¹ A.H. Andrews & Co., Illustrated Catalogue of School Merchandise (Chicago, IL: A.H. Andrews & Co., 1881), 73, quoted in Tyack, David and Cuban, Larry, Tinkering Toward Utopia: A Century of Public School Reform (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 121. On ubiquitous but “invisible” educational technologies, see Lawn, Martin and Grosvenor, Ian, “Introduction: The Materiality of Schooling,” in Materialities of Schooling: Design, Technology, Objects, Routines, eds. Martin Lawn and Ian Grosvenor (Oxford, UK: Symposium Books, 2005), 7–17. There is some ethnographic work on the significance of blackboard inscriptions, for example, Barany, Michael J. and MacKenzie, Donald, “Chalk: Materials and Concepts in Mathematics Research,” in Representation in Scientific Practice Revisited, eds. Catelijne Coopmans, Michael Lynch, Janet Vertesi, and Steve Woolgar (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014); there has been more work on the pedagogical significance of inscriptions in science studies generally, for example, Livingston, Eric, The Ethnomethodological Foundations of Mathematics (London: Routledge, 1986); Latour, Bruno, “Drawing Things Together,” in Representation in Scientific Practice, eds. Lynch, Michael and Woolgar, Steve (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990), 19–68; Klein, Ursula, Experiments, Models, Paper Tools: Cultures of Organic Chemistry in the Nineteenth Century (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003); Kaiser, David, Drawing Theories Apart: The Dispersion of Feynman Diagrams in Postwar Physics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005).Google Scholar

² Aldrich Kidwell, Peggy, “An Erasable Surface as Instrument and Product: The Blackboard Enters the American Classroom—1800–1915,” Rittenhouse 17, no. 2 (December 2003): 85–98. Most historians have surmised that the origins of the blackboard were French and most early adopters in the United States had indeed been trained in or recently taught in France, for example, Cajori, Florian, The Teaching and History of Mathematics in the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1890), 117, citing Barnard's American Journal of Education 16 (1866): 141–42. Tracing the history of the blackboard further into eighteenth-century France is a daunting task, given that the word tableau was widely used, and that there appear to be few systematic distinctions made between different means of displaying information on vertical surfaces. By the early nineteenth century, blackboards were clearly a standard part of French education, for example, by the 1830s Charles Sumner witnessed lectures in Paris given by Lefébure de Fourcy and Jean Baptiste Biot in which “the chalk and sponge” were routinely deployed: Pierce, Edward L., ed., Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, vol. 1: 1811–1838 (Boston, MA: Roberts Brothers, 1893), 256–57.Google Scholar

³ See Peggy Kidwell's assessment that “blackboards were introduced in the U.S. as a way of teaching mathematical topics to relatively large numbers of students simultaneously,” in “An Erasable Surface as Instrument and Product,” 86.Google Scholar

⁴ Thelin, John R., A History of American Higher Education (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), ch. 2, esp. 41.Google Scholar

⁵ Kaestle, Carl F., Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780–1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), 67, 97. For more recent scholarship on how early nineteenth century educational institutions were framed in republican and national terms, see Koganzon, Rita, “‘Producing a Reconciliation of Disinterestedness and Commerce’: The Political Rhetoric of Education in the Early Republic,” History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 403–29 and Nash, Margaret A., “Contested Identities: Nationalism, Regionalism, and Patriotism in Early American Textbooks,” History of Education Quarterly 49, no. 4 (November 2009): 417–41; For early studies of the changing nature of higher education in this period—and its relationship with changing notions of discipline—see Allmendinger, David F. Jr., “New England Students and the Revolution in Higher Education, 1800–1900,” History of Education Quarterly 11, no. 4 (Winter 1971): 381–89 and Potts, David B., “American Colleges in the Nineteenth Century: From Localism to Denominationalism,” History of Education Quarterly 11, no. 4 (Winter 1971): 363–80. More broadly on the history of schools as mechanisms for virtue, see Tyack, David and Hansot, Elisabeth, Managers of Virtue: Public School Leadership in America, 1820–1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1982). Although of less significance to the present essay, the examination itself might be considered another influential technological development of this period, for example, Carson, John, The Measure of Merit: Talents, Intelligence, and Inequality in the French and American Republics, 1750–1940 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007) and Warwick, Andrew, Masters of Theory: Cambridge and the Rise of Mathematical Physics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2003).Google Scholar

