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The Grounds of Religious Toleration in the Thought of John Donne

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Roy W. Battenhouse
Affiliation:
Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.

Extract

About 1594 a young English poet, then in his twenty-first year, composed a satire on religion, described by Professor Grierson as “one of the earliest and most thoughtful appeals for toleration, for the candid scrutiny of religious differences, which was written perhaps in any country.” The satire directs its jibes at all men who choose their religion uncritically—whether they blindly turn to Rome or to the Church of England, whether to Geneva, to Atheism, or to religious relativism. The author advises, instead, a diligent searching out of the “right” and the “best” religion. The task, as he pictures it, is a difficult business, demanding of us that we inquire patiently and “doubt wisely”; for the Truth stands at the top of a steep and craggy hill, and only by a most careful circling of that hill can we reach the summit.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1942

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References

1 The Poems of John Donne (Oxford, 1912), II, xvi, commenting on Satyre III.Google Scholar

2 Gosse, Edmund, Life and Letters of John Donne (London., 1899), I, 27.Google Scholar

3 Ibid., I, 226.

4 Ibid., I, 196.

5 Jordan, W. K., The Development of Religious Toleration in England (Harvard University Press, 19321938), II, 39.Google Scholar

6 Alford, Henry, The Works of John Donne (London, 1839), III, 43.Google Scholar

7 Ibid., II, 368.

8 Simpson, E. M., A Study of the Prose Works of John Donne (Oxford, 1924), 67.Google Scholar

9 Jessopp, Augustus, ed., Essays in Divinity (London, 1855), 104.Google Scholar

10 Ibid., 126–27.

11 Ibid., 131.

12 Gosse, , John Donne, II, 78Google Scholar. This letter “seems to belong to April, 1615.”

13 Satyre III.

14 Satyre I.

15 Jessopp, , Essays, 37.Google Scholar

16 Alford, , The Works, II, 13.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., IV, 504. In our day, Tixeront has called Gregory of Nazianzus “The most eloquent of all theologians.” See his History of Dogmas (St. Louis, Mo., 19231930), II, 7.Google Scholar

18 Alford, , The Works, II, 362.Google Scholar

19 Ibid., II, 363.

20 Ibid., III, 11.

21 Ibid., III, 145; see also V, 115; I, 546.

22 Jessopp, , Essays, 3637Google Scholar. The quotation is from the Confessions, XI, iii, 5.Google Scholar

23 Ignatius His Conclave, Facsimile Text Society (New York, 1941), 13.Google Scholar

24 Alford, , The Wortes, I, 321.Google Scholar

25 Ibid., IV, 562.

26 Ibid., I, 288–89.

27 Jessopp, , Essays, 218.Google Scholar

28 Alford, , The Works, III, 151–52.Google Scholar

29 Ibid., II, 307.

30 Ibid., I, 554. Donne bolsters his point by adding immediately this sentence from St. Augustine: “Let us not desire to know that which God hath no will to reveal.” An editor might add, by way of further footnote, that the phrase “learned ignorance” (docta ignorantia) is a coinage of Augustine's in Epistola, CXXX, 15.Google Scholar

31 For a tracing of this theme, see Steiner, Arpad, “The Faust Legend in the Christian Tradition,” P. M. L. A, LIV (1939), 391404Google Scholar. Note that the disparagement-of-the-intellect theme tends to disappear in the writings of the Scholastics but revives with the humanist Petrarch, when he describes true learning as nothing but piety. In arguing the vanity of worldly learning, Petrarch quotes from the Bible, Augustine, Ghrysostom, Gregory the Great, and Bernard.

