¹ Ibn, Hishām. al-sī al-nabawiyya, al-Saqqā, al-AbyārīShalabī Cairo 1936, 1 251Google Scholar; see Guillaume, A.(tr.), The life Muhammad, London, 1955, 105.Google Scholar

² See Ibn, Hajar, Tahdhī, 7, 71(died A.H.67; he was the Qā of the people of Mecca)Google Scholar; al-Dhahabī, Tadhkirat al-huffāz, 1, 50(records that he died A.H. 74);Idem, Tá, AL-Islām, Cairo, 1368/1948–9,, 3, 190.Google Scholar The date of his death given by Buhl, F., Leben Muhammeds, second ed., transl., H. H. Schaeder, Heidelberg, 1955, 134, 24 as A.H. 98 Seems to be an error; seeGoogle ScholarSprenger, A., Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, zweite Auflage, Berlin, 1869, 1, 339.Google Scholar

³ seeIbn, Hajar, Tahdhī, 11, 166 (died A.H. 126 or 129)Google Scholar; al-Suyūtī, Is'āf al–mubatta Cairo, n.d., 41 (gives the date of his death as A.H. 127).Google Scholar

⁴ For the location of the place see Muhammad, HamīdullāhLe Prophète de 'Islam, Paris, 1959, 1, 64:‘situé à un kilom00E9;te⃛,: and see‘Arrām, b.al-AşbaghAsmā, jibālTihā ed. ‘bdal-Sal‘m, Hār;ān, Cairo, 1956, (Nawādiral-makhtūyāt, 8, 4198; al-FāsĪ, , Shifā al-gharām, Cairo, 1956, 1, 280–1.Google Scholar

⁵ In the translation of Guillaume: ‘⃛the apostle would pray in seclusion and give food to the poor⃛,.

⁶ Seeal-HalabīInsān, al-‘uyūn, 1, 272the discussion as to whether it happened in Ramadān, or in the month of Rabī, or in the month of Rajab, ). And see Ibn, al-Jauzī, Sifat, al-safwa, 31. 2.Google Scholar

⁷ Al-Bukhārī, , Sahīh, Cairo, n.d., 1, 5Bāb kayfa kāna bad'u,.wahyi ilā rasūli, llāhi.Google Scholar

⁸ In fact Yahyā b. ‘Abdullāh b. Bukayr: see Ibn, Hajar, Tahdhīb, 11, 237; al-Dhahabī, , Tadhkirat a.huffā, 2, 420; al-‘Aynī, , ‘mdat a.qāri, Cairo,1308/1890–1, 1, 56.Google Scholar

⁹ Seeal-Bajāwī, , Ta–Arīkh Baghdād, 8, 3–14Google Scholar; al-Dhahabī, , , Mīzān a.i‘tidāl ed. ‘Alī Muh. al-Bajāwī, Cairo, 1963, 3, 423, 6998Google Scholar; Ibn, Hajar, Tahdh73X012Bb, 8, 459Google Scholar; al-aynī, , op.cit., 1, 56.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Seeal-Sam‘ānī, , al-Ansāb, ed. al-Mu‘allamī, ‘Abd al-rahmān, 1962, 1, 410Google Scholar; Ibn, Hajar, Tahdhīb, 7, 255.Google Scholar

¹¹ See the rendering of the tradition in Richard, Bell, Mohammed, s Call,, Moslem World, 24, 1934, 13.Google Scholar