⁶ Stephen Petrina has argued for the importance of grounding the history of educational technologies in the contingent premises and principles of contemporary schools. His essay also provides a critical introduction to the existing literature on the history of educational technologies: Petrina, Stephen, “Getting a Purchase on ‘The School of Tomorrow’ and Its Constituent Commodities: Histories and Historiographies of Technologies,” History of Education Quarterly 42, no. 1 (March 2002): 75–111.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Synthetic histories of antebellum higher education have not traditionally focused on the materiality of the early university classroom, for example, Rudolph, Frederick, The American College and University: A History (New York: Vintage Books, 1962); Veysey, Laurence R., The Emergence of the American University (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1965); Reuben, Julie A., The Making of the Modern University: Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Mortality (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996); Geiger, Roger, ed., The American College in the Nineteenth Century (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2000); and Thelin, , A History of American Higher Education. There has been more historical work done on the materiality of technical textbooks and laboratories. For higher education, see, for example, Bensaude-Vincent, Bernadette, “Textbooks on the Map of Science Studies,” Science & Education 15 (2006): 667–70 and Vicedo, Marga, ed., “Focus: Textbooks in the Sciences,” Isis 103 (2012); and for primary education, for example, Rudolph, John, “Teaching Materials and the Fate of Dynamic Biology in American Classrooms after Sputnik,” Technology and Culture 53, no. 1 (January 2012): 1–36; Nash, “Contested Identities”; Karen D. Michalowicz and Arthur C. Howard, “Pedagogy in Text: An Analysis of Mathematics Texts from the Nineteenth Century,” in A History of School Mathematics, eds. Stanic, George M.A. and Kilpatrick, Jeremy (Reston, VA: National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, 2003) 1, 77–109; and Venezky, Richard L., “A History of the American Reading Textbook,” The Elementary School Journal 87, no. 3 (January 1987): 246–65. In general, the role of material objects—and the charisma or authority that inhered in them—has been better studied for early modern European universities, for example, Clark, William, Academic Charisma and the Origins of the Research University (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2006).Google Scholar

⁸ Recent historical work has begun to trace in detail the nineteenth-century history of the blackboard, but as noted earlier, historians often mistakenly assume the blackboard was introduced primarily to teach large groups. See Kidwell, “An Erasable Surface as Instrument and Product” and the related chapter, Aldrich Kidwell, Peggy, Ackerberg-Hastings, Amy, and Lindsay Roberts, David, “The Blackboard: An Indispensable Necessity,” in Tools of American Mathematics Teaching, 1800–2000 (Washington, DC, and Baltimore, MD: Smithsonian Institution and The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 21–34; Donahue Wylie, Caitlin, “Teaching Manuals and the Blackboard: Accessing Historical Classroom Practices,” History of Education 41, no. 2 (March 2012): 257–72; Donahue Wylie, Caitlin, “Teaching Nature Study on the Blackboard in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century England,” Archives of Natural History 39, no. 1 (2012): 59–76; and for an early study, Anderson, Charnel, “Technology in American Education 1650–1900,” U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare Bulletin, no. 19 (1962).Google Scholar

