¹ To works listed in IG add Austin, R. P. in JHS li (1931) 287 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meritt, B. D. in AJP lvii (1936) 180 ff.Google Scholar and CQ xl (1946) 45 f. The following works of topographical interest are cited hereafter by the author's name:

Koumanoudes, , AE 1884 (1885) 162 ff.Google Scholar

Curtius, E., Das Neleion oder Heiligthum der Basile in Athen, Sitzungsberichte der Berl. Akad. 1885, 440 ff.Google Scholar; also published in Curtius's collected essays.

Wheeler, J. R., AJA iii (1887) 47 ff.Google Scholar

von Wilamowitz, U., Aristoteles und Athen ii. 130 and 240Google Scholar (Wilamowitz mentions the shrine briefly also in Lectiones Epigraphicae 5).

Harrison, Jane E., Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens (1890) 228 ff.Google Scholar

Roberts, E. S. and Gardner, E. A., An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, part ii (1905) 54, no. 21.Google Scholar

Prott, and Ziehen, , Leges Sacrae ii. 1 (1909) 55, no. 13.Google Scholar

Dittenberger, W., Sylloge Inscr. Graec. ³ i (1915) 120, no. 93.Google Scholar

Judeich, W., Topographie von Athen ² (1931) 141–2, 387.Google Scholar

I worked on IG i². 94 while at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, to whose great resources I am deeply indebted, especially to a helpful discussion with Mr. G. Stamires.

² See Meritt, 's remarks in connexion with Agora I 1906, Hesperia xi (1942) 282 ff.Google Scholar, no. 55, and Walter, O. in AE 1937, 97 ff.Google Scholar One should beware of publications of and commentaries on IG ii². 4546; for example, IG² is misleading in printing [Β]ασίλη, and Roberts and Gardner in speaking simply of Basile (on IG i². 94).

Agora I 1906, found in the wall of a cement and rubble pithos of Byzantine period on the north slope of the Areopagus, and dated early in the third century B.C. (though it quotes an earlier decree probably of the fifth century), is a decree of certain orgeones dealing with their cults (see, besides Hesperia loc. cit., Ferguson, W. S. in Harvard Theological Review xxxvii (1944) 73 ff.Google Scholar).

³ See Wilamowitz, 130 (cf. Lect. Epigr.); Roberts and Gardner; Prott and Ziehen; Judeich, 387; cf. Kern in Pauly-Wissowa s.v. Basile. On the other hand, Wheeler, following Curtius, is inclined to think that the establishment of a shrine to Neleus belongs to the period when the Athenians lent assistance to the Ionian cities at the time of their revolt.

⁴ In Charites (presented to E. Langlotz, 1957) 161.

⁵ Cf. Cook, A. B., Zeus iii. 60.Google Scholar

⁶ Cf. Harpokration ἀπò μισθωμάτων (from Isokrates, , Arecp. 29Google Scholar). Such plots would form a kind of endowment for the cult. No doubt this ground was allotted when Neleus and Basile alone were there, and continued to be thought of as their property; Kodros was simply given a niche in the shrine.

⁷ Curtius equates hieron and temenos in his plan; Judeich is not clear on this point (see p. 64). Jane Harrison says that the clause concerning the water-area ‘gives the boundaries of the sanctuary’, which is surely not right (see p. 64). Some editors have confused the issue by printing in line 4 There can be little doubt that only the first τό is neuter accusative, the second and third being genitive, as is (Roberts and Gardner obscure this difficulty by printing τοῦ). See also comment on line 7.

⁸ Perhaps there was no piece of ground of any great extent to be cultivated, merely the shrine with certain buildings (usable except for the inner sanctum, the hieron in the narrower sense) and a few trees about the place.

⁹ See Ferguson, , The Attic Orgeones (n. 2 above) 79 ff.Google Scholar Ferguson notes that letting was evidence of thrift and good management, not financial distress. On misthosis of shrines generally see O. Schulthess in Pauly-Wissowa s.v., col. 2099; IG i². 377 (at Delos); ii². 1672, lines 242 ff.; ii². 2492 ff.

¹⁰ Ballinda, P. G. and Pantazopoulos, N. I., Πραγματεῖαι Ἀκαδ. Ἀθηνῶν xiii (1948) 5 ff.Google Scholar; cf. Robert, J. and Robert, L., REG lxiii (1950) 148Google Scholar, and Papagiannopoulos-Palaios, A., Polemon iii (1948) 128.Google Scholar

¹¹ If he is right, and if these inscriptions may be assumed to give an approximate indication of the site of the heroon, then the garden of the Iatros was in a similar position on the north side of the city to the olive-grove of Neleus on the south; and the school near the Iatros at which Aeschines' father taught (Demosthenes xix. 249; not necessarily the same as the school near the Theseion at which he served as a slave, xviii. 129) was in a position corresponding to the palaestra of Taureas.

¹² R. Martin has recently discussed these ikria in Revue de Philol. xxxi (1957) 76.