¹² In the tradition of Ibn, Sa‘d, Tabaqāt, Beirut, 1960, 1, 194, 1.6, ‘till Truth came upon him suddenly,. LikewiseGoogle ScholarIbn, Sayyid al-NāS, ‘Uyūn al-athar, Cairo1356/1337–8, 1, 84, 1Google Scholar. 4 from bottom;al-Balādhurī, , Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Muhammad, Hamīdullāh, Cairo, 1959, 1, 105, 16Google Scholar; al-‘Aynī, op cit., 1, 63, 1. 4 from bottomGoogle Scholar; al-Majlisī, , Bihār al-anwār., Tehran, 1380/1960–1,18, 227, 6Google Scholar; a;-Zurqānā, , Sharh., 1, 211, 1.4Google Scholar; Ibn, al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, Cairo, 1357/1938–9, 2, 31; etc. The importance of this expression may be stressed as it is opposed by the expression fa-zannantuhāfaj, ata, l-jinniGoogle Scholar. SeeAbū, Nu‘aym, Dalā, il al-nubuwwa, Hyderabad, 1950, 171, 1. 5Google Scholar; al-Suyūtī, , a;-Khasā, is al-kubrā, Hyderabad, 1319/1901–2,1, 96, 16 from bottomGoogle Scholar; idem, al-Durral, anthū, hattā faji, ahu, l-haqqu Cairo, 1314/1896, 4, 369, 1. 6.Google Scholar

¹³ According to the tradition of al-Bukhārī the Prophet returned to his wife Khadīja, his heart fluttering, asked her to wrap him up, Naufal, her cousin, and he assured the Prophet that the revelation had been a true one and that it had been the Nāmīs sent down upon Moses. According to a tradition reported on the authority orf MīSā b. ‘Uqba and Sulaymān al-Taymī al-Suyūtā, ,2B;, al-Khasā, is al-kubrā, 18, 228Google Scholar Khadīja went with the Prophet to ‘Addās, a servant (ghulām) of ‘Utba b. Rabi‘a. He was a Christian from the people of Niniveh and she asked him about JibrīL. He shouted Quddūs, quddūs, quddūS. He asked her: ‘O, Lady of the women of Quraysh, how is Jibril mentioned in this country of the worshippers of idols?, She urged him to tell her about JibrīL and he stated that Jibrīl was the trustee (amīn) of Allāh over the Prophets. He is the angel-guardian (sāhib) of Mūsā and ‘Isā. And cf. al-Balādhurī, , Ansāb, 1Google Scholar, 111.According to a version recorded by al-Balā, , Ansāb, 1, 105–6Google Scholar Khadīja asked Abū Bakr to go withthe Prophet to Waraqa. The tradition is reported on the authority of Ibn Ishāq- Abū Mayasara (‘ B. Shurahbī al-Kū-see Ibn, Hajar, Tajdjīb, 8, 47).Google Scholar This tradition is reported also by:al-Suhaylī, , al-Raud al-unuf, Cairo, 1914, 1, 157 (on the authority of Yūuns b. BukayrIbn Ishāq)Google Scholar; al-Diyārbakrī, , Ta, rīs, 1, 282Google Scholar; al-Halabī, , Insān al-‘Uyūn al-athar, 1, 83. It is evident that this tradition is of importance: it states that the first bheliever was Abū Bakr.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The expression hubbiba ilayhi al-khalā, etc. is explained by Ibn, Hazm, Jawāmi‘ al-Sīra ed. Ihsān, ‘Abbās, Nāsir, al-Dīn al-Asad, Shākir, A. M., Cairo, n.d., 44, that nobody did order him to do it, nor did he see anybody do it whom he could imitate; it was merely Allāh who wanted him to do it and he remained there (i.e. in the cave) for days and nights.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See the combined tradition in al-Maqrīzī, , Imtā‘ al-asmā‘, ed. Mahmūd, Muhammad Shākir, Cairo, 1941, 1, 12,1.10: wa-hubbiba ilayhi, Hirā, a kamā kāna yaf‘alu dhālu dhā ahlihi fa-yatazawwadu li-mithlihā yatahannathu bi-Hirā’a wa-ma‘adad thumma yarji‘u ilā ahlihi fa-yatazawwadu li-mithlihā yatahannathu bi-Hirā, ahu Khadījatu. But see the discussion of the contradictory traditions inGoogle Scholar, al-HalabīsInsān al-‘uyūn,1, 274.Google Scholar

¹⁶ On these periods see e.g. al-Zurqānī, , Sharh al-mawāhib, 1, 211.Google Scholar

