundnisverhandlungen vor der Romfahrt’, Deutses Ärchiv für Geschichte des Mittelalters ii (1938), 149–171;Google ScholarFranz, Ehrle, ‘Der Kardinal Peter de Foix der Altere, die Akten seiner Legation in Aragonien und sein Testament’, Archiv fur Literatur und Kirchengeschichte vii (1900), 421–514.Google Scholar

¹² Emden, , BRUO i. 157–9.Google Scholar

¹³ Emden gives references; see above n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The English Hospice in Rome, The Venerabile [sexcentenary issue) xxi (1962), 48, 66.]Google Scholar

¹⁵ Joseph, Stephenson, Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Wars of the English in France during the Reign of Henry the Sixth, 2 vols (Rolls Series xxii, 1861–4), i. 472–3Google Scholar; Le Neve, John, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, London Diocese, 3; Bennett, art. cit. 320.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Bennett, art. cit. 320. He is referred to as cubicularius in the preface to his sermon of 1433, ONB 4139, fo. 6ir. For the significance of the office see D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism, 42.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Walter, Brandmiiller, ‘Der übergang vom Pontifikat Martins v zu Eugen iv’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xlvii (1967), 596–629.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For the rest of this paragraph in general Joseph, Gill, Eugenius IV, Pope of Christian Union, London 1961, ch. iiiGoogle Scholar; Etienne Delaruelle and Edmond-René Labande, L'église au temps du GrandSchisme et de la crise conciliaire (1378–1449), 2 vols, Paris 1962, i. 229–36, 252–5.

¹⁹ Loy, Bilderback, ‘Eugenius iv and the first dissolution of the Council of Basel’, Church History xxxvi (1967), 243–53Google Scholar

²⁰ Decker, W., ‘Die Politik der Kardinale auf dem Basler Konzil (bis zum Herbst 1434)’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum ix (1977), 112–53, 315–400Google Scholar. The first section is most helpful for the earlier phase in Rome.Google Scholar

²¹ Bennett, art. cit. 320.Google Scholar

²² Schofield, ‘England and the Council of Basel’, 19–23Google Scholar

²³ The most recent account of his work is Josep, Perarnau, ‘Raphael de Parnaxio, Joan de Casanova oJulia Tallada? Noves dadas sobre l'Autor del “De potestate pape et concilii generalis” (i obres complementaries, publicat a nom de Juan de Torquemada)’, Spanische Forschungen der Gorresgesellschaft, i/29, Gesammelte Aufsatz zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens (1978), 457–81.Google ScholarA straightforward account by Mols, R. in Dictionnaire d Histoire et de Géographie Ecclesiastique, 11. cols 1261–4Google Scholar, s. v., gives his career. See also Fink, Martin V und Aragon, 124 n. 19, 126 n. 21; Thomas, Kaeppelli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, 3 vols, Rome 1970–1980, ii. 396–7, see also n. 32 below.Google Scholar

²⁴ Mansi, Johannes D., Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova…Collectio, Venice 1788, 29, cols 666–79Google Scholar. See list of works of Casanova written in 1432 given in Perarnau, art. cit. 462–3. Kaeppelli is not to be relied on here.Google Scholar

²⁵ I have used Basle University, MS A V 13, fos i8gv-g3r for this. The MS, not mentioned by Perarnau, , was brought to my attention byGoogle ScholarWerner, Kramer, Konsens und Rezeption. Verfassungsprinzipien der Kirche im Basler Konziliarismus, Miinster 1980, 221–3Google Scholar

²⁶ I have used Vatican City, Bibl. Apost. Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 4100, fos 77r-gor. See above n. 24. For Holes's use of this see below.Google Scholar

²⁷ A very good index of this is Kurt Forstreuter and Koeppen, H. (eds), Die Berichte der Generalprokuraten des Deutschen Ordens an der Kurie iv/i (1973), iv/2 (1976), esp. i. no. 441 (1 Nov. 1432), ii. nos 490 (1 Mar. 1433), 494 (14 Mar.), 529 (21 May), 547 (12 July).Google Scholar

²⁸ Bennett, art. cit. 320, quoting Weiss, Humanism, 77–78, though Weiss only referred to St Thomas's Day.Google Scholar