⁹ For examples of West Point historians’ typically brief mention of the blackboard, see Forman, Sidney, West Point: A History of the United States Military Academy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 79; Ambrose, Stephen E., Duty, Honor, Country: A History of West Point (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 97–98 (where Ambrose, incorrectly, implies that the blackboard's use ceased after a pertinent textbook was written); Morrison, James L. Jr., “The Best School in the World”: West Point, the Pre-Civil War Years, 1833–1866 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1986), 87; Pappas, George S., To The Point: The United States Military Academy, 1802–1902 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993), 32. Michael Molloy, Peter, “Technical Education and the Young Republic: West Point as America's Ecole Polytechnique, 1802–1833” (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 1975) is a slight exception in that he mentioned the blackboard repeatedly, but he is mainly focused on tracing the blackboard and recitation back to France than in exploring its productive role for West Point over the course of the nineteenth century (pp. 124, 391).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Tillman, Samuel E., “The Academic History of the Military Academy, 1802–1902,” in The Centennial of the United States Military Academy at West Pointy New York: 1802–1902, Vol 1: Addresses and Histories (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1904), 223–438; and Mansfield, E. D., “The United States Military Academy at West Point,” American Journal of Education 30 (March 1863): 17–40.Google Scholar

¹¹ Some of the nineteenth-century reports of the Board of Visitors are posted on the online-resource page of West Point (http://www.library.usma.edu) and others are in bound journals at the United States Military Academy Archives, West Point, New York, or in the National Archives. Hereafter, they will just be noted by year, with page number as available.Google Scholar

¹² Daston, Lorraine, ed., Things That Talk: Object Lessons from An and Science (New York: Zone Books, 2004), esp. 9–26.Google Scholar

¹³ For the breadth of West Point's contributions to nineteenth-century science, see Arney, Chris, West Point's Scientific 200: Celebration of the Bicentennial (Lexington, SC: Palmetto Bookworks, 2002); See also Guralnick, Stanley M., Science and the Ante-Bellum American College (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1975) and Daniels, George H., American Science in the Age of Jackson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968).Google Scholar

¹⁴ McDonald, Robert M.S., ed., Thomas Jefferson's Military Academy: Founding West Point (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2004); Molloy, “Technical Education and the Young Republic.”Google Scholar

¹⁵ Tillman, , “The Academic History of the Military Academy,” 244; Mansfield, “The United States Military Academy,” 32–33.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Hungar Parshall, Karen and Rowe, David E., The Emergence of the American Mathematical Research Community, 1876–1900: J.J. Sylvester, Felix Klein, and E.H. Moore (Providence, RI: American Mathematical Society, 1994), 17–21; Cajori, , Teaching and History of Mathematics, ch. 1, esp. 121; Tillman, “The Academic History of the Military Academy,” 244–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁸ Latrobe, John H. B., Reminiscences of West Point from September, 1818, to March, 1882 (East Saginaw, MI: Evening News, 1882), 30; for the quotation, Board of Visitors Report, 1822.Google Scholar

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²¹ Dupuy, , Where They Have Trod, 84; Ambrose, , Duty, Honor, Country, 138–39; Everett Griess, Thomas, “Dennis Hart Mahan: The West Point Professor and Advocate of Military Professionalism, 1830–1871” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1969), 236.Google Scholar

²² Grattan-Guinness, Ivor, Convolutions in French Mathematics, 1800–1840, 3 vols (Basel: Birkhäuser Verlag, 1990), 1:95; Belhoste, Bruno, “The Ecole Polytechnique and Mathematics in Nineteenth-Century France,” in Changing Images in Mathematics: From the French Revolution to the New Millennium, eds. Bottazzini, Umberto and Dahan Dalmedico, Amy (London: Routledge, 2001), 15–30; Belhoste, Bruno, La Formation d'une Technocratie: L'école Polytechnique et ses Eleves de la Révolution au Second Empire (Paris: Belin, 2003); Coulston Gillispie, Charles, Science and Polity in France: The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Years (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 525. Monge's influence was still palpable at the centenary celebrations: Comité du Centenaire, Polytechnique, Ecole, Livre du Centenaire 1794–1894 (Paris: Gauthier-Villars et Fils, 1895), 45.Google Scholar