¹⁷ On the kinds ofr provisions see al-Halabī, ,Sharh al-mawāhib op. cit., 1, 271; and see Mutahhar b. TāhirGoogle Scholar

¹⁸ According to Ibn, Hajar, Fath al-bārī, Cairo, 1348/1929-, 1, 18., the word tahannuth was glossed ta‘abbud by al-Zuhrī.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Abū Dharr considers this explanation as unnecessary. See his commentary, Brōnnle, , Fath-al-bā Cairo, 1911, 75.Google Scholar

²⁰ Al-Dhahabī, , Ta, rīKH al-Islām, 1, 74; wa-kāna yakhruju ilā Hirā' fīkulli ‘āmin shahran min al-sanati yansuku fīhiGoogle Scholar; Ibn, Kathīr, al-SīRA al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafā, Abd al-Wāhid, Cairo, 1964, 1, 390; wa-kāna yakhruju ilā Hirā, a fīkulli ‘ānin shahran min al-sanati yatanassaku fīhi, wa-kāna nin nusuk qurayshin fi, l-jāhiliyyati, yut‘imu man jā, ahu min al-masākīn. This expression is used as well in the MS of the Sīra in the MS of the Sīra in the Qarawīyūn library at Fez, no. 727, as mentioned byGoogle ScholarGuillaume, A., New light on the life of Muhammad (Journal of Semitic Studies. Monograph No. 1), (1960), 29, 2.5-; ‘The word used of Muhammad, devotions, is nasak, and it is said that members of Quraysh who practised such devotions in the pagan era used to feed any of the poor who came to themGoogle Scholar And see al-Suyūtī, , al-Khasā, is al-kubrā,., 1, 94, kāna rasūlu,llāhi sallā, llāhu ‘alayhi wa-sallama yakhruju ilā, a Hirāmin shahran min al-sanati yatanassaku fīHI⃛(but feeding the poor is not mentioned here)Google Scholar.

²¹ Ansāb, al-ashrāf, ed. Muhammad, Hamīdullāh, Cairo, 1959, 1, 105, 191:⃛ fa-yatahan-nathu fīhi wa-yamkuthu al-layāliya qabla an⃛; in the Sahīh of MuslimGoogle Scholar, Cairon, 1334/1915–16, 1, 97⃛al-layāliya ulāt al--‘adad.; the Tafsīr of al-Tabarī, BūLāq, 1329/1911, 30, 161, and the Musannaf of ĨAbd al-Razzāq, MS Murād Molla, 604, f. 67a, inf., have(like al-Bukhārī)dhawāt al-‘adad. A version recorded by ĨAbd al-Razzāq deserves mention; the Prophet started to practise tahannuth and he was made to like solitude after some of his daughters were born (wa-tafiqa rasūlu Īllāhi sallā Īllahu ‘alayhi wa-sallama baĨda mā wulidat lahu ba‘du banātihi yatahannathu wa-hubbiba ilayhi, l-khalāuɝop. cit., f. 67a, 1.6 from bottom).Google Scholar

²² Ibn, Sa‘d, Tabaqāt, Beirut, 1960, 1, 194, records a tradition on the authority of ĨĀ, isha, but does not, however, gloss the term tahannuth.Google Scholar

²³ Al-Kirmānī, , Sharh SahīH al-Bukhārī., Cairo., 1932, 1, 32; Abū ‘Amr read the word yatahannafuGoogle Scholar (ibid.); al-‘Aynī, , ‘Umdat al-qāri,, 1, 58.Google Scholar