²⁹ Raymonde, Foreville., ‘Tradition et comput dans la chronologie de Thomas Becket’, in Thomas Becket dans la tradition historique et hagiographique, (London 1981), no. xiiiGoogle Scholar. Idem, Le Jubilé de Saint Thomas Becket, Paris 1958, 89–95, for tne officeGoogle Scholar; and Proctor, F. and Wordsworth, C. (eds), Brevarium ad usum… Sarum, 3 vols, Cambridge 1886Google Scholar, iii. 447, for the reading for vespers.Google Scholar

³⁰ Weiss, op. cit., quotes this, 77 n. but mistranscribed the number of cardinals, which should be vii not vi.Google Scholar

³¹ Decker, ‘Die Politik der Kardinale’, i. 152 n. 251; ii. 393–4.Google Scholar

³² Forstreuter and Koeppen, Berichte iv/2 nos 547, 594 (if the date of the sermon is December).Google Scholar

³³ I must thank Dr Otto Mazal for his help with my enquiries. The manuscript belonged to the Augustinian Hermits of Herzogenburg in lower Austria, whose ownership inscription appears on it. It has been in the royal library since the seventeenth century. Mazal thinks it was written in Austria. For Karschaw seeGoogle ScholarChristine, Schuchard, Die Deutschen an der pdpstlichen Kurie im spÄten Mittelalter (1378–1447), Tubingen 1987Google Scholar, 194 n. 85; Hartmut Boockmann, ‘Die Rechtsstudenten des Deutschen Ordens. Studium Studien-forderung und gelehrter Beruf im spÄteren Mittelalter’, in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70 Geburtstag an ig. September 1971 ii, Gottingen 1972, 313–75, esp. pp. 334–5 and n. 166, where the Vienna MS is discussed. I have used a microfilm only. An almost complete contents list is given in Tabula Codicum Manuscriptorum in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum iii, Vienna 1869, 178–80. Items xxiii, xxv, probably xxvii, xxxii and probably xxxvii concern Karschaw, item xxiii being an address by him as proctor. The hand changes at fo. 251 - the end fo. 312, which contains mainly the items concerning litigation at the curia. Some sections, e.g. item xxi, for which see below n. 38, have separate medieval numberings and look as if they were once part of a separate book. A very complete contents list is also given byGoogle ScholarM., Denis, Codices Manuscripti Theologi Bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis Latini i/3, Vienna 1795, cols 2779–802Google Scholar. (I thank Dr Mazal for supplying this reference.)

³⁴ Items i to viii in the MS are sermons by, and item xxxiv a letter to, Gasperino Barzizza; see Dizionario Biogrqfico degli Italiani vii. 34–9Google Scholar, s.v., and O'Malley, John W., Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome. Rhetoric doctrine and reform in the sacred orators of the papal court, c. 1450–1521, Durham, NC 1979Google Scholar, 84 nn. 23, 24.

³⁵ Items xi and xiii concern the procession of the Holy Spirit. For the controversy seeGoogle ScholarJoseph, Gill, The Council of Florence, Cambridge 1959, 191–269 and ch. 7Google Scholar. Item xii is Andrew of Escobar, Recensus 36 Errorum Grecorum, for which seeGoogle ScholarAndreas, de Escobar, Tractatus Polemico-Theologicus de Graecis Errantibus, ed. Candal, E., Rome 1952, pp. xivGoogle Scholar, lix, where the Vienna piece is taken to be a first attempt at Escobar's great work. Sermons in item xiv appear to have been delivered before a pope in a council, ? Florence, see Denis, Codices, col 2784.Google Scholar

³⁶ Stinger, Humanism, 133.Google Scholar

³⁷ Boockmann, art. cit.Google Scholar

³⁸ Emden, BRUO i. 378, not wholly accurate. The academic details are partly from the sermon. ‘Hie nam mente senex annis juvenis fuit ecce/primitus artista doctus jurista profundus/egregius legis domini professor in arte/dicendi satis expertus clarusque poeta./artibus instruxit hunc Anglia; jura docebit/post Bononia sed scripture mistica sacre/Roma caput mundi: ONB 4139, fo. 61 v;’ In foro denique consciencie discrecionem/ejus eximiam experta est indies ad illum/concerens copiosa penitencium multitudo’: fo. 62r.Google Scholar

³⁹ ONB 4139, fo. 6ir.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Richard Sharp kindly helped me with the transcription and scansion of this and confirmed that it is hexameters, not elegiacs, as Weiss, Humanism, 78 n. 1, and despite Holes's description of it as ‘huius elegiaci carminis stilum’, fo. 62r.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See n. 29.Google Scholar

