1. Neo-Jansenist historians of Grégoire include Gazier, Augustin, Etudes sur l 'histoire religieuse de la Révolution française (Paris: Armand Cohn, 1887)Google Scholar and Séché, Léon, Les Derniers Jansénistes, depuis la ruine the Port-Royal jusqu' à nos jours (1710–1870), 3 volumes (Paris: Perrin, 1891–1893).Google Scholar

2. Refusal to take Grégoire seriously came rather early in his career. In 1793 he was accused by an advanced Jacobin as one “who wanted to Christianize the Revolution, and who pretended that Jesus Christ had prophesied that there would be Jacobins.” Comment of Bourdon de l'Oise, 24 brumaire II (13 November 1793), in Aulard, F. A., La Société des Jacobins. Recueil de documents pour l'historie du club des Jacobins à Paris (Paris: Librairie Jouaust, etc., 1889–1897), V, 509Google Scholar. Grégoire's voluminous writings have unquestionably repelled the interest of historians. His earliest critic found his prose marred by bad taste and the use of too many trivial expressions, and in general those attracted by his passion, imagination, and vast erudition could only be disappointed by his poor style, his hyperbole, and his tastelessness. Review of essays on the Jews by Grégoire, and Thierri, in Mercure the France, 01 2, 1790, No. I, 29–42Google Scholar. d'Avalon, Cousin, Grégoireana, ou résumé général de la conduite, des actions et des écrits de M. le comte Henri Grégoire (Paris: Plancher, 1821), 46.Google Scholar

3. Taveneaux, René, Le Jansénisme en Lorraine 1640–1789 (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1960), 714Google Scholar. There is no mention of Grégoire in Weill, Georges, Histoire du catholicisme libéral (Paris: Alcan, 1909).Google Scholar

4. Letter of Montalembert to Jean Rozaven S. J., September 14, 1845; cited in Moody, Joseph N., “French Liberal Catholics, 1840–1875,” French Society and Culture Since the Old Regime, ed. by Acomb, Evelyn M., and Brown, Marvin L. Jr (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), 151.Google Scholar

5. Moody, , ed., Church and Society. Catholic Social and Political Thought and Movements 1789–1950 (New York: Arts, Inc., 1953), 15–16.Google Scholar

6. The distinctions between liberal and social Catholicism can best be seen in the following works: Moody, Church and Society …; Weil; and Duroselle, J. -B., Les Débuts du catholicisine social en France, (1822–1870) (Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1951).Google Scholar

7. Weill, Histoire…, 10; Moody, , “French Liberal Catholics …,” 165–166.Google Scholar

8. Moody, , Church and Society …;, 26–27, 113Google Scholar; and “French Liberal Catholics …,” 152. Leflon, Jean, La Crise révolutionnaire 1789–1846, (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1951), 136–137.Google Scholar

9. Moody, , Church and Society…, 102–104.Google Scholar

10. Ménoires de Grégoire, ancien évâque de Blois, député à l ' Assemblée constituante et à la Convention nationale, sénateur, membre de l'Institut; précédés d 'une notice historique sur l'auteur par M. H. Carnot (Paris: J. Yonet), I, 196, 425–426Google Scholar. d'Avalon, CousinGrégoireana …, 59.Google Scholar

11. Weill, , Histoire…, 281–282.Google Scholar

12. So unwilling are some to find any liberal inspiration in Gallicanism, that they completely ignore Grégoire who was, if anything, an arch Gallican. At least the break of LaMennais with Rome and the disillusionment of Montalembert with Ultramontanism should have created some sympathy for Gallicanism as a liberal force. Yet this dated antipathy to Gallicanism continues. For Gallicanism as a source of liberal Catholicism one should consult Vaussard, M., Jansénisme et Gallicanisme aux origines religieuses du Risorgimento (Paris: Letouzey, 1959).Google Scholar

13. That a priest should have taken so favorable and compassionate a view of the Jews was remarkable enough, but that a native of the East where anti-Semitism was probably strongest in France should do so was truly noteworthy. Grégoire's constituents were probably more in accord with later opponents of Jewish emancipation at the Constituent Assembly, many of whom were from Alsace and Lorraine. The strongest opponents of Jewish emancipation at the Assembly were the Abbé Maury, Mgr de la Fare, bishop of Nancy, and Reubell. Reubell was an Alsatian, while La Fare, a southerner, represented the bailliage of Nancy in Lorraine, . Réimpression de l'ancien Moniteur (Paris: Plon Fréres, 1863–1870), II, 439, 455–456, 462–464, 471Google Scholar; III, 251–252, 256.