²⁴ Rāghib, al-Isfahānī, al-Mufradāt, Cairo, 1324/1906–7, 132, s.v. hnthGoogle Scholar; Ibn, Hajar, Fath al-bārī., 1, 18Google Scholar; al-Kirmānī, , op cit., 1, 32Google Scholar; al-Zarkashī, , Sharh Sahīh al-Bukhārī, 1, 6Google Scholar; al-Zamakh-sharī, , al-Fā, iq, ed. al-Bajāwī, and Abu, I-Fadl Ibrāhīm, Cairo, 1945, 1, 250Google Scholar; Ibn al-Athīr, al-Nihāya, s.v. hnth; l‘A and T‘, s.v. hnth. It is noteworthy that beside the definition ‘removing sim from oneself, keeping away from sin, there is also a definition ‘acting so (yaf‘alu fi‘lan) as to cause sin to be removed, (al-Nihāya, T‘, L‘, etc.). And see al-‘Ayn‛, , ‘Umdat al-qāri,, 1, 58Google Scholar. (Tahannatha means as well ‘to commit a sin, and belongs to the addād. See Ibn al-Dahhān al-Nahwī, ‘al-Addād,, in Nafāis al-makhtūtāt, ed. Muhammad Hasan Āl Yāsīn, Baghdād, 1964,96; and seeal-Zurqānī, , Sharh al-mawāhib, 1, 210,1.20.)Google Scholar

²⁵ Al-Qastallānī, ., Irshād al-sārī., Cairo., 1326/1908–9, 1, 172Google Scholar; and see Ibn, Zahīra, al-JāmiĨ al-latīf fī fadli Makkata wa-ahlihā wa-binā, l-bayti, l-sharīf, Cario, 1921, 34274.Google Scholar

²⁶ Abၫ, Nu‘aym, Dalā, il al-nubuwwa, 171, 1.3, anna rasၫla, llāhi nadhara an ya, takifa shahran huwa wa-Khad‛jatu bi-Hirā, a.Google Scholar

²⁷ Al-Suyၫtī, , al-Durr al-manthūr, 6, 369Google Scholar,1.5.

²⁸ See al-Zurqānī, , Sharh al-mawāhib, 1, 210Google Scholar; al-Jāhiz, , al-‘Uthmāniyya, 305, ult. (al-Iskāfī);al-Māwardī, , A‘lām al-nubuwwa, Cario, 1935, 173–4; al-‘Umdat al-qāri, 1, 72.Google Scholar

²⁹ Al-Halabī, , Insān al-‘uyūn, 1, 271Google Scholar; on al-Sirāj, al-Bulqaynī see al-Sam‘ānī, Ansāb., 2, 317, 7Google Scholar

³⁰ A. Sprenger, Dsa Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, zweite Auflage, 1, 330–49.

³¹ ibid., 330: ‘ In Traditionen kommen nicht selten KraftausdrÜcke und obsolete Worte vor, und diese werden gewŐhnlich in allen, dem Sinne nach auch so versionen einer und derselben Erzx0102;hlung festgehalten: die Kraftausdrüke, weil sie den Ueberlieferern gefielen, die obsoleten, unverstăndlichen Worte, weil sie sie nicht verdauen konnten und darunter etwas mysterix0150;ses suchten, und auch weil sie sich darauf etwas einbildeten, mit solchen gelehrten Brocken um sich werfen zu kŐnnen. Ein solcher unverdaulicher Ausdruck ist in dieser Tradition tahannothĪ.

³² ibid., 295–6.

³³ Tg. Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorans, bearbeitet von F.Schwally, Leipzig, 1909, 1, 84x003A;‘x20DB;als er noch in den Bergen ein einsames Leben fÜhrte (tahannatha),.

³⁴ O. Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung, Leipzig, 1989, 16; and see ibid., 17, ‘yatahannathu, “ andächtig war”,.

³⁵ Grimme, H., Mohammed, MÜnster/ 1892, 10, 1.Google Scholar

³⁶ Tor Andrae, Mohammed, sein Leben und Glaube, Göttingen, 1932, 34˥

³⁷ Buhl, F., Das Leben Muhammeds, 134; ‘um sich AndachtsÜbungen hinzugeben⃛Google Scholar, see ibid., p.68, n.167.

³⁸ ibid., p.88 n. 244.

³⁹ Hirschfeld, H., New researches into the composition and exegesis of the Qoran, London, 1902, 19Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ch. J. Lyall, ‘The words Hanīf and Muslim,, JRAS, 1903, 780.

