The discovery of the ‘Royal Tomb’ on the upland plateau of described by me in Archaeologia in 1906, has had an important sequel. a quarter of a mile farther north of the same headland, on the edge of the that here overlooks the site of the ancient harbour-town of Knossos, a Minoan tombs has since been unearthed, some of which throw a wholly on the sepulchral cult in vogue during the earlier part of the Late Minoan One tomb indeed, that of ‘the Double Axes’, to be described below, points of structural and religious interest to a degree altogether among the early sepultures of the Aegean lands.

The aim of this paper has been to collect together, describe, and illustrate, all known finds of Lincolnshire Bronze Age metalwork. It is based on the assumption that for future research adequate publication of the available material is a primary requirement. There is a brief survey of some of the problems involved in interpreting the typology, chronology, distribution, and over-all cultural significance of the finds. This is followed by a catalogue which contains as accurate documentation for each object as is possible. The bibliography is intended to include all original references to Lincolnshire objects, all the more general works referred to in the text, and other relevant literature.

The Hunting Baths at Lepcis Magna lie on the western fringes of the town, about 100 yards from the sea-shore and about half-way between the mouth of the Wadi er-Saf, which formed the western boundary of the city at its fullest extent, and the defensive wall which enclosed the more compact late-Imperial city. It was found and cleared in 1932–3, under the direction of the late Professor Giacomo Guidi. He was at the time already engaged on the excavation of a number of other major sites, both at Lepcis and Sabratha, and the only contemporary account of the excavation is that contained in the brief weekly reports compiled by the technical foreman in charge of the work. These reports are preserved in the archives of the Superintendency of Monuments and Excavations at Tripoli, and they consist of little more than a summary working-diary of the problems of clearance and consolidation, tasks which, in view of the condition of the vaults, were of necessity undertaken simultaneously. With the exception of these reports, the only record of these buildings as they were at the time of their discovery is contained in a small, but valuable, collection of photographs in the archives of the Superintendency, some of which were taken while the work of restoration was still in its initial stages (pls. xxxv, a and b; XXVI, b–d).

A new sequence of Holocene landscape change has been discovered through an investigation of sediment sequences, palaeosols, pollen and molluscan data discovered during the Stonehenge Riverside Project. The early post-glacial vegetational succession in the Avon valley at Durrington Walls was apparently slow and partial, with intermittent woodland modification and the opening-up of this landscape in the later Mesolithic and earlier Neolithic, though a strong element of pine lingered into the third millennium bc. There appears to have been a major hiatus around 2900 cal bc, coincident with the beginnings of demonstrable human activities at Durrington Walls, but slightly after activity started at Stonehenge. This was reflected in episodic increases in channel sedimentation and tree and shrub clearance, leading to a more open downland, with greater indications of anthropogenic activity, and an increasingly wet floodplain with sedges and alder along the river's edge. Nonetheless, a localized woodland cover remained in the vicinity of Durrington Walls throughout the third and second millennia bc, perhaps on the higher parts of the downs, while stable grassland, with rendzina soils, predominated on the downland slopes, and alder–hazel carr woodland and sedges continued to fringe the wet floodplain. This evidence is strongly indicative of a stable and managed landscape in Neolithic and Bronze Age times. It is not until c 800–500 cal bc that this landscape was completely cleared, except for the marshy-sedge fringe of the floodplain, and that colluvial sedimentation began in earnest associated with increased arable agriculture, a situation that continued through Roman and historic times.

In the first season of excavation by a British team participating in the UNESCO Save Carthage Project, two sites in the harbour area and one inland were examined. On the site on the island in the circular harbour, the remains probably of the νεώρια described by Appian succeeded earlier Punic occupation periods and were in turn followed by two successive Roman temples and a building, probably a pharos, associated with the second temple. After this, there appears to have been domestic or commercial occupation in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. On the north shore of the circular harbour, remains of the late Roman quayside and associated streets and buildings were found. On the inland site, situated to the south of the Roman street grid, there were the remains of third–fifth-century and fifth–sixth-century buildings fronting a street and backed by a substantial wall identified as the city wall constructed in the reign of Theodosius II.