14. Jérôme, L., “Les Elections et les cahiers du elergé des bailliages de Nancy, Lunéville, Blamont, Rosiéres, Vézelise et Nomeny aux Etats Généraux de 1789,” Annales de 1'Est, XIII (1899), 22–23Google Scholar. Taveneaux, , Le Jansénisme…, 719.Google Scholar

15. The other deputy of the clergy to Versailles from the bishop of Nancy was none other than the bishop of Nancy, Mgr de la Fare, hardly a representative of curé interests. It seems certain that hostility between various groups of curés was responsible for failing to name two curés as the deputation to Versailles. Constantin, C., “La Campagne éléctorale du clergé dans Ic bailliage de Nancy en 1789,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française, IV (1927), 254–266Google Scholar. Grégoire himself would have hardly warm relations with La Fare at Versailles. He had already expressed extreme concern that the curés of Lorraine select only their own kind to the local and bailliage electoral meetings. Letter of Grégoire to Guilbert, March 28, 1789, from Lunéville; reproduced in Jérôme, L., “Centenaire de l'abbé Grégoire. Quelques letters de I'abbé et de l'évèque constitutionnel,” Mémoires de l 'Académie de Stanislas, 6th series, XXIX (06, 1932), 60–61.Google Scholar

16. Grégoire to Guilbert, from Versailles, July 9, 1789; Jérôme, “Centenaire …,” 66–70.

17. On July 13, 1789, presiding over the Constituent Assembly, the archbishop of Vienne remarked that for a minister of peace the Abbé Grégoire had a violent disposition. Moniteur, I, 154Google Scholar. Guilbert increasingly disapproved of the activities of his erstwhile colleague. In February, 1791, he wrote to Louis Verdet, a curé-deputy from the bailliage of Sarregeninges, “M. Grégoirés errore always left me véry sad. I snall carry with me into the next world a deep sadness for having contributed to a mission of which he has shown himself so little worthy.” Jérôme, , “Centenaire …,” 84.Google Scholar

18. Grégoire to the vicares épiscopaux of Blois, from Paris, Feb. 26, 1791. Bibliothèque de la Société des Amis de Port-Royal (BSPR), Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, carton 2.

19. Letter of the municipal officers of Blois to Grégoire, Feb. 18, 1791. BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, carton 2. The departmental officials of Loir-et-Cher assured Grégoire that he would be the “organ of truth [which] will tear to pieces the veil with which religion is masked.” Grégoire, ever susceptible to the myth of the bon curé, could hardly resist. Feb. 26, 1791, Ibid.

20. Grégoire fused love of country and religious duty together in Maceabean fashion. He cited the Maceabees as proof of the religious nature of patriotism, Lettre pastorale de M. l'évéque du départment de Loir-et-Cher (Blois: J. P. J. Masson, 03 24, 1791), 19–20Google Scholar; Bibliothèque nationale, Ld4. 3441. Grégoire may have been on hand during the constitutionalist insurrection of 13 vendémiaire IV (October 5, 1795) and have given spiritual comfort to some of the injured. Grégoire to his vicaires épiscopaux, October 8, 1795, BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, carton 2.

21. September 21, 1792; Moniteur, XIV, 8Google Scholar. Despite the vigorous efforts of Grégoire and his friends to refute charges of regicide hurled at him, largely to avoid his political retirement under the Restoration, it seems certain from our prospective that he was a regicide in spirit, if not in fact. Early in his life he became committed to the position of the 16th Century French theorists in favor of resistance to the king, Mémoires, I, 327Google Scholar. Reporting on his labors in the organization of Nice and Savoy as part of the French Republic in 1793, Grégoire chided the National Convention for having wasted time discussing the fate of Louis, XVI, “a tyrant whom one should have speedily sent off to the gallows,” Rapport présenté à la Convention nationale, au nom des commssaires énvoyés par celle, pour organiser les départements du Mont-Blanc et des Alpes maritlimes (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 07 29, 1793), 37–38.Google Scholar