The term “anti-intellectual” as applied to the tradition here under consideration may easily be misunderstood. Pietism is anti-intellectual in so far as it ranks mysticism above science, illumination above reason, and love before knowledge. That such a view is not incompatible with a highly developed philosophic interest is evident from the example of the Cambridge Platonists—whose attitude Donne in many ways anticipates. The pietist, even if learned in philosophy, generally belittles philosophical opinions as compared with mystic vision or dogma, and sometimes attacks scientia in his zeal for sapientia. Augustine's “credo ut intellegam,” properly understood, is ante-intellectual rather than anti-intellectual; but Augustine was often interpreted in the latter sense by Renaissance attackers of Scholasticism. His theology is not the “intellectualism” of Aquinas; and a selective reading can magnify this difference into contrast and even apparent opposition. See hereafter, footnote 134.

32 He does, however, in the Essays in Divinity, ed. Jessopp, 17Google Scholar, discuss approvingly Cusa's Cribratio Alcorani.

33 To suggest that the “metaphysical poet” Donne is anti-intellectual may seem absurd. But see footnote 31.

34 Alford, , The Works, I, 3233Google Scholar. Note also Donne's remark in The Progress of the Soul, stanza XII: “Arguing is heretics game …; not liberties / Of speech but silence … end heresies.” Cf. Basil, , On the Spirit, XXVIIGoogle Scholar: “The awful dignity of the mysteries is best preserved by silence” (PNF 2, VIII, 42Google Scholar). This view was popularized in Renaissance times, particularly, by Erasmus, who wrote: “God has deliberately hidden some things that we might adore Him in mystic silence.” See Bainton, R. H., Castellio Concerning Heretics (New York, 1935), 32.Google Scholar

35 Alford, , The Works, III, 220.Google Scholar

36 Ibid., III, 84.

37 See Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, I, iiGoogle Scholar; and V, lxvii, especially Hooker's conclusion: “Let it therefore be sufficient for me presenting myself at the Lord's table to know what there I receive from him, without searching or inquiring of the manner how Christ performeth his promise; let disputes and questions, enemies to piety … take their rest.” (V, lxvii, 12.)

38 Alford, , The Works, I, 75.Google Scholar

39 Ibid., I, 157. Donne on two other occasions calls up this doctrine of Luther's (IV, 158; V, 327). In the second instance the quotation given is: Odiosa et exitialis vocula, quare, It is an execrable and damnable monosyllable, why: it exasperates God, ruins us.” These three citations furnish practically the only point of doctrine on which Donne uses Luther as a support.

40 Jessopp, , Essays, 54.Google Scholar

41 Ibid. Referring us to Pico's Heptaplus, Donne goes on to say that there are only two names proper for expressing God's essence: one imposed by us, God; the other taken by God, I AM. The name God signifies as much of God's essence as we can express.

42 Alford, , The Works, IV, 220.Google Scholar

43 Ibid., VI, 259.

44 Ibid., I, 94.

45 Ibid., I, 213.

46 Ibid., II, 508.

47 Ibid., I, 129.

48 Ibid., I, 130.

49 Facsimile Text Society Edition (New York, 1930), 21.

50 Alford, , The Works, II, 75.Google Scholar

51 A Valediction: of the Book, lines 28–29.

52 Alford, , The Worts, I, 346.Google Scholar

53 Jessopp, , Essays, 49.Google Scholar

54 Alford, , The Works, I, 207ff.Google Scholar

55 Ibid., I, 330.

56 Ibid., II, 544–45 and 593 (Meditations XI and XX in Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions).

57 Ibid., V, 365.

58 Ibid., II, 205

59 Ibid., I, 95.

60 Ibid., VI, 98.

61 Ibid., II, 248; III, 11; III, 316.

62 Ibid., III, 273.

63 Ibid., I, 124.

64 Ibid., I, 85.

65 Ibid., IV, 585.

66 Ibid., I, 134.

67 Ibid., I, 507; III, 318; VI, 98.

68 Ibid., III, 143–144.

69 Ibid., III, 307 and 318–19

70 Ibid., I, 544.

71 Ibid., III, 449.

72 Ibid., I, 566ff.

73 Ibid., II, 235.

74 Ibid., I, 566.

75 Ibid., II, 128; II, 235; IV, 496.

76 Ibid., I, 566; II, 135.

77 Ibid., II, 266. See also I, 541, where Donne notes that Porphyry is thought by St. Cyril to have established a trinity.

