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The Biology of War: Eugenics in Hungary, 1914–1918

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2009

Extract

Much has been written concerning the impact of World War I on the development of eugenic thinking, especially in Germany, Britain, France, Italy, and the Scandinavian countries. This has led historians to examine not only specific eugenic movements, but also the international nexus of institutional collaboration, personal affinities, and transfer of ideas. If before 1914, eugenicists from various countries were united in their quest to improve society by biological means—a form of internationalism culminating in the First International Congress on Eugenics organized in 1912 in London—during World War I, many of them engaged in national politics, devising eugenic methodologies to serve the ideological imperatives of their own countries rather than the proclaimed universalism of the prewar years.

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Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2009

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References

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12 Ploetz, Alfred, Grundlinien einer Rassen-Hygiene, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1895): 147Google Scholar.

13 (Anonymous), “Eugenics and War,” The Lancet 187, no. 4830 (1916): 685. For similar views, see also Darwin, Leonard, “Eugenics During and After the War,” The Eugenics Review 7, no. 2 (1915): 91106Google ScholarPubMed.

14 See Lindsay, J. A., “The Eugenic and Social Influence of the War,” The Eugenics Review 10, no. 3 (1918): 133–34Google Scholar.

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16 Nicolai, Georg F., Die Biologie des Krieges (Zürich, 1917)Google Scholar. The first English translation was published in 1918.

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18 Ibid., 233.

19 Ibid., 333.

20 Ibid., 234.

22 Méhely, Lajos, A háború biológiája (Budapest, 1915)Google Scholar. See also Gáspár, János, Méhely Lajos és a tudományos fajvédelem Magyarországon (Budapest, 1931)Google Scholar; and Gyurgyák, János, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon. Politikai eszmetörténet (Budapest, 2001), 387–90Google Scholar.

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26 Ibid., 12 (emphasis in the original).

27 Ibid., 19.

28 Ibid., 15 (emphasis in the original).

29 Ibid., 19.

30 Ibid., 24.

32 See Gilman, Sander L., The Jew's Body (London, 1991)Google Scholar; Afron, John M., Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-de-Siecle Europe (New Haven, 1994)Google Scholar; and Presner, Todd, Muscular Judaism: The Jewish Body and the Politics of Regeneration (London, 2007)Google Scholar. For the Hungarian context, see Hanák, Péter, ed., Zsidókérdés, asszimiláció, antiszemitizmus: Tanulmányok a zsidókérdésröl a huszadik századi Magyarországon (Budapest, 1984)Google Scholar; Patai, Raphael, The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology (Detroit, 1996)Google Scholar.

33 The accusation that Jews avoided military service during World War I was largely unfounded. Yet anti-Jewish pamphlets and sentiments in Hungary increased after the outbreak of the war in 1914. Even progressive journals like Huszadik Század engaged with the topic. See, for example, Szabó, Dezső, “A magyar zsidóság organikus elhelyezkedése,” Huszadik Század 15, no. 3 (1914): 340–47Google Scholar; and the public debate organized under the title “A zsidóság problémája,” Huszadik Század 15, no. 4 (1914): 561–66. In 1917, Oszkár Jászi prepared a survey on the so-called “Jewish question” in Hungary. See Jászi, Oszkár, ed., A Zsidókérdés Magyarországon. A Huszadik Század Körkérdése (Budapest, 1917)Google Scholar.

34 Gyurgyák, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon, 390. See also, Ungvári, Tamás, The “Jewish Question” in Europe: The Case of Hungary (Boulder, CO, 2000)Google Scholar. The expressed anti-Semitism of some of the Hungarian eugenicists did not escape the attention of their contemporaries. In a letter dated 29 January 1914, for instance, the noted Hungarian psychoanalyst Sándor Ferenczi informed Sigmund Freud that Apáthy, István “has put himself at the head of the ‘eugenic movement’ and from this position has let loose against psychoanalysis—as a panerotic aberration of the Jewish spirit.” In The Correspondence of Sigmund Freud and Sándor Ferenczi, vol. 1, 1908–1914, ed. Brabant, Eva, Falzeder, Ernst, and Giampieri-Deutsch, Patrizia (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 535Google Scholar.

35 Méhely, A háború biológiája, 26.

38 Galántai, Hungary in the First World War, 93–95.

39 Ibid., 139.

40 August von Cramon (1861–1940), the German liaison officer with the Austro-Hungarian supreme command, remarked later that after these battles he experienced a sense of “liberation from an almost unbearable pressure, relief from the greatest worries, renewed confidence, and the sudden hope of victory.” See von Cramon, August, Unser österreich-ungarischer Bundesgenosse im Weltkriege. Erinnerungen aus meiner vierjährigen Tätigkeit als bevollmächtiger deutscher General beim k. u. k. Armeeoberkomando (Berlin, 1920), 15Google Scholar.