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²⁸ See schedule of daily activities pasted in endpapers of General Regulations for the Army; or, Military Institutes (Philadelphia, PA: M. Carey and Sons, 1821); Board of Visitors Report, 1820; Crozet, C., A Treatise on Descriptive Geometry, For the Use of the Cadets of the United States Military Academy, Part 1 (New York: A.T. Goodrich and Co., 1821), following Monge, G., Géométrie Descriptive, new ed. (Paris: Klostermann, 1811). Crozet's plans for a second volume never came to fruition. For Thayer's experience in France: Molloy, , “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 374. For Izard: Board of Visitors Report, 1823, 91.Google Scholar

²⁹ Quoted in Tillman, “Academic History,” 245.Google Scholar

³⁰ Clarence Hope, Ian, “A Scientific Way of War: Antebellum Military Science, West Point, and the Origins of American Military Thought” (Ph.D. diss., Queen's University, 2011), esp. ch. 6; Molloy, , “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 309–10; Compare with Skelton, William B., An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1861 (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1992), ch. 8, 10.Google Scholar

³¹ Little is known about the extent of Monge's use of the blackboard but his textbook strongly suggests students would be expected to use rulers and compasses on similar surfaces: Monge, Géométrie Descriptive, x and 15.Google Scholar

³² Davies, Charles, The Logic and Utility of Mathematics, With the Best Methods of Instruction Explained and Illustrated (New York: A.S. Barnes and Co., 1850), 257; Board of Visitors Report, 1824, 116; Board of Visitors Report, 1854 (reprinted in Senate, Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress, Part II, 33d Cong., 2d Sess. [Washington, DC: Beverly Tucker, 1854], 150).Google Scholar

³³ Board of Visitors Report, 1854; Mansfield, , “United States Military Academy,” 38; Boynton, Edward C., History of West Point, and its Military Importance During the American Revolution and the Origin and Progress of the United States Military Academy (New York: Van Nostrand, 1863), 272. For Crozet's lament about the eventual extent of examinations at West Point, see Hunter, and Dooley, , Claudius Crozet, 24.Google Scholar

³⁴ Board of Visitors Report, 1854, 149–50; Yale Prof. J.D. Kinsley mentioned that because he was not there for the public examinations he witnessed “private recitations of the Cadets,” in Board of Visitors Report, 1824, 120.Google Scholar

³⁵ For Smith's recollections: Cajori, , Teaching and History of Mathematics, 122 and 126; For recitations in France: Molloy, , “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 16–18, 370. Recitations were commonly taught by assistants, but Dennis Hart Mahan, one of the most famous of West Point's nineteenth-century professors, apparently taught recitations himself: Griess, “Dennis Hart Mahan,” 193–96.Google Scholar

³⁶ Board of Visitors Report, 1826, 6; Cajori, , Teaching and History of Mathematics, 117; Board of Visitors Report, 1824, 104.Google Scholar

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³⁸ While broadly similar, there are some minor discrepancies in the size and number of these early recitation rooms. For descriptions, see Boynton, , History of West Point, 258; U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Historic Structures Inventory, United States Military Academy, West Point, New York, 4 vols. (Washington, DC: Historic American Buildings Survey/Historic American Engineering Record, 1984), 2:12; Tillman, , “Academic History,” 251–53.Google Scholar