22. It is quite possible that Robespierre protected Grégoire. These two leaders of the Left certainly had much in common and they had fought side by side on behalf of Jews, Negroes, passive citizens, and so on. However, it is likely that Albert Mathiez had made too much of this when he wrote that the one revolutionary figure with whom Grégoire agreed on all essential points was Robespierre. Mathiez, , “L'Abbé Grégoire,” Annales historiques de a Révolution francaise, VIII, No. 46 (07–08, 1931), 345–348Google Scholar. When on the 17 brumaire 1 (November 7, 1793) Grégoire delivered his refusal to abjure his faith and renounce his priestly office before the National Convention, he did so without knowledge that Robespierre strongly disapproved of the atheistic activities of persons like Chaumette and Cloots. The coincidence of the opposition of Robespierre and Grégoire to the de-Christianization led the Grand Dictionnaire du XIXe Siècle to suggest that the Robespierrists had urged Grégoire to stand up publicly for his faith before the Convention. Gazier rejects any such collusion (p. 214). Any protection for Grégoire from Robespierre must remain a moot point, as must any claim that Grégoire's later condemnation of Robespierre as a tyrant was part of the Thermidorean vilification of Robespierre. Guillame, J., “Grégoire et le vandalisme,” La Révolution francaise, XLI (1901), 155–180Google Scholar; 242–269. As early as 17 vendémiaire III (Oct. 8, 1794) Grégoire was referring to “the tyranny of Robespierre;” Grégoire's Report on the encouragement of scholars in Guillaume, J., Procés-Verbaux du comité d'instruction publique de la Convention (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1894–1904), V, 103–104Google Scholar. The best characterization of Grégoire's behavior during the Terror, along with the other churchmen in the Convention, is prudent. An anonymous plea of 1797 in favor of priests who had resigned their functions during the religious persecution implied that the churchmen in the Convention had been in less danger than the priests in the countryside. Found in Grégoire's papers, this plea for leniency seems not to have favorably affected Grégoire's attitude towards backsliders within the Constitutional Church. Réflections rapides sur la lettre encyclique des évêques, BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Concile 1797.

23. Leflon, JeanLa Crise…, 130–132Google Scholar. In his speech on the 21 December 1794 Grégoire did intimate that a Republic needed religion for its existence, but he did not, as erroneously implied by Godechot, propose that an establishment of Christianity was needed. Grégoire, as much as Chénier and the other anti-clericals, at this point favored separation of Church and State; his reasons were different from theirs, but both he and the enemies of religion shared a conception of Church-State relations which we would today call liberal. Godeehot unfortunately assumes that Grégoire 's Gallicanism prevented him from truly favoring separation of Church and State. It has been such assumptions which have obscured Grégoire 's truly liberal position. Godechot, Jacques, Les Institutions de la France sous la Révolution et l'Empire (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951), 369–370Google Scholar. Grégoire 's plea for religious liberty was only printed in fragments by the Moniteur (XXIII, 23–24, 29–32)Google Scholar, and the Convention was in too much of an uproar to listen to more than a part of it. It was published by Maradan under the title Discours sur la liberté des cultes (Paris, Year III), and reprinted in the Annales de la Religion, II (03 5, 1796).Google Scholar

24. He kept well abreast of international religious affairs. He had heard of an annual sermon founded at Harvard University by a Mr. Dudley which treated the errors of Papism and intended to write a rebuttal of the most recent sermon. He was also concerned with the watering down of belief among Protestants. He had heard that a new version of the New Testament had omitted the dubious passage in the First Epistle of John about the “three witnesses in heaven,” something which concerned him. Letters of Grégoire to Eustacbio Degola, November 7, 1805 and February 7, 1806; in de Guberuatis, Angelo, Eustachio Degola, il clero costituzionale e la conversione della famiglia Manzoni, spogli da un carteggio inedito (Florence: G. Barbegrave;ra, 1882), 307–309Google Scholar. Grégoire continued to fight against the ultramontanist drift apparent everywhere, taking particular care to support the schismatic Church of Utrecht with which the Constitutional Church of France had had much in common. Taveneaux, René, “Les Anciens Constitutionnels et l'Eglise d'Utrecht,” Annales de l'Est, 5th series, 11th year (1960), no. 3, 227–246.Google Scholar

25. d'Avalon, CousinGrégoireana …, 53.Google Scholar

26. I use the term neo-Jansenist to describe various 18th-Century ecclesiastical positions which owed more to the quasi-presbyterian doctrines of lower clergy rights known as richérisme and less to doctrinal Augustianian Jansenism.

