^{page 151 note 1} Julius, E. ii. and Add. 10,365 respectively: see B.S.A. xiii. 199, xiv. 340 f.

^{page 151 note 2} Cod. Ital. iv. 2; Frati, , Catal. ii. 4Google Scholar, where also bibliography: see further Délos, Cartographie, p. 17.

^{page 151 note 3} Uzielli, G., Mappa Mundi, Carte Nautiche, Portolani, 2 ed. 1882, No. 369.Google Scholar

^{page 151 note 4} Ibid. No. 374. There are also by the same author (1) an Arte del Navicar, 1590 (Marciana, MS. cit.), 1591 (B.M. Add. 10,365); (2) an Atlante of 1584 (Rome, Bibl. Vitt. Emm.); and (3) a Mappa Mundi of 1582 (B.M. Add. 27,470) in colours, from which we reproduce the Aegean section (Fig. 1).

^{page 151 note 5} Lib. Sing. § 24. His periplus of the coast from Constantinople to the Dardanelles is given ibid. § 86.

^{page 152 note 1} Cf. Struys, J., Voyage (London, 1684), p. 11Google Scholar; Tournefort's descriptions of Melos and Ios; Turner, W., Tour, i. 30Google Scholar; Leake, , N. Greece, iii. 78.Google Scholar The celebrated pirate Capsi was a Melian pilot (Sauger, , Hist. des Ducs, 319).Google Scholar

^{page 152 note 2} Cf. C. Cippico (in Sathas, , Mon. Hist. Hell. vii. 26Google Scholar): ‘l'officio di questo e di guidar l'armata, render ragione a’ marinari e gastigarli per delitti leggiere.’ The MS. (B) was a presentation copy to Millo's patron, Zuane Bembo, and bears his arms. The Mappa Mundi has: party per pale, to dexter, or, three bendlets az.; to sinister, az. three stars, two and one, or; a chief of the Empire.

^{page 153 note 1} He is not the only Greek pilot-cartographer known to us. Another is the Cretan Georgios Sideres, called Calapodes (c. 1560, see Uzielli, loc. cit. 213, 219, 223, 225; B.M. Eg. 2856; Sathas, , M.H.H. ii.Google Scholar frontispiece; cf. Galland's, Journal, 58Google Scholar, which shews that these maps had a reputation a hundred years later). A Ioannes Xenodochos of Corfu (1520) is cited by Uzielli (410), as is a portulan with legends in Greek.

^{page 153 note 2} B.M. Lansdowne, 792, ƒƒ. 55–94; see B.S.A. xiii. 200, xiv. 341 ff.

^{page 153 note 3} pp. 4, 18.

^{page 153 note 4} Carayon, , Missions du Levant, 111.Google Scholar

^{page 153 note 5} Ibid. 122. For the great activity of the Jesuits about this time see Roe's, Negotiations, 788 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 154 note 1} Voyage (Paris, 1723), 1. 16.

^{page 154 note 2} Voyage (Amst. 1679), i. 234.

^{page 154 note 3} Viaggio, i. 452.

^{page 154 note 4} Osservazioni, iv. 43.

^{page 154 note 5} Voyage, Letter X. As Lupazzolo is both da Monferrato and Chiensis, he probably founded the family at Chios, removing to Smyrna as the trade shifted.

^{page 154 note 6} Chapters lxiii, lxv.

^{page 154 note 7} Not Zea, where Thévenot landed.

^{page 154 note 8} There are discrepancies between the two accounts, but Thévenot's mention of English antiquity-hunters on Paros evidently refers (as in the case of Delos) to William Petty, who was collecting for the Duke of Buckingham in 1624–6 (Roe's Negotiations and Michaelis, Anct. Marbles).

^{page 154 note 9} With additions.

^{page 154 note 10} A sack of Kimolos by pirates in 1638, mentioned by Thévenot but not in the Isolario, betrays its source by the date.

^{page 154 note 11} Uzielli, who had access to the library of the Propaganda, knows nothing of. the Relatione, nor does a copy appear to exist in Chios itseif.

^{page 154 note 12} The islands so treated are Karpathos, Rhodes, Kos, Telos, Skiathos, Thasos, and Skyros.

^{page 155 note 1} Reproduced B.S.A. xiii. 201.

^{page 155 note 2} Reproduced (Fig. 2): it resembles that of the ‘Smyrna Atlas’ (Thera, i. 7), which may be a later version (after 1655) made by or for the author.

^{page 156 note 1} Another of Sandys' series (Seraglio Point) is to be found in Covel's folio MS. (Add. 22,912, f. 125), which appears from the text (f. 76) to be the work of ‘an Englishman in Sir Paul Pindar's time,’ possibly therefore Sandys himself.