⁴² PL cci. 153, freely quoted.Google Scholar

⁴³ O'Malley, Praise and Blame, esp. ch. ii for the new rhetoric, which this is certainly not.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ‘Jeronimus in quadem epistola episcopum quemdam ad bone vite frugem invitans’: fo. 64V, which suggests use of a florilegium. The reference is letter LX, CSEL liv. sect. 14. 568.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ PL clxxvi. 1085–6, fairly freely quoted. SeeGoogle ScholarPelter, H., ‘Hugues de Fouilloy, chanoine regulier, prieur de St Laurent-au bois’, Revue du Moyen Age Latin ii (1946), 25–44, esp. p.41Google Scholar

⁴⁶ ONB 4139, fo. 66r.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ I have consulted Balliol College, Oxford, MS 165 A, pp. 497–513. I would like to thank the librarian of Balliol College for her help. R. A. B. Mynors, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College, Oxford, Oxford 1963, 162, points out that secunda for the Sunday is altered to tercia in Basel Univ. MS A V 9, fo. 222r, where there is another copy, and argues that it is for the third Sunday. The text, however, is for the second Sunday. Perhaps the confusion shows re-use?Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Mynors, op. cit. 162; Johannes, Haller, Concilium Basiliense, Studien und Documente, 8 vols, Basle 1896–1936, iii. 233Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Bal. Coll. MS 165 A, p. 505.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Andrew had his doubts about humanism, it seems. CfGoogle Scholar. ibid. 511, quoting a favourite medieval tag: ‘Nolunt epistolas Pauli sed Tullii, non dicta apostolorum set philosophorum (legere)’.

⁵¹ PL ccx. 465–6.Google Scholar

⁵² Reference not foundGoogle Scholar

⁵³ A standard motif. Index exemplorumGoogle Scholar, ed. Tubach, Frederick C., Helsinki 1969Google Scholar, no. 1051

⁵⁴ MS Vat. Lat. 4100, fos. 77r-gor.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid. fos. 86v–8r.

⁵⁶ Forstreuter and Koeppen, Berichte iv 2. no. 547, letter of 12 July 1433.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ He praises Becket's retaining of learned men to help him,’ Inter quos principius erat quidam nacione et nomine Lumbardus de Placentia oriundus qui demum Beneventanus Archiepiscopus effectus est et postea Cardinalis. Post hunc Johannes de Saresbiria nacione Anglicus… hie tanta claruit scientia quod illam directissimam morum summam congessit qui Policraticon nominatur’: ONB 4139, fo. 68r.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The Venerabile, 104–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Typically, the Fathers are quoted from canon law: fol. 64V, c. 11 q. 3 c. 3, quoting Gregory the Great, or fol. 65V c. 11 q. 2 cc. 70, 71, quoting Jerome and Ambrose.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Above n. 40.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Here and there in margins he notes verses, e.g. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson G. 48, Lactantius, De ira Dei, fos. gv, I2v; New College, Oxford, MS 268, Petrarch, Letters, fo. 206r.Google Scholar

⁶² Bennett, art. cit. 321.Google Scholar

⁶³ D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism, ch. ix, for this attitude.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ ‘Tune vero sicud ferrum est prelatus quando exessus rebellium subditorum per predicacionem corrigi nolencium constanter punk’: ONB 4139, fo. 67r.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Christ ‘de summis celorum ad yma mundi pro humani generis redemptione descenderat ne gregem sub precio sui sanguinis generose redemptum orbatum linqueret solatio pastorali ipsius curam beato Petro apostolo ut sue stabilitate fidei ceteros in Christiana religione firmaret eorumque mentes ad opera salutis accenderet sue devocionis ardore… Ceteri consequenter apostoli cure potestatem consorcio pari sortiti sunt a domino missi per totum terrarum orbem evvangelium predicare’Google Scholar: ibid. fo. 63V.

⁶⁶ See, for instance, Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger, in Richard Scholz, ‘Ein humanistische Schilderung der Kurie aus dem Jahre 1438’, Quellen und Forschungen axis Italienen Archiven und Bibliotheken xvi (1913–1914), 108–53, esp. pp. 142–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Gill, Eugenius IV, 41–2, has some figures for 1431; 54–6 some details for 1433.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Bennett, art. cit., 318–19.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid. 316, 317, 319–20.