78 Ibid., I, 488–89.

79 Ibid., IV, 494–95.

80 He remarks (Ibid., IV, 309) that we all have dispositions in our spiritual life, and that his appetite carries him upon the Psalms, for a first course, and the Epistles of St. Paul for a second. “For my diet,” he adds, “I have St. Augustine's protestation, that he loved the Book of Psalms, and St. Chrysostom's that he loved St. Paul's Epistles, with a particular devotion. I may have another more particular reason, because they are Scriptures, written in such forms, as I have been most accustomed to; St. Paul's being letters, and David's being poems.”

81 Ibid., III, 156.

82 Ibid., I, 173; III, 135; III, 462: VI, 144. See also II, 480. Donne's source here is a passage prefixed to Psalm 1 in St. Basil's Commentary on the Psalms. (See Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, VIII, xlvxlviGoogle Scholar). St. Basil stretches orthodoxy a good deal when he says that the book of Psalms “provides for every individual need” and offers a “complete theology.”

83 Ibid., V, 583.

84 Ibid., VI, 215.

85 Ibid., II, 135. Note also Donne's statement in his Eclogue of 1613: “The heart of man, / Is an epitome of God's great book / Of creatures, and man need no farther look.”

86 Jessopp, , Essays, 1315.Google Scholar

87 Ibid., 27.

88 Facsimile Text Seciety edition, 57. Italics mine.

89 Alford, , The Works, IV, 335.Google Scholar

90 Ibid., II, 349.

91 Ibid., I, 566; IV, 4. Further, Donne holds that the fact of immortality is man's “merely as a natural man, without any consideration of grace” (IV, 527). Donne's claims here exceed those of Aquinas.

92 Ibid., II, 354–55.

93 Ibid., I, 416.

94 Ibid., II, 336.

95 See my Marlowe's “Tamburlaine” (Vanderbilt University Press, 1941), 8688, 159161.Google Scholar

96 Alford, , The Works, I, 417ffGoogle Scholar. See also II, 135, where Donne says that God sends us first to Nature, which is a “school” then to Scripture, which is a “university.” In The Progress of the Soul, stanza 3, he terms the church a “swimming College;” while in The Second Anniversary, lines 299–301, he speaks of Heaven as the only “school” in which we can directly know all mysteries.

97 Those who claim that in this life they are in possession of the beatific vision of God and see Him essentially as He is Donne terms Rome-Pharisees. See Alford, , The Works, II, 372.Google Scholar

98 Ibid., I, 411.

99 Ibid., I, 421.

100 Ibid., I, 427.

101 Facsimile Text Society edition, 49.

102 Alford, , The Works, IV, 534.Google Scholar

103 Ibid., IV, 531.

104 See Ibid., II, 72.

105 Ibid., IV, 520.

106 Ibid., I, 419 (Easter Day, 1628); V, 419.

107 Ibid., I, 123; I, 419.

108 Ibid., V, 419.

109 Ibid., III, 375.

110 Ibid., IV, 475.

111 Ibid., I, 195.

112 Ibid., III, 119.

113 Ibid., III, 219.

114 Ibid., III, 374.

115 Ibid., IV, 477.

116 Ibid., III, 119. See also I, 29; I, 157.

117 See Simpson, , A Study of the Prose Works, 81Google Scholar; and Husain, Itrat, The Dogmatic ana Mystical Theology of John Donne (S. P. C. K., 1938), 32.Google Scholar

118 Alford, , The Works, VI, 44.Google Scholar

119 See Husain, , The Dogmatic … Theology, 33.Google Scholar

120 Alford, , The Works, VI, 254Google Scholar. Note also Donne's mystical interpretation of miracles: they are “transitory and occasional sacraments, as they are visible signs of invisible grace …; Christ's purpose in every miracle was, that by that work, they should see grace to be offered unto them.” Ibid., III, 119.