^{page 156 note 2} Aegina, Paros, Kythnos, Zea, Anaphe, Seriphos, Skiathos, Karpathos. The best account of the campaigns of Barbarossa is Miller's, Latins, 624 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 156 note 3} Lemnos finally in 1479; the chronology is given in the preface of I. G. Insularum, xiii. 8.

^{page 156 note 4} Bosio, ii. 195.

^{page 156 note 5} Fredrich, in Ath. Mitt. xxxi. 250Google Scholar, cf. Buondelmonti.

^{page 156 note 6} Preface to I. G. Ins. and Fredrich, Halonnesus. Bordone, possibly erroneously, speaks of a small population.

^{page 156 note 7} Itinerarium, ed. Legrand, 192: Z. is a particularly good authority, having held the office of logothetes at the Patriarchate, in which capacity he sometimes collected ecclesiastical dues in person. The statements of Carlier de Pinon, (Rev. Or. Lat. xii. (1909) 174)Google Scholar and Breuning, (Orient. Reyss, 40)Google Scholar that Aïstrati was deserted in 1579 must probably be discounted, and in general, it will be seen, these authors are not trustworthy.

^{page 157 note 1} Νέος ῾Ελληνομνήμων vii. 363; apparently from an ecclesiastical source.

^{page 157 note 2} Van Ghistele, , Tvoyage (1485), 348Google Scholar; Millo, (A) doi castelli abittati da Turchi.

^{page 157 note 3} Van Ghistele, loc. cit.

^{page 157 note 4} Zygomalas, loc. cit.

^{page 157 note 5} Νέος ῾Ελληνομνήμων vii. 363.

^{page 157 note 6} Critobulus, i. 75.

^{page 157 note 7} Observations, xxv.

^{page 157 note 8} Gerlach, , Tagebuch, 403.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 9} Critobulus, iii. 87.

^{page 157 note 10} Millo.

^{page 157 note 11} Blancard, St. in Charrière, , Nég. de la France, i. 373.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 12} Khalfa, Hadji (Or. Trans. Fund), 59Google Scholar: 4,000 in Cornaro's Hist. Cand. B.M. Add. 8,637, f. 98.

^{page 157 note 13} St. Blancard, loc. cit.

^{page 158 note 1} Ibid.

^{page 158 note 2} Braconnier, in Aimé-Martin, , Lettres Édif. et Curieuses, i. 81Google Scholar, quoted B.S.A. xv. 226.

^{page 158 note 3} Zygomalas.

^{page 158 note 4} MS.(A).

^{page 158 note 5} Lamansky, Secrets de l'État de Venise, [04].

^{page 158 note 6} Cornaro, , MS. cit. f. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 158 note 7} Loc. cit. Porcacchi (ed. of 1572), Carlier (173), and Breuning (40) speak of Skyros as uninhabited in 1579, but Zygomalas is the better authority. Bordone speaks of a small population.

^{page 158 note 8} Lamansky, , Secrets, 654.Google Scholar This would imply the desertion of Mykonos, (Delos), Gyaros, Kimolos, Kythnos, Seriphos, Pholegandros, Antiparos, Astypalaea, Amorgos, Anaphe.

^{page 158 note 9} This had been the case since Barbarossa's campaigns.

^{page 158 note 10} Turcograecia, 207. The definite statement of Millo about the depopulation and settlement of Ios goes far to justify the discrepancy between the accounts of 1563 and 1577.

^{page 159 note 1} Van Ghistele, 352, cf. de Caumont (1418) and Buondelmonti. Guylforde (60) says it was deserted in 1506.

^{page 159 note 2} Cornaro, Hist. Cand. B.M. Add. 8,637, f. 95.

^{page 159 note 3} Above, p. 158.

^{page 159 note 4} Crusius.

^{page 159 note 5} Hist. des ducs, p. 199.

^{page 159 note 6} Cornaro, loc. cit. f. 95. u.

^{page 159 note 7} Magno, Stefano in Hopf, , Chron. G.-R. 205, 207.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 8} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 100; Miller, 624.

^{page 159 note 9} p. 190: the Venetians carried off 300 slaves in 1570 (Paruta, , Guerra di Cibro, 46).Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 10} For the Albanian, colonies see B.S.A. xv. 223.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 11} Millo (B).

^{page 159 note 12} From Mr. A. J. B. Wace.

^{page 159 note 13} Millo: cf. B.S.A. xv. 225.

^{page 159 note 14} Lupazzolo.