⁷⁰ A retroactive dispensation dated 31 Aug. 1459, in Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers…: Letters, ed. Bliss, W. H. and Twemlow, J. A., xi: 390–91.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Quoted Bennett, art. cit. 322–3

⁷² ONB 4139, fo. 68v. He calls Thomas ‘huiusmodi in justitita perseverencie cultor esse laborans celestis consequendi premii causa’

⁷³ See, for example, Brinton's sermons for Becket's feasts, which are equally divided between Becket as an exemplar of the good prelate and Becket as a champion of liberty, The Sermons of Thomas Brinton, Bishop of Rochester (1378–89), ed. Devlin, Mary A., 2 vols (Camden Society, 3rd ser. lxxxv, lxxxvi, 1954), sermons 4, 10, 30, 91, 92.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Stinger, Renaissance, 6 for the decisiveness of the stay in Florence

⁷⁵ The difference between ‘Roman’ and ‘Florentine’ humanism is a constant theme D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism, and Stinger, Renaissance. For Holes's lack of Greek see the absence of Greek books among his possessions. See also his copies of Lactantius, where the scribe left a blank for Greek passages which are given in Latin summary in the margin, e.g. Bodl. Lib., MS Rawl. G 48, fos. 22V-3V. For this medieval practice, see Stinger, Humanism 120. In his Boethius, De consolalione philosophiae, New Coll., MS 265, a late fourteenth-century Florentine MS, the Greek is included in the text but translated in the margin (e.g. fols. 3r, 5r).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ New Coll. MS 201, fo. ir, has his arms, Alexander and Temple, Illuminated MSS, no. 921. According to de la Mare there are corrections by John, Baerts, who wrote other MSS for Holes, Bodleian Library Exhibition Catalogue, Duke Humfrey and English Humanism in the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1970, no. 31.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ For Domenicus, see von Schulte, Johann F., Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Canonischen Rechts von Gregor IX bis aufdas Konzil von Trient (1234–1563}, StuttgartGoogle Scholar1875–80, ii. 294–6. For his date of death, see Gabriel le Bras (ed.), Histoire du droit et des institutions de I Eglise en Occident: XIII, La peériode Post-Classique (1378–1500) i, Paul Ourliac and Henri Gilles, La Probleématique de I'époque. Les Sources, CNRS, Paris 1971, 89 n. 14.

⁷⁸ New Coll., MS 219, signed by John Baerts, 1439. See Watson, Catalogue, no. 854; de la Mare, Duke Humfrey, 18. These are certainly lectures, fo. i67r.

⁷⁹ New Coll., MSS 209, 218, 224 are all of a set.

⁸⁰ New Coll., MS 209 fo. 53V on d. 23 In nomine at hinc eciam, where the discussion is about cardinals who withdraw obedience before time from a pope said to be a heretic. He notes that prelates who assemble in a council called by someone without the proper power cannot make decisions until the proper authority ratifies them: ‘quod nota quia facit pro congregacione consilii pysani. Quia licet fuerunt vocati prelati per collegium cardinalium presupposito quod non habuerunt potestatem vocandi tamen data congregatione actus gesti per eos valent presupponendo tamen quod auctoritas illorum inter quos erat dissectatio de papatu non erat necessaria’. There is a further reference at fo. 64V.

⁸¹ New Coll., MS 218 fo. 162V, ‘Millesimo CCCCIII die xvii Aug complevi lecturam decreti presentis anni’. This comes at c. 6 q. 5 after ‘hoc autem’ in mid-gloss.

⁸² Bodl. Lib., Bodley MS 247 has Holes's name on fo. 289V. For the identification of the glosses, Bodl. Lib., Summary Catalogue, ed. Falconer, Madan and Herbert, Craster, H. E., Oxford 1922, no. 2, 443.Google Scholar

⁸³ Magdalen College, Oxford, MS Lat 191. Written in 1440 by Baerts, John (fo. 204r), given by Holes's executors to Witham Charterhouse (fo. iv). De la Mare, Duke Humfrey, no. 30; Watson, Catalogue, no. 833. For Bartolomeo see Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique, Paris 1937. ii 213–16, s.v/.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ In New Coll., MS 219, fo. 44V, he has put ‘De papa et concilio’ at the point where his text says that ‘in constitutionibus conciliorum papa est ille qui principaliter statuit et consilium habet se approbative’. At fo. 45r, in the margin, next to the statement’ Et nota ex ilia glossa quod papa potest revocare constitutionem factam et approbatam in consilio generali eciam absque consensu generalis consilii’, he has ‘Papa potest revocare constitutionem factam in consilio generali’.