41 Lenhossék, Mihály, “A háború és a létért való küzelem tétele,” Természettudományi közlöny 47, nos. 619–620 (1915): 9195Google Scholar.

42 Lenhossék, “A háború,” 95.

44 Hoffmann, Géza, “Fajegészségtan és népesedési politika,” Természettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 19–20 (1916): 617–21Google Scholar.

45 Ibid., 617. One can easily identify here the same disguised anti-Jewish racial imagery that Méhely had used in his 1915 pamphlet.

49 Ibid., 619.

51 Ibid., 620.

52 Ibid., 621.

53 von Hoffmann, Geza, Krieg und Rassenhygiene. Die bevölkerungspolitischen Aufgaben nach dem Kriege (Munich, 1916), 7Google Scholar.

54 Ibid., 9.

55 Ibid., 10–12.

56 Ibid., 16.

57 Ibid., 17.

58 Ibid., 18.

59 Ibid., 21.

60 Ibid., 22–23.

61 Ibid., 29.

62 Apáthy, István, “A fajegészségtan köre és feladatai,” part I, Természettudományi Közlöny 50, nos. 689–690 (1918): 621Google Scholar; and Apáthy, István, “A fajegészségtan köre és feladatai,” part II, Természettudományi Közlöny 50, 691–692 (1918): 81101Google Scholar.

63 Apáthy, “A fajegészségtan,” I:8.

64 Ibid., I:9.

65 Ibid., II:101.

66 Ibid., I:9.

68 Ibid., II:100.

69 Ibid., II:101 (emphasis in the original).

70 Lenhossék, Mihály, “A népfajok és az eugenika,” Természettudományi közlöny 50, nos. 695–696 (1918): 214–16Google Scholar.

71 Ibid., 214.

73 Ibid., 230.

74 Ibid., 241.

76 Weindling, Paul J., Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945 (Oxford, 2000), 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a survey of the epidemics experienced by Ukrainian subjects of the Russian Empire under German occupation, see Eley, Geoff, “Remapping the Nation: War, Revolutionary Upheaval and State Formation in Eastern Europe, 1914–1923,” in Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective, ed. Potichnyi, Peter J. and Aster, Howard (Edmonton, 1990), 205–46Google Scholar.

77 Somogyi, Zsigmond, “A háború és a fertőző beteségek,” Termésettudományi közlöny 46, nos. 18–19 (1914)Google Scholar: 652–57; and Entz, Béla, “Küzdelem a fertőző beteségek ellen a háborúban,” Termésettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 15–16 (1916): 489512Google Scholar. See also Schmidt, Béla, “A fertőző nemibetegségek és a háború,” Huszadik Század 17, no. 3–4 (1916): 286–88Google Scholar. To give just one example: at the medical clinic affiliated with Péter Pázmány University in Budapest, the number of those registered as affected by sexually transmitted diseases rose from 9 percent in 1915 to 16 percent in 1916 and 26 percent in 1918. See Melly, József, “A nemi betegségek elterjedettsége, különös tekintettel a székesfővárosra,” in Doros, Gábor and Melly, József, A nemi betegségek kérdése Budapesten, vol. 1 (Budapest, 1930): 396489Google Scholar.

78 Farkas, Géza, “A hadsereg táplálása háborúban,” Termésettudományi közlöny 46, nos. 20–21 (1914): 673–83Google Scholar; and Buday, Desző, “A háború hatása a szellemi munkára,” Termésettudományi közlöny 49, nos. 17–19 (1917): 635–39Google Scholar.

79 Száhlender, Lajos, “A háborúban használható fojtó merges és könnyezést fakasztó gázokról,” Termésettudományi közlöny 48, nos. 3–4 (1916): 120–21Google Scholar.

80 Kiss, Gábor, “Megfigyelőállomások és sebesültszállítmányt kísérő osztagok tevékenysége az első világháborúban,” Orvostörténeti közlemények 49, nos. 3–4 (2004): 6983Google Scholar.

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83 See “Predicts Cholera for Austria. Captain Charles MacDonald, U.S. Medical Reserve Corps, Says Disease Will Ravage Empire. His Work Budapest,” New York Times (11 April 1915). http://www.nytimes.com/ref/membercenter/nytarchive.html (accessed on 25 October 2008).

84 See the excellent study of Rebekah Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities: Jewish Refugees, Jewish Nationality, and Czechoslovak Statebuilding” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2007), esp. 11–76.