³⁹ E.g., Board of Visitors Report, 1824.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hillard, George S. and Ticknor, Anna, eds., Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor, 2 vols. (Boston, MA: James R. Osgood and Company, 1876), 1:374; partially quoted in Dupuy, Where They Have Trod, 166–67.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Board of Visitors Report, 1847.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Quoted in Cajori, , Teaching and History of Mathematics, 124.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The faculty quotation is from Tillman, , “Academic History,” 245; Pak, Michael S., “The Yale Report of 1828: A New Reading and New Implications,” History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 1 (February 2008): 30–57, esp. 34. More generally, Lane, Jack C., “The Yale Report of 1828 and Liberal Education: A Neorepublican Manifesto,” History of Education Quarterly 27, no. 3 (Autumn 1987): 325–38, esp. 333; Herbst, Jurgen, “The Yale Report of 1828,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 11, no. 2 (Fall 2004): 213–31. A comparison between the approaches of Yale and West Point was made explicitly in Morrison, “Best School in the World,” 104–105. For mental discipline's later history, Walter Bernard Kolesnik, Mental Discipline in Modern Education (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1958).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Northrop, Birdsey, “The United States Military Academy at West Point,” Massachusetts Board of Education, Twenty-Seventh Annual Report (1864), 90–124, on 98.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The recitation, in its long history, has entailed many different versions, see, Thayer, V.T., The Passing of the Recitation (Boston, MA: D.C. Heath and Company, 1928), 4–12.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See Warwick, , Masters of Theory, esp. ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Board of Visitors Report, 1854; Michie, Peter S., “Educational Methods at West Point,” Educational Review 4 (1892): 350–65, on 356; Forman, Sidney, “Cadet Life Before the Mexican War,” Bulletin of the Library, United States Military Academy 1 (1945): 1–26, on 15.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Michie, , “Educational Methods at West Point,” 355; On the explicit interdependence of moral and mental, see Michie, Peter S., “Education in its Relation to the Military Profession,” Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States 1 (1880): 154–79, on 168. For Lancasterian schools, see Kaestle, , Pillars of the Republic, 41 and Kaestle, , ed., Joseph Lancaster and the Monitorial School Movement: A Documentary History (New York: Teachers College Press, 1973).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For manly bearing: Board of Visitors Report, 1849; Rich elocution: Board of Visitors Report, 1824; Indistinct speech: Board of Visitors Report, 1849.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Michie, , “Education in its Relation to the Military Profession,” 166.Google Scholar

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⁵³ For the contemporaneous case of Britain and the origin of the “head and hand” dichotomy, see Shapin, Steven and Barnes, Barry, “Head and Hand: Rhetorical Resources in British Pedagogical Writing, 1770–1850,” Oxford Review of Education 2, no. 3 (1976): 231–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ Boynton, , History of West Point, 218–19; Slightly misquoted in Cajori, , The Teaching and History of Mathematics, 114; Hunter, and Dooley, , Claudius Crozet, 19–21; Mansfield, “United States Military Academy,” 30.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Regulations Relative to the Admission of Cadets into the Military Academy,” reprinted in Mansfield, “United States Military Academy,” 47–48.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Northrop, , “United States Military Academy,” 105.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ For example, Mansfield, , “United States Military Academy,” 39; Boynton, History of West Point, 276.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Recitation regulations were reprinted in Tillman, “Academic History,” 252–57.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Board of Visitors Report, 1822 and 1826, 5–6; Boynton, History of West Point, 272, 279–80; Letter of Prof. Hardy, Arthur S., quoted in Cajori, Teaching and History of Mathematics, 124. West Point was, again, following in the path of the École Polytechnique: Langins, Janis, “The École Polytechnique (1794–1804): From Encyclopaedic School to Military Institution” (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1979), 256–57.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Dupuy, , Where They Have Trod, 163. While most sources describe evaluation scores ranging from 0 to 3, one mentions them as ranging from −3 to 3: Mansfield, “United States Military Academy,” 40. Not surprising, this idea of the constant grading was also French in origin: Molloy, “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 124.Google Scholar

⁶¹ General Regulations for the Army, 336–37; Board of Visitors Report, 1821, 31.Google Scholar

⁶² Mansfield, , “United States Military Academy,” 38; Board of Visitors Report, 1823; Board of Visitors Report, 1826.Google Scholar