27. Letter from a curé of the diocese of Chalons-sur-Marne, a former resident of Nancy, to Grégoire, February, 1789; BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Vosges; cited by Taveneaux, , Le Jansénisme…, 708–709.Google Scholar

28. Mémoires, II, 2Google Scholar. Maggiolo, L., La Vie et les oeuvres de l'abbé Grégoire (Nancy: BergerLevrault, 1873–1884), 44.Google Scholar

29. Grégoire, , Histoire des sectes religieuses (Paris: Baudouin Fréres, new edition, 1828–1829), I, 189.Google Scholar

30. French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962), 196Google Scholar. Attention should be drawn to the authorship of an Eloge de Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1790)Google Scholar, Ln. 27. 17984, cited in McDonald, Joan, Rousseau and the French Revolution 1762–1791, (London: The Athlone Press, 1965), 49–53; 176Google Scholar, and erroneously attributed to Grégoire. The publisher of this anonymous Eloge was named Grégoire, hence the confusion. It could not have been written by the Abbé Grégoire; a reading of it makes this a certainty.

31. Session of September 25, 1789, Moniteur, I, 511.Google Scholar

32. Mémoires, II, 2–4.Google Scholar

33. Sectes, I, 28–29Google Scholar; II, 68–69.

34. Gazier, Etudes sur l'histoire religieuse …, 349.Google Scholar

35. “Discours prononcé par le cit. Grégoire, orateur de la députation envoyée au gouvernement par le corps législatif, le 3 frimaire, an X,” Annales de la religion, XIV, 185Google Scholar. A review of the “Oeuves complètes de l'abbé Proyart,” in the Chronique religieuse, unsigned but likely written by Grégoire, warned against going beyond a just criticism of the philosophes to a complete attack on philosophy (Vol. III, 487). According to Posener, S. in his Essai d 'une bibliographie critique de oeuvres des l'abbé Grégoire (Paris: Bibliothèe;que de l'arsenal), 1946Google Scholar, MSS. 14045, a great many of the unsigned articles in the Chronique religieuse were authored by Grégoire, 12. Grégoire wrote to Degola that except for articles by specificaliy named people in the Chrnique religieuse, “almost all the rest is by me.” Posener, 12; Gubernatis, Eustachio Degola…, 361.Google Scholar

36. “Réflexions extraites d'un ouvrage du citoyen Grégoire sur les moyens de perfectionner les sciences politiques,” Mémoirs d l'Insitut national des sciences et arts, pour 1'an IV de la Répubique. Sciences morales et politiques (Paris: Baudouin, An VI), I, 563–564Google Scholar. According to Grégoire, these Réflexions, read on 7 germinal IV, had been mutilated to make them less objectionable for reading in public; the published version was still further altered. It was never published in its original form, Mémoires, I, 431.Google Scholar

37. Session of August 4, 1789; Moniteur, I, 277.Google Scholar

38. “Reflexions,” 553.

39. Plan d'association générale entre les savans, gens de lettres, et artises, s.l.n.d. (Written during the presidency of Thomas Jefferson), 3–4.

40. Sectes, III, 208–210Google Scholar. Guillaume, , Procès-verbaux …, III, 364–369Google Scholar (report on use of elementary textbooks in education, 3 pluviôse II).

42. “Discours pronoucé par le cit. Grégoire, orateur de Ia députation envoyée an gouvernement par le corps législatif, le 3 frimaire, an X,” Annales de la religion, XIV, 185.Google Scholar

43. He observed that the established academies had received works of pleasure warmly but had persecuted the author of thé Social Contract, Report on the Academies, Aug. 8, 1793 in Guillaume, , Procès-Verbaux …, II, 250–256.Google Scholar

44. In his Mémoirs Grégoire confessed that despite all the financial help he had offered artists and writers, he had a dislike of the fine arts as the corrupt product of luxury, I, 366–371. Rousseau alone he cited as unwilling to prostitute himself.