⁴¹ Caetani, L., Annali dell Islam, Milano, 1905, 1, 222, ‘Introduzione,‘, n.2.Google Scholar

⁴² W. M. Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, London, 1953, 44; this opinion of Watt, is reminiscent of the proposition of Sprenger mentioned above, which is not, however, referred to by Watt.

⁴³ op. cit., 44. There seems to be some connexion between the proposition of Tor Andrae and the opinion of Watt; Tor Andrae is not mentioned.

⁴⁴ op. cit., 44; Watt quotes in a note the contrasting opinion of Caetani.

⁴⁵ El, second ed., s.v. hanīf.

⁴⁶ Bell, R. ‘Mohammed's Call’ Moslem World, xxiv, 1, 1934, p. 13 n.1CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ ibid., 16; and see idem, Introduction to the Qur, an, Edinburgh, 1953, 104-: ‘it was apparently some sort of pious exercise expressing repentance or doing penance for sin,.

⁴⁸ Chelhod, J., Introduction á la sociologie del, Island, Paris, 1958, 137.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Caetani, op. cit., ‘Introduzione,‘208, n.1.

⁵⁰ See Bell, art, cit., 16 (quoted in n. 46 above).

⁵¹ Goitein, S. D., Studies in Islamic history and institutions, Leiden, 1966, 93, 2.Google Scholar

⁵² Blachère, R., Le problè de Mahomet, paris, 1952,37Google Scholar.

⁵³ See H. A. R. Gibb, ‘pre-Islamic monotheism in Arabia, Harvard Theological Review, Lv, 4, 1962, 269–80.

⁵⁴ A. Guillaume (tr.), The life of Muhammed,105Google Scholar

⁵⁵ ibid.

⁵⁶ See HabīB, Muhammad b., ed. Ilse, Lichtenstaedter, pre-Islamic monotheism in Arabia Hyderabad, 1942, 178Google Scholar(al-Hārith b. ‘Abd Manāt b. KINāna were included in the organization of the Hums),267;al-Balādhurī, aNSāb al-ashrāf, MS, f. 959a; Ibn al-Kalbī, Jamharat al-nasab, MS, f. 48b et seq.; Caskel, W., Ǧamharat an-nasab, Leiden, 1966, 2, 145Google Scholar; Watt,Muhammed at Mecca154 et seq.; al-‘Iṣāmī, , Simṭ al-nujūm al-, awālī, Cairo, 1380/1960-, 1, 192inf.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ḥirā, Muammad b., a fa-ta‘abbada tilka, l-thalātha fīra, sihi thumma nazala.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibn, Hishām, al-Sīra, 1, 29Google Scholar,1.9; al-SĪr, , al-SĪra al-nabawiyya, 1, 154Google Scholar–5 but the words fa,1.3 from bottom; al--Dhahabī, , Siyar a'lām al-nubalā, ed. Salāh, al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo, 1956, 1, 8690.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Al-Munammaq, 532, 1.30

⁶¹ Abū, 'Ubayd, Gharīb al-ḥadīth, ed. M.'Abd, al-Mu'īd Khān, Hyderabad, 1965, 2, 21Google Scholar; and see the explanation of taḥawaub on the authority of Abū 'Ubayd in L'A s.v. ḥwb, where the story of Zayd b. 'Amr is not, howeyer, recorded.

⁶² Al-Balādhurī, , Ansāb, 1, 84Google Scholar; seeDaḥlān, , Sīra, 1, 20Google Scholar sup. (on margin of the Sīra Ḥalabiyya); al-zurqānī, , Shrḥ al-mawāhib, 1, 71Google Scholar: ⃛idhā dakhala shahru ramaḍāna ṣa'idahu wa-aṭama‘l-masākīna⃜

⁶³ Al-Balādhurī, , Ansālb, 1, 105Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Bakkār, Al-Zubayr b., op cit, 1, 371, 645.Google Scholar

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