⁶³ On debates surrounding the Academy's founding see McDonald, , ed., Thomas Jefferson's Military Academy; Molloy, , “Technical Education and the Young Republic”; Griess, “Dennis Hart Mahan,” ch. 1; and James, Joseph B., “Life at West Point One Hundred Years Ago,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 31, no. 1 (June 1944): 21–40, on 28; Crackel, Theodore J., Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801–1809 (New York: New York University Press, 1987), 13; Rudolph, , American College and University, 42; and more broadly, Wilentz, Sean, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2005), esp. 129, and Scott, John C., “The Mission of the University: Medieval to Postmodern Transformations,” The Journal of Higher Education 77, no. 1 (January/February 2006): 1–39, on 15. The Civil War provided a stark challenge to West Point's attempt to transcend sectionalism: James L. Morrison, “The Struggle Between Sectionalism and Nationalism at Ante-bellum West Point, 1830–1861,” Civil War History 19, no. 2 (June 1973): 138–48.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The literature on student unrest is surveyed in Geiger, Roger L., “Introduction,” in The American College in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Geiger, Roger L. (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2000), 1–36 esp. 10–11 and in Hessinger, Rodney, “‘The Most Powerful Instrument of College Discipline’: Student Disorder and the Growth of Meritocracy in the Colleges of the Early Republic,” History of Education Quarterly 39, no. 3 (Autumn 1999): 237–62; For the political significance of contemporary unrest at Dartmouth, see Fiegan Green, Jane, “‘An Opinion of Our Own’: Education, Politics, and the Struggle for Adulthood at Dartmouth College, 1814–1819,” History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 2 (May 2012): 173–95. For parental views of West Point, see, for example, Letter to John Latrobe from his father quoted in Semmes, John H.B. Latrobe and His Times, 67–69. In fact, there is some evidence that West Point's method did not “work” reliably, in that final rankings of cadets did not correlate strongly with distinction in career as officers. Not finishing in the top of one's class, though, did make it unlikely that a student would become an engineer or scientist. See Molloy, “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 440.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Arney, , West Point's Scientific 200; Ambrose, Duty, Honor, Country, 117–24. For developments elsewhere, see Warwick, Masters of Theory; Gillispie, Science and Polity in France, 536–37; Molloy, , “Technical Education and the Young Republic,” 57–58, 113, 117; Calinger, Ronald, “The Mathematics Seminar at the University of Berlin: Origins, Founding, and the Kummer-Weierstrass Years,” in Vita Mathematica: Historical Research and Integration with Teaching, ed. Calinger, Ronald (Washington, DC: Mathematical Association of America, 1996), 153–76; Parshall, and Rowe, , The Emergence of the American Mathematical Research Community. Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Some disagreement exists on the causes of these changes, but there is no doubt that there was a significant shift in the emphasis of education at the Ecole Polytechnique: Charles Gillespie, “Un Enseignement Hégémonique: Les Mathématiques,” in La Formation Polytechnicienne, 31–43; Belhoste, “Un Modèle à l’Épreuve.”Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ Kidwell, , “An Erasable Surface”; a couple of early references are mentioned in Fletcher B. Dresslar, “Blackboards,” 390–94 in vol. 1 of Monroe, Paul, ed., A Cyclopedia of Education (New York: Macmillan Company, 1911), on 391; Treatises from the 1840s include Bumstead, Josiah F., The Blackboard in the Primary School (Boston, MA: Perkins & Marvin, 1841); Goldsbury, John, Exercises and Illustrations on the Blackboard; Furnishing an Easy and Expeditious Method of Giving Instruction (Keene, NH: George Tilden, 1847); and Alcott, William A., Slate and Blackboard Exercises (New York: Mark H. Newman, 1843).Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ See Latour, Bruno, “Where Are the Missing Masses? The Sociology of a Few Mundane Artifacts,” in Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change, eds. Bijker, Wiebe E. and Law, John (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), 225–58 and Winner, Langdon, “Do Artifacts Have Politics?” in The Whale and the Reactor: A Search for Limits in an Age of High Technology, ed. Winner, Langdon (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 19–39. This case study also provides historical grounding to some of the philosophical debates surrounding so-called “extended cognition,” for example, Menary, Richard, ed., The Extended Mind (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010).Google Scholar