45. De la Domesticité chez les peuples anciens et modernes (Paris: Egron, 1814), 191.Google Scholar

46. Nouvelle lettre d'un curé à ses confréres députés aux Etats généraux, S.I.n.d. (1789), B.N. 8 Lb39. 1809, 4.

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48. De la Constitution française de l'an 1814 (Paris: Le Normant, 1814), B.N. Ld 45,. 177A.Google Scholar

49. Seconde Lettre aux électeurs du département de l'Isére (Paris: Baudouin Fréres, 1820).Google Scholar

50. Adresse aux députés de la seconde législature (Paris: Imprimerie du “Patriote françois,” 1791)Google Scholar. Only excerpts of this address, voted for publication on 26 Sept. 1791 by the Société des amis de la Constitution, appear in the Moniteur, X, 26–28.Google Scholar

51. Du Concordat, extract from 8th number of La Minerve française (Paris: Fain, 1818), B.N. Ld4. 4348, p. 13Google Scholar. When LaMennais, groping for a source of authority more congenial than natural rights, suggested an irrational one in his Observations sur la promesse d'enseigner les quatre articles de la déclaration de 1682, a reply almost surely by Grégoire appeared in the Chronique religieuse which identified such a position with a defense of tyranny operating through the ignorance of the people, I, 75. Grégoire consistently rejected any attempt to attack liberalism as the product of metaphysical speculation. For him “without philosophy, we would still be nibbling at our chains and the constitution would still be unborn.” Adresse aux députés de la seconde législature, cited by Gibson, William, Ashbourne, Lord, Grégoire and the French revolution (London: Sands & Co., 1932), 137–138.Google Scholar

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53. Letter to Ricci, Paris, May 31 1796 (12 prairial IV), Vaussard, Maurice, ed., Correspondance Scipione de' Ricci-H'enri Grégoire (1796–1807) (Florence: Edizioni Sansoni Antiquariato, 1963), 15Google Scholar. Léon Séché, who found Jansenists in front of and behind virtually every worthwhile liberal movement, wrote that Grégoire's view of the Jews was influenced by Port-Royal, , Le Derniers Jansénistes …, I, 137–138.Google Scholar

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55. The review article in the Mercure de France found no essential difference between the various essays in favor of the Jews which had been favorably cited by the Royal Society of Metz.

56. Essai sur la régénération physique, morale et politique des Juifs (Metz: Imprimerie de Claude Lamort, 1789)Google Scholar, passim. Grégoire. Observations nouvelles sur les Juifs, et spécialement sur ceux d'Allemagne, S.1., 1806, Bib. Nat. Ld184. 65, 6–7, 10–11. Rumors reached Grégoire that Italian Jews were abandoning their peculiar customs and becoming secularised. His information was inaccurate, but in his glee over the rumors he betrayed his secularist interest rather openly. Letter of Ricci to Grégoire, Florence, June 30, 1796. MSS. copy, BSPR, Collection Grégoire, “Etranger.”

57. Madaule, Jacques, “Grégoire et les Juifs,” Europe, 34ème année, No. 128–129 (08–09, 1956), 77.Google Scholar

58. Mémoires, I, 334–335.

59. Mémoires, I, 388Google Scholar. “Le Jansénisme dans tout son jour,” unsigned article probably by Grégoire, , Chronique religieuse, I (1819), 512–523.Google Scholar

60. Gazier, , Etudes sur l'histoire religieuse…, 21Google Scholar; Pouget, Auguste, Les Idées religieuses et reformatrices de l'évêque constitutionnel Grégoire (Paris Société Nouvelle de Librairie et d'Edition, 1905), 49.Google Scholar

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63. It seems clear that the few times Grégoire commented upon matters of grace, penance, and predestination, he hardly could be accused of an Augustinian position. Sectes, VI, 260–264Google Scholar; II, 301–302. His hostility to the Jesuits made him feel duty bound to support Jausenist moral doetrines, often leading to incredibly bizarre conclusions which actually clashed with his true religious and political sensibilities. Sectes, I, 347–348Google Scholar; 357; II, 306–319. In his excellent survey of Jansenism, Louis Cognet notes that as far from Augustinianisin as he was Grégoire romantically oversimplified the legacy of Port-Royal and actually denatured it. His attachment to Port-Royal was one of sentiment not belief. Le Jansénisme (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), 122.Google Scholar

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65. Vaussard, , Jansénisme et Gallicanisme …, 54Google Scholar. Grégoire had had certain reservations about the Civil Constitution despite his apparently passionate defense of it in his Légitimité du serment civique exigé des fonctionnaires ecclésiastiques (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1791)Google Scholar, B.N. Ld4. 3200, and Défense de l'ouvrage institulé: Légitimité du serment civique (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1791)Google Scholar, B.N. Ld4. 3409. So-called Jansenists were to be found on both sides of the question of the acceptance of the Civil Constitution, and though he would never retract his oath to it, Grégoire persisted in having certain doubts about it. Préclin, Les Jansénistes …, 463–504Google Scholar. Letter of Degola to Grégoire, June 30, 1804; Vaussard, , “Les Jansénistes italiens et la Constitution civile du clergé,” Revue historique, CCV (1951), 256–257.Google Scholar