A unique assemblage of twenty-one objects belonging to the Bronze—Iron transition was discovered over a quarter of a century ago, in a peaty mountain tarn at Llyn Fawr, Glamorgan, 1,200 ft. above Ordnance datum; pl. LXXI shows its position. The hoard came to light when the lake was drained in the course of its transformation into a reservoir: it was presented to the National Museum of Wales by the Rhondda Urban District Council and was published by our Secretary, Dr. R. E. M. Wheeler, in 1921. Figs. 1 and 2 show the range of the hoard, as then recognized.

At the outset of the 1937 excavations, we had certain main objects in view. The most important, since it affected the history of Anatolia as a whole, was to decide what culture was represented by our third and latest period, called C. The particulars wherein C differed from the preceding periods, B and A, were obvious: during B, which may have come to an end in the twentieth century, the settlement clearly belonged to the ‘west Anatolian group’, known from Troy, Lesbos, Yortan, and the Pisidian sites; A could be regarded as an earlier stage of B, not yet modified by western influence (see p. 237, below); C, however, seemed hard to parallel. The acquisition of fresh material, and a careful study of the collections in the museums at Ankara and Istanbul has now enabled us to recognize C as Hittite in the wide sense of the term used by archaeologists to-day. The C pottery has many points in common with the monochrome Hittite wares of Alişar II, Alaca Hüyük, Haşhüyük and even Bogazköy, while the smaller antiquities from C and Alişar II are much closer than was previously supposed. That Kusura should display local peculiarities is not surprising, when we consider its distance from the larger Hittite centres.

This monograph was originally intended as a study of the various types of so-called small-long brooch and their distribution. It has, however, grown far beyond the limits of a single class, because for purposes of comparison I found myself led on to compile one map after another illustrating the distribution of other of the humbler Anglo-Saxon brooch-types, and also certain aspects of the distribution of better known types and of other objects in use among the Anglo-Saxons outside eastern Kent. This series of maps, it is hoped, will supplement those relating to the more ornate brooches published in my Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology (Rhind Lectures, 1935).

Subsequent to the publication of British Barrows in 1877, which recorded the opening of two hundred and thirty-four sepulchral mounds, situated in six counties, all, with the exception of Gloucestershire, in the north of England, I have examined sixty-one in addition. I propose in the following account to give the precise details of the exploration of these barrows, in order that the facts then observed may be put on record, and made available for the use of those interested in this important branch of our native archæology.

The Lake District mountains have long been known as the source of Neolithic artefacts belonging to petrological group VI. The study of their wider distribution has played a central part in investigations of the ‘axe trade’. Unfortunately, it is not clear that all Group VI axes originated in this area and in any case it is now known that there is no direct relationship between different fall-off patterns and the processes that led to their creation. At the same time, it is not possible to compare work at Neolithic flint mines with current knowledge of how non-flint axes were distributed. Recent fieldwork, in the wake of a survey carried out by the National Trust and the Cumbria and Lancashire Archaeological Unit, has tried to investigate the ways in which stoneworking at Great Langdale was organized and the relationship between methods of exploiting the raw materials on site and changes in the distribution of Cumbrian axes across Britain as a whole. This has involved experimental archaeology, technological analysis, environmental investigations and small-scale excavation. This work has resulted in the recognition of two distinct modes of production. These are discussed in relation to the environmental history of the surrounding region.

More than twenty years ago this Society published a paper of mine entitled The Christian Antiquities of Northern Ethiopia. My present paper takes up the same theme again, describes much new material which has since come to light, and draws some new and better-founded conclusions.

The manuscript entitled Mappæ Clavicula, signifying the Little Key of Drawing, or Painting, is a small duodecimo volume of sixty-seven leaves of vellum, written in the twelfth century. It appears to be perfect, except a leaf torn out between pp. 64 and 65 of the modern paging, and a little cropping in two leaves.

There are two main types of these beads. The first type which is much the more usual has the pattern made with white lines on a background of the natural colour of the stone. The second type has the whole surface of the stone whitened and then a design in black made upon it, the whitened surface of the stone forming a white background. Specimens of this type are very uncommon.