85 For the 6,100 inhabitants of Bártfa (Bardejov, Bartfeld), a town close to the border with Austrian Galicia, for example, the arrival of more than 10,000 Galician Jewish refugees in November 1914 posed serious problems, not least medical. Various contagious diseases, including scarlet fever, soon broke out among the refugees. See the report from the lord lieutenant of Sáros County to the ministry of the interior in Budapest, Magyar Országos Levéltár [MOL] K148/1915/493/37/55, in Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities,” 20. For the situation in the Austrian side of the monarchy, see Rechter, David, The Jews of Vienna and the First World War (London, 2001)Google Scholar; Rozenblit, Marsha, Reconstructing a National Identity: the Jews of Habsburg Austria During World War One (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar; and Healy, Maureen, Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar.

86 Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities, 54.

87 As was the case of Izrael Braunwasser and his family, who applied for residency on 30 April 1916. MOL K148/1916/543/37. In Klein-Pejšová, “Among the Nationalities,” 54.

88 The language of sacrifice and rebirth characterized all countries involved in war, and clearly not only the medical profession. See, for example, Wohl, Robert, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, MA, 1979)Google Scholar; Mosse, George, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar; and Eksteins, Modris, Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age (Boston, MA, 2000)Google Scholar.

89 Bársony, Johann, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” Archiv für Frauenkunde und Eugenetik 2, no. 2 (1915): 267–75Google Scholar. A short version of the article was first published in Hungarian as “Eugenika és a háboru után,” Orvosi Hetilap 59, no. 34 (1915): 451–54.

90 Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 267.

91 Tomka, Béla, “Social Integration in 20th Century Europe: Evidence from Hungarian Family Development,” Journal of Social History 35, no. 2 (2001): 327–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 268.

93 Vasary, Ildikó, “‘The Sin of Transdanubia’: The One-Child System in Rural Hungary,” Continuity and Change 4, no. 3 (1989): 429CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94 Ibid., 430.

95 For a useful discussion of these initiatives, see Pik, Katalin, A szociális munka története Magyarországon, 1817–1990 (Budapest, 2001)Google Scholar. One should also mention here the activity of feminist organizations, such as the Association of Women Workers (Magyarországi Munkásnő Egyesület), campaigning for political and social emancipation of women. See Zimmermann, Susan, “How They Became Feminists: The Origins of the Women's Movement in Central Europe at the Turn of the Century,” CEU History Department Yearbook (1997/98): 195236Google Scholar; and Szapor, Judith, “Sisters or Foes: The Shifting Front Lines of the Hungarian Women's Movement, 1868–1918,” in Women's Emancipation Movements in the Nineteenth Century. A European Perspective, ed. Paletschek, Sylvia and Pietrow-Ennker, Bianca (Stanford, 2004), 189206Google Scholar.

96 Bársony, “Eugenetik nach dem Kriege,” 272.

97 Ibid., 275.

98 Tomor, Ernő, “Had- és népegészségügyi kiállitás,” Orvosi Hetilap 59, no. 19 (1915): 264–65Google Scholar.

99 See Madzsar, József, Az anya- és csecsemővédelem a háborúban (Budapest, 1914)Google Scholar; idem., Az anya- és csecsemővédelem országos szervezése. A Stefánia Szövetség alapszabályainak tervezete (Budapest, 1915); and idem., A jövő nemzedék védelme és a háború (Budapest, 1916).

100 Madzsar, József, Mit akar a Stefánia-Szövetség (Budapest, 1916)Google Scholar. See also Kiss, László, “Egészség és politika – az egészségügyi prevenció Magyarországon a 20. század első felében,” Korall 17 (2004): 107–37Google Scholar.

101 Madzsar, József, “A jövő nemzedék védelme és a háboru,” Huszadik Szazád 17, no. 1 (1916): 122Google Scholar.

102 Ibid., 1.

103 Ibid., 12–13.

104 Ibid., 13.

105 von Hoffmann, Géza, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” Archiv für Rassen und Gesellschaftsbiologie 13, no. 1 (1918): 58Google Scholar.

106 “A Fajegészségtani és népesedéspolitikai irodalom nehány olvasásra ajánlható terméke.” Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, file 39/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára, Budapest.

107 See Hoffmann's letter to Apáthy, dated 16 April 1918. Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, file 29–31/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára, Budapest. For a discussion of the theoretical differences between Hoffmann and Apáthy, see Turda, “The First Debates on Eugenics in Hungary,” esp. 203–04.

108 Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 59.

109 Ibid.

110 Announcements were placed in Nemzetvédelem, A Cél, Huszadik Század, and Ethnographia.

111 “Gyakorlati fajegészségügy,” A Cél 9, no. 9 (1918): 566–70.

112 Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 59.

