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2. Lester, Julius, Search for the New Land: History as Subjective Experience (New York, 1969).Google Scholar

3. Prominent statements in behalf of such a historiography are made in Botkin, Benjamin (ed.), Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery (Chicago, 1945); Ware, Caroline (ed.), The Cultural Approach to History (New York, 1940); Blegen, Theodore C., Grass Roots History (Minneapolis, 1947); and Hareven, Tamara K. (ed.), Anonymous Americans: Explorations in Nineteenth-Century Social History (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1971).Google Scholar

4. See, for example, such notable studies in the “new urban history” as Thernstrom, Stephan, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880–1970 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1973) and Katz, Michael B., The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975).Google Scholar

5. Finkelstein, Barbara J., “Schooling and Schoolteachers: Selected Bibliography of Autobiographies in the Nineteenth Century,” History of Education Quarterly, 14 (Summer 1974): 293–300.Google Scholar

6. This research has been generously supported, from 1974–1977, by a grant from the Spencer Foundation and by a Humanities Fellowship from the University of California. I am indebted to Lawrence Cremin, A. for sound advice and unremitting encouragement. Finkelstein, Barbara J. of the University of Maryland and Hiner, N. Ray of the University of Kansas have contributed to lively discussion, shared their own work in progress and provided warm friendship.Google Scholar

7. Katz, , People of Hamilton, pp. 36 and 257. Note, however, that he also acknowledges that his book slights “the texture of domestic life,” resting primarily on inferences drawn from statistical data, in the absence of direct evidence about “the way in which people at the time viewed life as a child, as a boarder, or as a servant in different sorts of households” (pp. 315, 316).Google Scholar

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9. Peters, Mary Lorraine, MS Diary, 1837–1839, entries for November 11 and December 3, 1838, and Genealogical Notes, p. 188. Mary Lorraine Peters MSS, New-York Historical Society. Records of vital statistics are extremely incomplete and unreliable for the nineteenth century. Federal data do not exist before 1850, and not before 1900 or many indices—such as expectation of life at specified ages and gross and net reproduction rates. We know that the white birth rate dropped steadily through the century (from 55 live births per 1000 population in 1800 to 30.1 in 1900), due to later age of marriage, an increase in permanently single persons, better knowledge of contraception in the upper classes, and probably because of a lesser rate of infant mortality. Available figures for Massachusetts for the period 1850–1900 show males, at birth, improving in life expectancy from 38.3 to about 45 years, and females from 40.5 to about 52 years. The earliest partial federal data for infant mortality are for 1915: 99.9 deaths per 1,000 live births (cf. 29.2 in 1950). The maternal mortality rate for 1915 was 6.8 deaths per 1,000 live births (cf. 0.83 in 1950). Massachusetts data reveal 131.1 deaths under 1 year of age per 1,000 live births (excluding fetal deaths) in 1851–1854; the death rate then increased to 170.3 in the period 1870–1874, then declined again to 153.2 in 1895–1899. This is not notable progress. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington, D.C., 1960) pp. 23–26.Google Scholar

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11. Before she was twenty, Akehurst, Amelia was the only surviving of her father's five daughters, and four of his five sons apparently also died prematurely. Reminiscences in MS Diary for 1851. Akehurst-Lines, Collection, University of Georgia Library. (Original spelling retained here and throughout.) Google Scholar

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14. Skewes, Samuel, MS Diary, Vol. 4, p. 55. Skewes MSS, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. By permission. Skewes remarried also and had additional offspring.Google Scholar

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29. Illustrative are Greven, Philip J. Jr. Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca, N.Y. 1970); Bissell, Linda A., “From One Generation to Another: Mobility in Seventeenth Century Windsor, Connecticut,” “William and Mary Quarterly, 31 (1974): 79–110.Google Scholar

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Holbrook, Stewart H. describes the emigration from New England as “the most influential movement our country has known,” in The Yankee Exodus: An Account of Migration from New England (New York: Macmillan, 1950), p. 10. Migrating Yankee teachers and college presidents were only the most visible agents of the process of educational diffusion.Google Scholar

32. A nice example of the dilemma of the son chosen for academic training and a ministerial career, when he wished only to farm, is Parkman, Ebenezer, reported on in Axtell, James, The School Upon a Hill (New Haven, Connecticut 1974), p. 111.Google Scholar

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42. Lortie, Dan C., Schoolteacher: A Sociological Study (Chicago, 1975). Along with a relatively-short period of preparation as compared with other “professions,” the concept of “eased entry” includes the fact of states and cities having created “low-cost, dispersed, and nonelitist training institutions”— in partial compensation for teaching's low wages and low status. (pp. 17–19 et passim).Google Scholar

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48. Booth, Emily to Bartlett, Ellen, February 18, 1858. In Ellen [Helen L.] Bartlett MSS, Manuscript Dept., Duke University Library, by permission; Whitney, Maria K. to Williams, Tirzah M., October 9, 1838. Williams, Tirzah M. MSS.Google Scholar

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51. “Reminiscenses of Northern Vermont,” p. 59. Hulbert, Papers. Of their labor on Kansas farms late in the 19th-century, Klingberg, wrote, “Boys normally were given men's jobs at age twelve.” Klingberg, Frank J., “The Education of a Kansan.” Klingberg MSS.Google Scholar

52. The urge to apply technology to domestic routines, to take out patents on household gadgets, and to re-organize it scientifically may have indeed been present from the late 18th-century, but it seems patently false to claim that “from 1865 onward there was a revolution in domestic work, spurred on by the discovery of new power sources in coal fields,” as claimed in Altbach, Edith Hoshino, Women in America (Lexington, Massachusetts, 1974), p. 33. As Altbach noted (p. 178), the sewing machine and egg beater were “almost the only common mechanical aides to housework” in 1890. She is more correct in writing of “generations of women working through a vast mire of economic, technological, and social forces, carrying always on their backs the institutions of home & family” (p. vi). Degler, Carl observes that it was middle-class women who were the main beneficiaries of whatever relief there was of domestic chores in the late 19th-century; but he overstates the degree of release, and he appears to generalize from a few large cities to middle-class women in the rest of the nation. See Degler, Carl N., “Revolution Without Ideology: The Changing Place of Women in America,” in Lifton, Robert Jay (ed.), The Woman in America (Boston, 1967), p. 195. On the lives of more typical women, reporting briefly in their own words, see Lerner, Gerda, The Female Experience: An American Documentary (Indianapolis, 1977), pp. 77–79, 115–116, 127–130, and Lerner's, introduction, “Just a Housewife,” pp. 108–114.Google Scholar

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