121 Ibid., I, 157; V, 6.

122 Ibid., V, 134; IV, 375.

123 Ibid., V, 419.

124 Ibid., II, 210; and see Simpson, , A Study of the Prose Works, 79Google Scholar. Note also the touch of mystical interpretation in a quotation drawn from St. Bernard: “I am bishop over no man but myself, I have no larger diocese than my own person” (Alford, , The Works, I, 186).Google Scholar

125 Jessopp, , Essays, 125.Google Scholar

126 Ibid., 130.

127 As Steiner remarks (P. M. L. A., LIV, 397Google Scholar), the “fervent fundamentalism” of Bernard represents a reaction against the Schools.

128 Alford, , The Works, I, 185; V, 358.Google Scholar

129 Ibid., II, 15.

130 Ibid., I, 287; II, 105.

131 Ibid., V, 25.

132 Les Doctrines Médiévales chez Donne (Paris, 1917). See esp. 128.Google Scholar

133 Miss Ramsay ought to have noted carefully what her teacher, M. F. Picavet, says regarding the importance of the Cappadocian Fathers as mediators of Neoplatonism. In Picavet, 's L'Histoire des Rapports de la Theologie et de la Philosophie (Paris, 1889), 1011Google Scholar, we read: “Saint Basile reproduit dans son ouvrage contre Eunomius, sous le titre de Oratio de Spiritu sancto, plusieurs pages de Plotin ou il se borne à remplacer l' Ame du monde par l'Esprit saint: on a pu recueillir et mettre en parallèle un nombre assez considérable de passages identiques chez Plotin et saint Basile, en leur donnant pour titre Basilius magnus Plotinizans. Saint Grégoire de Nysse se rattache également au néo-platonisme …”

134 Thus Donne may be said to have used largely the same sources as were drawn upon by John Scotus Erigena, whom De Wulf has called “the Father of the anti-Scholastics.” Henry Bett, in his study of Erigena (Cambridge University Press, 1925), 160ffGoogle Scholar., lists as the Scot's chief authorities Augustine and Gregory of Nyssa—along with some considerable use, on theological points, of Dionysius the Areopagite, Origen, and Gregory of Nazianzen; and on exegetical points, of Basil, Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Jerome.

Regarding Donne's debt to Augustine's “anti-intellectualism,” see, besides footnotes 31 and 32 above, also Bredvold, Louis I., “The Religious Thought of Donne,” in Studies in Shakespeare, Milton ana Donne (New York, 1925), 219226Google Scholar, especially the remarks on 224: “He [Donne] belonged to the anti-intellectual tradition of St. Augustine.”

135 “Donne in Our Time,” in A Garland for John Donne (Harvard University Press, 1931), 9.Google Scholar

136 Alford, , The Works, IV, 3.Google Scholar

137 Coffin, Charles Monroe, John Donne ana the New Philosophy (New York, 1937), 247.Google Scholar

138 Alford, , The Works, I, 420.Google Scholar

139 Ibid., VI, 48.

140 Ibid., I, 145. When Donne adds that “The Christian religion is of itself a sweet and an easy yoke … all abridged into two words, love God, love thy neighbor,” we realize that his view is pretty much that of Erasmus and the devolio moderna.

141 Ibid., I, 470. Gregory, says Donne, argues as follows: Christ never called Jerusalem the way to heaven; and if Christ never commanded pilgrimage to Jerusalem, I know not what can justify that man that makes himself the rule of religion; furthermore, “there is not only no certain profit, but evident danger to a chaste soul, in the unchaste conversation of those pilgrims.” Actually, Donne is here paraphrasing from a letter “On Pilgrimages,” the authorship of which was disputed in the sixteenth century between Reformers who championed it as offering patristic support for their views and certain Romanist editors who omitted it from their edition of Nyssa's works. The letter has been included by Migne as among Nyssa's writings, and is so translated by the editors of the Post-Nicene Fathers.