113 Ibid., 63.

114 Ibid., 64.

115 “A Magyar Fajegészségtani és Népesedéspolitikai Társaság. A kivándorlás, bevándorlás és visszavándorlás szabályozása fajegészségügyi szempontból”; and “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból.” Magyar Társadalomtudomány Egyesűlet, István Apáthy iratai, Fond 2454, vol. 2, files 10–18/1918. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Kérirattára. See also, “A kivándorlás, bevándorlás és visszavándorlás szabályozása fajegészségügyi szempontból,” A Cél 9, no. 9 (1918): 562–66.

116 “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból,” 14.

117 Ibid.

118 After 1918, recolonization or resettlement (hazatelepítés) became one of the main tenets of Hungarian discourse on population policy and biopolitics. See Davis, Chris, “Restocking the Ethnic Homeland: Ideological and Strategic Motives behind Hungary's ‘Hazatelepítés’ Schemes during WWII (and the Unintended Consequences),” Regio. Minorities, Politics, Society 1, no. 1 (2007): 155–74Google Scholar and Melegh, Attila, On the East/West Slope: Globalization, Nationalism and Racism and Discourses on Eastern Europe (Budapest, 2006)Google Scholar.

119 “A belső telepítés alapelvei fajegészségügyi szempontból,” 16.

120 See Balogh, Eva S., “István Friedrich and the Hungarian Coup d'Etat of 1919: A Reevaluation,” Slavic Review 35, no. 2 (1976): 269–86, esp. 275–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Braham, Randolph L., The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary, vol. 1, rev. and enl. ed. (New York, 1994), 2021Google Scholar.

121 Not surprisingly, these groups commonly expressed their views in journals such as A Cél and Turán.

122 L. Tilokovszky, Pál Teleki (1879–1941). A Biographical Sketch (Budapest, 1974), 17. See also, Petri, Pál, A magyar hadigondozás történetének vázlata (Budapest, 1917)Google Scholar; Pál, Teleki, Szociálpolitika és hadigondozás (Budapest, 1918)Google Scholar; and Ablonczy, Balázs, Teleki Pál (Budapest, 2005), 120–25Google Scholar.

123 Pál Teleki was also the president of the Turan Society (Turán Társaság) established in 1910. See Joseph A. Kessler, “Turanism and Pan-Turanism in Hungary, 1890–1945” (Ph.D. Diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1967).

124 See “Az Országos Hadigondozó Hivatal népesedéspolitikai és fajegészségügyi tevékenysége,” A Cél 9, no. 3 (1918): 441–44.

125 Hoffmann, “Rassenhygiene in Ungarn,” 60–1.

126 Teleki, Pál, “Körlevél az eugenikáról,” Szociálpolitikai Szemle 6, no. 2 (1917): 169–71Google Scholar.

127 Ibid., 170.

128 Ibid.

129 Ibid.

130 Fenyvessy, Béla and Madzsar, Jozsef, eds., A népegészségi országos nagygyűlés munkálatai (Budapest, 1918)Google Scholar.

131 Géza Hoffmann, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 72.

132 Pál Teleki, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 86.

133 Ibid. Some participants, like the physician Ernő Tomor, were critical of the excessive imitation of German racial hygiene. See Ernő Tomor, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 95–99.

134 Apponyi, A népegészségi országos nagygyülés munkálatai, 103.

135 Ibid.

136 Ibid., 104.

137 Ibid.

138 Ibid.

139 Apponyi, Albert, Az anya- és csecsemővédelem a képviselőházban (Budapest, 1916)Google Scholar.

140 Ibid., 4.

141 Ibid., 30.

142 The speech was first included in Gróf Teleki Pál. Országgyűlési beszédei, vol. 1 (1917–1938), ed. Antál Papp (Budapest, 1941), 7–24. Ablonczy, Balázs republished it under the title “Szociálpolitika és fajegészségügy” in his collection Teleki Pál. Válogatott politikai írások és beszédek (Budapest, 2000), 2748Google Scholar. Hereafter reference will be made to this edition.

143 Teleki, “Szociálpolitika és fajegészségügyi,” 28.

144 Ibid., 44–45.

145 Ibid., 47.

146 Ibid.

147 von Hoffmann, Géza, “Eugenics in the Central Empires since 1914,” Social Hygiene 7, no. 3 (1921): 291Google Scholar.

148 Ibid., 292.

149 Ibid.

150 For the context, see Revolutions and Interventions in Hungary and its Neighbor States, 1918–1919, ed. Peter Pastor (Boulder, CO, 1988). For a discussion of Madzsar during the Communist regime of Béla Kun, see Kovács, Maria M., Liberal Professions and Illiberal Politics. Hungary from Habsburgs to the Holocaust (Washington, DC, 1994), 3843Google Scholar.

151 “Correspondence,” The Eugenics Review 10, no. 4 (1919): 223.

152 Ibid.

153 Hoffmann, “Eugenics in the Central Empires since 1914,” 294.