66. Letter of Rissi to Grégoire, Florence, June 30, 1796, BSPR, Collection Grégoire “Etranger.” Grégoire's repeated references to the Court of Rome as different from the Holy See may be found in the following: Testament de Grégoire, BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, 2; Essai historique sur les libertés de l'église gallicane et des autres églises de la catholicité, pendant les deux derniers siècles (Paris: Au Bureau du Censeur, 1818)Google Scholar, passim; Mémoire sur la manière de négocier avec la cour de Rome pour faire cesser les troubles religieux de la France, B.N. MSS. nouv. acq. fr. 22737; Mémoires, II, 25–26Google Scholar; Letters to LeCoz, Oct. 1, 1801 and September 19, 1807, in Pingaud, Léonce, ed., “Correspondance de LeCoz et de Grégoire (1801–1815),” Mémoires de la Société d'émulation du Doubs, 7th series, X (1905), 214Google Scholar; 217.

67. Pouget, Les Idées religieuses…, 48.Google Scholar

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71. Ibid., 148.

72. Grégoire saw religious and political reform going hand in hand towards a better future. Letter to Rieci, Paris, June 11, 1797; Vaussard, , Correspondance …, 50–51Google Scholar. On the influence of coneiliarism on the theories of popular sovereignty see: Sabine, George H., A History of Political Theory, revised edition (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1960), 313–328.Google Scholar

73. Mémoires, I, 326–327.Google Scholar

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76. Sectes, I, 93–94.Google Scholar

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79. 23 prairial IV, copy of letter in BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, notes diverses d'Augustin Gazier.

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82. Walsh, Henry H., The Coneordat of 1801: A Study of the Problems of Nationalism in the Relations of Church and State (New York: Columbia University Press, 1933), 144–145Google Scholar. Grégoire failed to see that a usurper like Napoleon could hardly uphold effectively the Gallican tradition of the Most Christian kings; neither could a Republic, as proven by the Civil Constitution's fate.

83. Letter of Grégoire to Ricci, July 25, 1801, written in Italian by Degola under dictation or under the inspiration of Grégoire; Vaussard, , Correspondance …, 97–100Google Scholar. Letter of Grégoire to Cohn, curé of Emberménil, June 3, 1802; Jérôme, , “Centenaire …,” 87–89.Google Scholar

84. Grégoire's incredulity at the hatred, fanaticism, and opportunism produced by the struggle between jurors and non-jurors was expressed frequently; see his letter to a vicaire épiscopal of his diocese, August 17, 1795, BSPR, Collection Grégoire, Loir-et-Cher, 2, and the Actes du synode diocésain tenu dans l'église cathédrale de Blois, 1800Google Scholar, in Gazier, Etudes sur l'histoire religieuse …, 147Google Scholar. He almost believed in some sort of collusion between the dc-Christianizers and the non-jurors during the Revolution to destroy republican Christianity. The coincidence of these two groups working temporarily together during the Terror and under the Directory he regarded as “a key to explain diverse phases of the Revolution.” Sectes, I, 95Google Scholar. The true catholic perilously sailed between the Scylla of Catholic royalism and bigotry and the Charybdis of “libéralisme,” a doctrine denying that religion is compatible with liberty, Histoire des confesseurs des empereurs, des rois et d'autres princes (Paris: Baudouin Frères, 1824), 423.Google Scholar

85. Fête sélcuaire de la fondation de l'évêché de Blois (Paris: Imprimerie-Librairie, s.d., 1797), 33.Google Scholar

86. Grégoire is quoted in Letter XI from J.J.C. to a royalist of Avignon, Paris, 26 vendémiaire VI, cited above.

87. Unsigned review of Pradt's Les quatre Concordats, Chronique religieuse, I (1819), 532–533.Google Scholar

88. “Les Missions du 19e Siècle comparées à celles du 17e,” unsigned, Chronique religieuse, II (1819), 266–267.Google Scholar

89. Testament de Grégoire.