⁸⁵ Ibid. fo. 48r.

⁸⁶ Ibid. fo. 6gv.

⁸⁷ Mag. Coll. MS Lat. 113; Alexander and Temple, Illustrated MSS., no. 878.

⁸⁸ Mag. Coll., MS Lat. 135, 136. De la Mare, Duke Humfrey, 18; Watson, Catalogue, no. 829; Alexander and Temple, op. cit. nos 923 and 924.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ New Coll., MS 63; Alexander and Temple, op. cit. nos 927, 981.

⁹⁰ Bennett, ‘Andrew Holes’, 324.

⁹¹ Ibid. 322–3.

⁹² New Coll., MS 155; Alexander, and Temple, op. cit. no. 909Google Scholar. See Ullmann, Berthold L., The Humanism of Coluccio Salutati, Padua 1963, 199–200Google Scholar; Kohl, Benjamin G., ‘The works of Giovanni di Conversino da Ravenna: a catalogue of manuscripts and editions’, Traditio xxxi (1975), 349–67, esp. p. 353;Google Scholaridem, ‘Readers and owners of an early work by Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, Oxford, New College MS D 155’, Scriptorium xl (1981/i), 95–100. Plate 7 has Holes's hand, from fo. 7r.

⁹³ Vat. Lib., MS Urb. Lat. 694 (I have not seen this MS). See de la Mare, Duke Humfrey, no. 16. For the work, see Alfonso Sammut, Umfredo Duca di Gloucester e gli Umanisti Italiani, Padua 1980, 123 no. 38. The work is ed. by Ullmann, Berthold L., 2 vols, Zurich 1951.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ BL, MS Cotton Calig. A XVI

⁹⁵ New Coll., MS 249. De la Mare, op. cit. no. 29. The transmission of the text is very complicatedGoogle Scholar, see Reynolds, L. D. (ed.), Texts and Transmissions. A survey of the Latin classics, Oxford 1983, 54–98Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ New Coll., MSS 131 and 132. MS 131 contains letters at fols. ir–i8r, 26r–47v, 54r–g8v, io6r–i5r, which can be numbered from St Cyprien, Correspondence, 2 vols, ed. Canon, Bayard, Paris 1945;Google Scholar works genuine and false, fols i8r–26r, 47v–54r, 99r–102r, 118–19v, which can be identified from G. Hartel (ed.), S. Thasci Caecilii Cypriani Opera Omnia, CSEL iii/i; pseudo, Adversus Judeos (fos. iO2r–6r), ed. Dirk Van Damme, Beitragezur altchristlichen Literatur und Theologie xxii, Freiburg 1969; pseudo, Cena (fos 115r–i8r), ed. Karl Strecker, MGH Poetae Latinae Aevi Carolini iv/2, i. 857–900; a work on punctuation, fos. 1 igv–20v; Pseudo-Jerome, i.e. Rufinus on the Apostles’ Creed, fos. i2ir–42r, Tyranni Rufini Opera, CCSL xx. 125–82; and see also Albinia C. de la Mare and Lotte Hellinga, ‘The first book printed in Oxford. The Expositio Symboli of Rufinus’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society vii (1977–80), 184–224; Pseudo-Jerome, Tractatus defide et credulitate (fos. 142V–55V), ed. Franz Blatt, ‘Un nouveau texte d'une apologie anonyme chre'tienne’, Martino P. Nilsson dedicatum, Lund 1939, 67–95 The works in MS 132 can be identified from Hartel, op. cit., and from Sancti Cypriani Episcopi Opera, CCSL iii, 111A.