The results of explorations in the sepulchral tumuli of the pre-Roman or ancient British period of this country have never been exhibited in a distinct manner, or in a form useful for the purpose of comparison. Numerous investigations of these barrows, in nearly every part of England, some on a larger and some on a smaller scale, have at different times been made; but, if we except Sir John Lubbock's analysis of the results obtained by Mr. Bateman in Derbyshire and the adjoining counties, and of part of those obtained by Sir R. C. Hoare in Wiltshire, no one has been at the pains of analysing the results arrived at, or of pointing out the inferences to which they lead. As is well known, “Wiltshire is the county where the monumental remains of the ancient occupants of Britain are at once the most numerous and characteristic;” in no other district of the island are the barrows so numerous, and no examinations of them perhaps so important as those conducted by Sir R. C. Hoare and his coadjutor Mr. Cunnington; whether we consider the number excavated, the results obtained, or the character of the district, the seat of great Druidical fanes and places of resort, the ruins of which are found at Avebury and Stonehenge. In the magnificent but ponderous and costly folios of his “Ancient Wiltshire,” Sir Richard Hoare printed the details of his researches; but in this work they are exhibited in a far from convenient or accessible form, and they have never been subjected to a full and complete numerical analysis.

Recent field-work has established the existence of two amphora kilns to add to the meagre list for Italy, at Mondragone and Albinia, north of Naples and Rome respectively. Their output of types Dressel 1A and 1B indicates that Mondragone was operating from the late second century to the second half of the first century B.C., and Albinia slightly later, since Dressel 2–4 are also present. In both cases, bricks and some coarse pottery were also being fired.

Circular soil marks were shown by excavation to mark the line of the ditches of two ploughed-out barrows one of Early Bronze Age Wessex II date, the other Saxon. The grave of the Bronze Age barrow contained a cremation with a pair of bone tweezers. The ditch of the Saxon barrow was interrupted by a causeway and evidence is adduced for an external bank and a small internal mound similar to that of prehistoric disc barrows. The grave was very large and contained the skeleton of a male individual equipped with a hanging bowl containing onions and crab-apples, seax, a shield with sugar-loaf boss, two spears, a buckle, and a bone comb. The burial is of seventh-century date and the seax is of special significance because of the elaborate nature of its scabbard fittings.

The sources whence our knowledge of the early metallurgy of silver and lead, as of the other metals known to antiquity, is derived are two, distinct in character and differing greatly in the value and amount of their contributions. The first, and by far the most important, is the débris and other remains of the operations of the ancient metal workers which, from time to time, have been unearthed in many localities in Europe and "Western Asia, and in Egypt. The second lies in the records, more or less fanciful, given by classical authors of the technological processes and products of their times. It is needless to say that the information afforded by neither source is always definite in character or free from obscurity. As regards the remains, they are unfortunately too often fragmentary and incomplete, whilst the records are those of men not conversant with technical processes, and hence are full of errors of observation. The remains are, however, as a rule, more to be trusted than the records, and although no single find may admit of complete interpretation, yet, when several are collated the difficulties which they present individually disappear and their meaning is evident. They present us, moreover, with concrete evidence about which there can be no dispute, although there may be differences of opinion as to the deductions to be drawn from it.

In September 1925, Mr. Thomas Jenkins, a carpenter of Llangorse, Breconshire, recovered a dug-out canoe of oak from Llangorse Lake. This lake is situated six miles to the east-ward of the county town. It is about 500 ft. above sea-level, in the valley and near the source of the stream known as Afon Llynfi, which flows northward (into the Wye) along the western escarpment of the Black Mountains. The lake is a mile in length and in greatest breadth, and is of glacial origin.

The ruined and gutted barrow called Tregulland Burrow, when totally excavated, proved to have had a complex structure. Stake holes denoting withdrawn stakes, an infilled ‘ritual’ pit, a satellite grave containing a cremation and arrowheads, and most probably the central grave pit, were the features of the first phase of its construction. A cairn-ring, with a buttressing bank, the soil for which was dug from an encircling ditch, and its turf covering, comprised the second. A great slab bearing cup-marks and an ‘eyebrow’ motif, also other lesser cup-marked and ornamented slabs, were incorporated in cairn-ring and bank. Cup-marked stones recovered from the disturbed central area suggested the one-time existence of a stone-built grave incorporating such elements. After this second phase the barrow centre was open and arena-like, and a food vessel and a cremation were put in close by the cairn-ring. All was finally enveloped by material from the depths of the ditch. Poorly built walling or turves retained the final mound.