142 See the excellent historical sketch of light-metaphysics by Baeumker, Clemens, Witelo (Mὕnster, 1908), 357428Google Scholar, in Beiträge z. G. d. P. d. M., III, 2Google Scholar. There is scarcely any trace of light-metaphysics in the early Scholastics, and none in Albertus Magnus and Aquinas; but the tradition flourishes in Augustine, the Areopagite, Erigena, and Bonaventura.

143 Alford, , The Works, IV, 534Google Scholar. For further example of light-imagery, see Biathanatos, 153Google Scholar. Here Donne says that the light of the moon represents the “light of Nature,” while the sun is an emblem of the light of the “Word of God.” Men who think they see two or three suns see meteors. The arguments, deductions, and conclusions of men are to be likened to tapers—artificial lights.

344 Alford, , The Works, IV, 395.Google Scholar

145 Ibid., V, 12.

146 Ibid., V, 52.

147 A Funeral Elegy, lines 59–61.

148 Good Friday, 1613Google Scholar, lines 27–28.

149 The macrocosm-microcosm comparison appears prominently, e. g., in The First Anniversary, Elegy on the Lady Markham, and Holy Sonnet F. See also Alford, , The Works, I, 572Google Scholar; IV, 528; VI, 159. In this last reference Donne gathers from Gregory Nazianzen a neat reversal of the doctrine: man is properly a mundum magnum, and the world is an abridgement of man!

150 Jessopp, , Essays, 74Google Scholar. Donne repeats the idea in the poem The Exstasy, when he speaks of “That subtle knot, which makes us man.”

151 Alford, , The Works, I, 260.Google Scholar

152 Ibid., IV, 527; III, 539 (Devotions, Meditation X). Note the Christian heterodoxy of this Platonic view.

153 Ibid., 338; V, 293.

154 Ibid., II, 414.

155 Ibid., I, 372.

156 Ibid., I, 376.

157 Ibid., I, 338. To this view is probably to be attributed Donne's insistence on “the impurity of my best actions.” There is, he says, “no work, that hath not so much ill mingled with it, as that we need not cry God merey for that work.” Ibid., III, 477.

158 Ibid., I, 127.

159 Ibid., IV, 526.

160 Ibid., IV, 524.

161 Ibid., III, 483.

162 Ibid., IV, 524; cf. I, 377.

163 Ibid., I, 6. Italics mine.

164 Ibid., I, 502. Cf. Obsequies to the Lora Harrington, lines 105 ff.; also Alford, , The Works, IV, 4Google Scholar: “The body of man was the first point that the foot of God's compass was upon.” The notion of God as the center of a circle, and as furnishing the beginning and end of all circles, is a Neoplatonic doctrine prominent in the writings of Nicholas of Cusa and Marsilius Ficinus. On this point see Lefranc, Abel, “Marguerite de Navarre et le Platonisme de la Renaissance,” in Grands Écrivains Français de la Renaissance (Paris, 1914), 174181Google Scholar; also Bartlett, Phyllis B., The Poems of George Chapman (Modern Language Association, 1941), 425Google Scholar. Chapman, a contemporary of Donne, frequently describes the perfect or complete life as circular.

165 Alford, , The Works, IV, 7Google Scholar. For the “sustentation and reparation” of the world, says Donne, God has given marriage. The Romanists are semi-Tatians and semi-Encratites.

166 At Paul's Cross, Mar. 24, 1616, Alford, , The Works, VI, 126Google Scholar; cf. VI, 225. See also my Marlowe's “Tamburlaine,” 124–26.Google Scholar

167 Alford, , The Works, I, 140.Google Scholar