⁹⁷ New Coll., MS 133

⁹⁸ Bodl. Lib., MS Rawl., G 48. The MS is in the hand of Baerts, according to de la Mare. Finished 1439 (fo. 47V). For modern edns, see Michael Perrin, L'Ouvrage du Dieu Createur, 2 vols, Sources Chre'tiennes ccxiii;Google ScholarSamuel, Brandt (ed.), L. Caeli Firmiani Lactanti Opera ii/1 CSEL 27Google Scholar. The MS contains the disputed passage in 19, 8, at fos 46V-7. The excerpt of Quintilian is at fos. 48r-51v from Institutio Oratoria x. i. 46–91, where it ends in mid-sentenceGoogle Scholar. Cf. Quintiliani, M. Fabii, Institutionis oratoriae, ed. Michael, Winterbottom, 2 vols, Oxford 1970Google Scholar, and idem, ‘The textual tradition of Quintilian 10. 1. 46P, Classical Quarterly xii (1962), 169–75, ar”d esp. p. 173 for this MS.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Stinger, Humanism, 118–20, 265

¹⁰⁰ See above n. 98. Rice, Eugene F., Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, Baltimore 1985, esp. ch. iv. See it for Pseudo-Jerome in New Coll., MS 131, p. 121 and nn.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ In private hands. Not seen

¹⁰² New Coll., MS 265; Alexander, and Temple, Illustrated MSS, no. 912. There is no complete modern editionGoogle Scholar. I have used the Loeb Classics edition, Boethius, The Theological Tractates and The Consolation of Philosophy, trans. Rand, E. K. and Tester, S. J., London 1973Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ New Coll., MS 272. A modern edn isGoogle ScholarJean-Pierre, Callu (ed.), Collection des Universite's de France, 2 vols, Paris 1972, 1982Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Holes owned two vols of Petrarch, Liber Familiarum, New Coll., MS 268, for which see Petrarca, F., Le Familiari, , ed. Vittorio, Rossi, 3 vols, Florence 1934, repr. 1968Google Scholar; and De vita solitaria, Mag. Coll., MS Lat. 141, fos ir-39r, for which see Petrarca, F., Prose, ed. Guido, Martelloti, Milan 1955, 286–591Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ I owe this information to Ian Doyle. See Watson, Catalogue, no. 830. For Dygon see Emden, BRUO i. 615–16.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Mag. Coll., MS Lat. 141, fo.lv (Prose, 292–4). The version did not include the passage about Romuald, added c. 1372, see Prose, 464–72, with n. on 464

¹⁰⁷ Mag. Coll., MS 141, fo. 5r (Prose, 318)

¹⁰⁸ Bennett, art. cit. 322–3

¹⁰⁹ Mag. Coll., MS 141, fo. 8 (Prose, 346); fo. I3r (Prose, 383–4); fo. 26r (Prose, 482–4)

¹¹⁰ Ibid. Mag. MS 141, fo. lor (Prose, 360)

¹¹¹ Ibid. fo. 35r (Prose, 556)

¹¹² Ibid. fo. 36V (Prose, 568–70)

¹¹³ An outline is in Gill, Eugenius IV, ch. iii. Gill, Council of Florence, is the best English account.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Schofield, ‘England and the Council of Basel’, is the best account of the English involvement.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Gill, Florence 141; Joan, Greatrex, ‘Thomas Rudbourne, monk of Winchester and the Council of Florence’, Studies in Church History ix (1972), 171–6Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ I have traced a little of this in ‘John Whethamstede, the pope and the general council’, The Church in Pre-Reformation Society. Essays in honour of F. R. H. Du Boulay, ed. Barron, Caroline M. and Harper-Bill, C., Exeter 1985, 120–1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Bodl. Lib., MS Bodley 339. Watson, Catalogue, no. 78. The Somnium is 3–236; Quamvis is 237–91.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ For the work see Victor, Martin, Les Origines du Gallicanisme, 2 vols, Paris 1939, i. 220–8Google Scholar; Jean-Pierre, Royer, L'église el le royaume de France au XlVe siècle d après le Songe du Vergier el la jurisprudence du parlement, Paris 1969Google Scholar. There are photo reprints of the Goldast edition of SongeGoogle Scholar in Chatillon, F. and Schnerb-Lievre, M., ‘ Somnium Viridarii’, Revue du Moyen Age Latin 8, 14 (1957–1958); 22 (1966)Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ For the controversy over the authorship see especially the article by Perarnau, ‘Raphael de Parnaxio’, and also Raymond Creytens, ‘Raphael de Pornassio op (1467), vie et oeuvres’, AFP xlix (1979), 145–92. These introduce the earlier literature.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Decker, ‘Die Politik der Kardinale’, 1 p. 152.Google Scholar

¹²¹ For the date of these pieces the earlier work of Raymond Creytens, ‘R. de Pornaxio auteur du “De Potestate Papae et concilii generalis” faussement attribué à Jean de Torquemada Q.P.’, AFP xiii (1943), 108–47, esP- PP- “8, 121–4, is important.Google Scholar

¹²² ‘Debet igitur concilium papam errantem admonere filial! caritate obsecrare et hortari ut errorem suum cognoscat et corrigat. Quod si non fecerit, debet haberi recursus ad Christum ut ipsum illuminet vel de medio tollat’: Bodl. Lib., Bodley MS 339, p. 242. There is a hand drawn in the margin beside this.Google Scholar

¹²³ Ibid. p. 245.