^{page 160 note 1} Rev. Or. Lat. xii. 166.

^{page 160 note 2} Meliarakes, , Κίμωλος 24.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 3} B.S.A. xiii. 346.

^{page 160 note 4} Thévenot, i. 343: the source is probably Lupazzolo's Relatione, to which may be referred the population (200) given by Thévenot.

^{page 160 note 5} It is dated by an inscription, Meliarakes, loc. cit.

^{page 160 note 6} Sonnini, ii. 25.

^{page 160 note 7} Cf. Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 94.

^{page 160 note 8} Tvoyage, 352.

^{page 160 note 9} Insulaire, f. 126.

^{page 160 note 10} Ballendas, , Ἱστ. Κύθνου, 61.Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 11} Raids are mentioned in 1470 (Bruenner, U., in Z. D. Palästina Vereins, 1906, 49)Google Scholar; 1503 (Rel. di A. Gritti in Alberi, 1. 14), when the borgo was plundered and 160 slaves carried off by Caradromi; 1506 when the borgo was sacked by Kamal, (Sir R. Guylforde, p. 62).Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 12} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 94 v. (1537); the remnant of the population was carried off next year (Miller, , Eng. Hist. Rev. xxii. 305).Google Scholar

^{page 160 note 13} Cf. Randolph, , Archipelago, 14.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 1} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 93.

^{page 161 note 2} Relations Inédites, 126.

^{page 161 note 3} I owe this information to Mr. A. J. B. Wace.

^{page 161 note 4} So Carlier, 166.

^{page 161 note 5} B.S.A. xv. 345. Cf. the account of the attack on the (unnamed) island in Nixon's pamphlet and the description of Pholegandros in Thevet and Tournefort.

^{page 161 note 6} Δελτίον τῆς ῾Ιστ. ῾Εταιρείας ii. 516.

^{page 161 note 7} De Caumont describes it as populous in 1418.

^{page 161 note 8} Hopf, , V.-B. Anal. 41Google Scholar, quoting Rizzardo, Presa di Negroponte, 24.

^{page 161 note 9} Noiret, , Documents, 545Google Scholar:—familie xl circiter ex illis que ab insula Sta Herinis discesserunt extrema calamitate et miseria.

^{page 161 note 10} Röhricht, and Meissner, , Deutsche Pilgerreisen, 369.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 11} A castle and villages, Turcograecia, 207. The castle of S. Nicolas was taken by Barbary pirates in 1577 and the inhabitants carried off (ibid.).

^{page 161 note 12} De Caumont.

^{page 161 note 13} Bordone.

^{page 161 note 14} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 100; but cf. Hadji Khalfa and Hammer-Hellert, vi. 295.

^{page 162 note 1} Reyss, p. 76.

^{page 162 note 2} Crusius also speaks of ‘a castle and villages,’ Turcograecia, 209.

^{page 162 note 3} B.S.A. xiii. 346.

^{page 162 note 4} Adventures, 84.

^{page 162 note 5} Gedeon, , Χρον. τοῦ Πατρ. Οἵκου, 159.Google Scholar This may have been a counter-stroke to some Latin intrigue.

^{page 162 note 6} Carayon, 134; cf. Lupazzolo, f. 70, Lequien, iii. 866.

^{page 162 note 7} Cf. Miller, , Latins, 630Google Scholar; it had 9,000 inhabitants in 1563.

^{page 162 note 8} E.g. in 1538 (Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 99), 1570 and 1572 (Tournefort, cf. Paruta, , Guerra di Cipro, 49Google Scholar).

^{page 162 note 9} p. 191.

^{page 162 note 10} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 94 (2,000 from Thermia and Zea): Hadji Khalfa (Eng. tr. p. 58) says 1,200.

^{page 162 note 11} B.S.A. xv. 226.

^{page 162 note 12} Zygomalas, 191 (Τζιά, as in Act. et Diplom. vi. 227).Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 13} Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 92 v.; Sagredo, 355; Paruta, 437; Miller, , Latins, 507.Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 14} Charrière, , Nég. de la France, i. 372.Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 15} p. 169 (assez grand nombre d'habitans).

^{page 162 note 16} p. 36.

^{page 162 note 17} Insulaire.

^{page 162 note 18} Finlay, , Hist. of Greece, v. 69Google Scholar, vi. 28.

^{page 163 note 1} Miaoules, , Ἱστ. Ὕδρας 36Google Scholar: cf. Thevet, , Insulaire, f. 98.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 2} f. 169.

^{page 163 note 3} Cf. Fontana, , de Bell. Rhod. ii.Google Scholar; de Oppug. Rhod. 158 (Telos and Chalke): see also Syme.