¹³ Dittenberger, who is quoted with apparent approval by Roberts and Gardner, says, ‘Cancelli significari videntur, quibus delubrum a reliqua area separatur’. But this would presumably be part of the barrier to be constructed around the hieron. There are other words for such barriers The regular characteristic which distinguishes ikria seems to be horizontal planking. It is used of decking in Homer (see LSJ); and Herodotus, v. 16, says with reference to lake-dwellings here ikria actually means the floor–boards as distinct from the piles. On the other hand, ikrion in its rare use in the singular can apparently mean a single upright; it is used with reference to a cross ( contrast Herodotus), and possibly a mast (on the cenotaph of Thucydides; Marcellinus Life 31). See Frickenhaus in Pauly Wissowa s.v. ikria.

¹⁴ See n. 1. The other example which he gives is in IG iv. 39, in the temple of Aphaia at Aegina. Here his explanation is plausible, though not so clear as in IG i². 371; and he is hardly justified in assuming ‘an addition to our knowledge in regard to a detail of the permanent equipment of certain Greek shrines and temples’.

¹⁵ See A. S. Pease in Pauly-Wissowa s.v. Ölbaum, col. 2006. The quality of the soil makes a considerable difference too.

¹⁶ 141 n. 1.

¹⁷ Pausanias i. 2. 5.

¹⁸ Hesychios Polyainos iii. 11. 2; IG ii². 847, line 20; cf. Deubner, L., Attische Feste 72.Google Scholar For the likely position of the gates see Judeich 141 and 142 and Plan I. A gate in the southern wall has been found by Meliades in Erechtheion Street, which runs a little east of south from the Odeion of Herodes (Praktika 1955, 43; cf. AJA lx (1956) 267); but this, like Curtius's suggested gate, would seem to be too far west in relation to the Dionysion and the finding-place of IG i². 94. J. Travlos's forthcoming plans of Athens will supplement and correct Judeich on the line of the wall and the position of the gates.

¹⁹ Karo, G., An Attic Cemetery 24.Google Scholar

²⁰ Curtius, Gardner, Austin (see n. 1). For recent discussions of the site of Limnai see Pickard-Cambridge, , Dramatic Festivals 19Google Scholar, and Gomme, , Thucydides ii. 52.Google Scholar

²¹ In that case too Plato's Palaestra of Taureas would be in a precisely similar position, just outside the south-eastern gate, to that of the palaestra which is the scene of the Lysis (203a–b), just outside a gate which must have been in the north-eastern section of the wall.

²² p. 387, ‘Dieses Kodrosheiligtum wird gleich sein mit seiner Todesstätte, die bald vor den Toren der Theseusstadt, bald am Ilisosufer erwähnt wird, und seiner Grabstätte'. Roberts and Gardner too take this view.

²³ Judeich finds no difficulty in Pausanias' account, but does not explain it (387 n. 6). Jane Harrison, who, like Judeich, identifies Todesstätte and shrine, suggests that Pausanias was indeed farther north-east and upstream at i. 19. 6, where he mentions Kodros, but that his guide merely waved his hand downstream and said that somewhere down there Kodros was killed. This is trying to have it both ways. One should, I believe, normally assume that, except in clear digressions, when he mentions a place or monument Pausanias thinks of himself as actually on the spot. And the more one learns from the finds, at Athens and elsewhere, about his procedure, the more convinced one feels that his work is built up throughout on successive topographical sequences, even where he covers the ground jumpily and his account is correspondingly sketchy. I hope to discuss the topography of his chapter 19 further in connexion with the gymnasia. In covering eastern and south-eastern Athens, I believe, he first deals with a series which hangs on to the Olympieion and takes him across the Ilissos south-west to Kynosarges; then he transfers himself to the Lyceum, outside an eastern gate—as G. Daux well shows in Pausanias à Delphes, he likes to take any opportunity of making a transition which has a logical as well as a topographical character—and from the Lyceum he makes a wider, more easterly sweep, on a longer radius from the centre of the city, across the Ilissos again to the stadium and Agrai.

For the all-important gymnasia there is a little further evidence (post-Judeich) which tends, though by no means decisively, to confirm their sites in the regions indicated above. Vanderpool, E. has made a careful new study of the ‘boundary of the garden of the Muses’, IG ii ². 2613Google Scholar (in AE 1953–4 (1957) 126 ff.), and slight remains which may belong to Theophrastos' ‘little stoa’ (see Diogenes Laertius v. 51) have come to light in Syntagma. For Kynosarges we have a relief with a dedication to Herakles found south of the Ilissos and published by Robinson, D. M. in Hesperia xvii (1948) 137 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar (cf. Mitsos, in Polemon iv (1949) 32, no. 27)Google Scholar; and a series of inscriptions published by Karouzos in ADelt viii (1923) 85 ff. (not in Judeich; cf. SEG iii. 18 and 115–17; Papagiannopoulos-Palaios, 73, no. 12). Three of these are possibly concerned with the Herakleion, and were found south of the Ilissos just south of the Fix brewery, which may well be near the site of Kynosarges. The other was found a little south of the monument of Lysikrates; it is of the late fifth century, and gives part of a decree concerned with tanning. Skins are not to be treated in the Ilissos above the temenos of Herakles (i.e., no doubt, Kynosarges); a stele inscribed with the decree is to be set up ‘on either side’ (i.e. of the river, no doubt at the place above which these operations could not be carried out, and so near Kynosarges). A likely location for the point in question would be just to the south of the city, clear of the immediate suburbs and downstream from Kallirrhoe and the various shrines near the river in this neighbourhood, and the Kepoi.