¹²⁴ Ibid. pp. 245–6.

¹²⁵ Conclusion 5,Google Scholaribid. p. 256.

¹²⁶ Conclusion 10, ‘Sic igitur si error invenitur in sententia pape non ab aliquo defectibilium vel corrigibilium corrigi poterit, cum numquam inferior potest superiorem corrigere. Corrigetur igitur a deo vel a seipso habente virtutem racionis que supra suum actum reflecti potest…vel corrigitur eius sententia a successore’Google Scholar. Ibid. p. 248.

¹²⁷ Conclusion 11Google Scholar, ibid. p. 257.

¹²⁸ Conclusion 12, 13Google Scholar, ibid. p. 258.

¹²⁹ For example, Summa, pp. 238, 247, 248, 265; Sentences, p. 262; De regimine, p. 242; Quodlibet, p. 249.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ For instance, p. 263, he refers to Herveus as further reading against error. For the man, see de Guimaraes, A., Hené Noel († 1323), AFP viii (1938), 5–81; Kaeppelli, , Scriptores ii. 231–41.Google Scholar

¹³¹ P. 258. The reference must be to Guillaume de Pierre Godin's Tractatus de causa immediata ecclesiastice potestatis, for which see William D. McCready, The Theory of Papal Monarchy in the Fourteenth Century, Toronto 1982. This work was often confused with de Palude's in this period, but the reference is to a section of art. 4 which is only in the Godin; cf. McCready, op. cit. 211, for section

¹³² P. 256. On this, see Kaeppelli, op. cit. iii. 261–4.Google Scholar

¹³³ Pp. 258, 259–60. On Gorran, see Kaeppelli, op. cit. iii. 165–8.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ P. 269. On all these popes, see nowGoogle ScholarKelly, J. N. D., The Oxford Dictionary of Popes, Oxford 1986Google Scholar

¹³⁵ P. 271. If opponents say that Martin v approved of Constance, ‘Respondeo quod video oppositum per effectum. Nam si bene attendantur rescripta sua quibus presidentibus loco sui Papien’ et Senen’ conciliis deputavit, dat ipsis presidentibus et consiliis auctoritatem circa reformacionem ecclesie in suis membris tantum et cetera agendi que non derogent eius statui et honori. Per quod satis ostendit intelligere volentibus quod ipse non tenebat se esse concilio subditum’.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ P. 271.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Pp. 283, 285.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ For instance, ‘De Benedicto vero xm et Johanni xxm…non est questio quia ipsi faciebant scisma in ecclesia Dei ut fertur, uno tenente unam partem, altero alteram. Et in casu dubii quando non habetur certitudo evidens quis sit verus papa et quilibet eorum est pertinax, non nego quin propter tollendum scisma debeat procedi contra utrumque et tune non agere contra papam sed contra presumptum papam’: pp. 287–8. At p. 289 he denies that either Martin v or Eugenius iv had ever sincerely accepted the supremacy of the council over the pope: ‘Et ideo quando videro hanc conclusionem positam esse in corpore juris ex certa scientia et libera voluntate summi pontificis tune dimittam opinionem meam captivando intellectum meum in obsequium vicarii Jesu Christi.’Google Scholar

¹³⁹ The only other English copies of works by Casanova are in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 157, fos i55r-8gv, and iC)Or-202r. See Perarnau, ‘Raphael de Parnaxio’, 465–6. These are not identical with MS Bodley 339.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Examples in Stinger, Renaissance, 162–6.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ See, for instance, Bodl. Lib., MS Bodley 339, p. 36, in margin: ‘capitulum LXXXI clericus hie deficit…’, and its contents are summarised correctly. Cf. Somnium Viridarii, 85, for this.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Schofield, ‘England and the Council of Basel’, 22, 79–80.Google Scholar