^{page 163 note 4} Hopf, , V.-B. Anal. pp. 97 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 163 note 5} Cornaro (MS. cit. f. 119).

^{page 163 note 6} Plague has always been a frequent visitor in these islands on account of the connection with Egypt.

^{page 163 note 7} Bosio adds Leros to the list of ravaged islands, and mentions an attack on Syme in the same year (ii. 195–6).

^{page 163 note 8} Νέος ῾Ελληνομνήμων vii. 162 (135). This seems to be the date when depopulation set in all over the islands.

^{page 163 note 9} Bosio, ii. 210.

^{page 163 note 10} Ibid. 213.

^{page 163 note 11} Ibid. 226.

^{page 163 note 12} Ibid. 258.

^{page 163 note 13} Ibid. 319.

^{page 163 note 14} Ibid. 399.

^{page 163 note 15} Ibid. 484, 487. In spite of this devastation all the six islands seem to have retained their population: cf. Suriano, F., Trattato di Terra Sancta, 244, 246.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 1} Chaviaràs, in Δελτίον vi. (1901), 321 ff.Google Scholar The islands here mentioned as included in the wakf are Kalymnos, Chalke, Leros, Nisyros, Syme, and Telos, with parts of Rhodes. According to Helle von Samo (Das Vilayet der Inseln) eleven islands (Ikaria, Patmos, Kalymnos, Castellorizo, Nisyros, Syme, Telos, Astypalaea, Karpathos, Kasos, and Chalke) had their autonomy in virtue of firmans dating from 1645, ratified at various dates down to 1860, and only suppressed in 1872. The non-Rhodian islands were probably included about 1570.

^{page 164 note 2} Miller, , Latins in the Levant, 600.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 3} Conrady, L., Vier Rheinische Pilgerfahrten, 172.Google Scholar Cf. Hopf, , V.-B. Anal. 129.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 4} Miller, loc. cit. 624. Hopf, , Gesch. Andros, 125.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 5} Inselreise, ii. 59.

^{page 164 note 6} Observations, II. xi.

^{page 164 note 7} Zygomalas, 190.

^{page 164 note 8} Lengerrand, , Voyage (Mons, 1861), 102.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 9} Hopf, , V.-B. Anal. 116.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 10} Viaze [1518–20], 154: Hazense tres escollos, y el uno es poblado.

^{page 164 note 11} Feyerabend, , Reyssbuch, 404.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 12} Carlier, 167.

^{page 165 note 1} Dallam, 27

^{page 165 note 2} Archipelago, 30: These islanders have obtained a great favour from the Port by means of a Favourite of Solyman the Magnificent, who obtained a command that none of the tribute-masters should molest them, they shewing a discharge for 1,000 dollars yearly to be paid at Constantinople for all taxes.

^{page 165 note 3} Habitata da pouera giente (Millo): Sandys gives probably too gloomy a picture; but cf. Belon, who says the population was Turkish except two villages.

^{page 165 note 4} By a Maltese and Neapolitan fleet (Vertot, iv. 128). Knolles (904) gives 1610, but the expedition is probably the same.

^{page 165 note 5} By the Knights of S. Stephen, who burnt the castle and carried off 1,200 prisoners (Knolles, 908; cf. Stochove, 218, van Egmont, i. 263).

^{page 165 note 6} In 1491 (5,000 victims), Tarcagnota, , Hist. del Mondo, iv. 318Google Scholar; 1493, Bosio, ii. 419; 1494 (halb versuncken inn daz Meer), Heinrich der Fromme, in Z.D.P.V. 1900. 7.Google Scholar The allusions are probably to a single earthquake. The earthquake or earthquakes seem to have affected the climate (Breuning, 107, and Porcacchi; cf. the state of Melos after 1707, Choiseul-Gouffier, i. 10).

^{page 165 note 7} Belon, II. xi.

^{page 165 note 8} Habitata da pouera giente, Millo.

^{page 165 note 9} Lengerrand, 102.

^{page 165 note 10} Biliotti, 340.

^{page 165 note 11} Randolph, 16.

^{page 165 note 12} Zygomalas, 190.

^{page 166 note 1} 17–24 June; Mem. de l'Acad. xxxvi. 734, quoting Bosio and Bourbon. Thevet (Insulaire, f. 147) was informed by Rhodian Greeks that the castle of Syme was destroyed before the fall of Rhodes.

^{page 166 note 2} Stochove, 220; van Egmont, 276; Turner, iii. 23; Gregoropoulos, , Σύμη 24Google Scholar; Chaviaras, loc. cit. Syme appears to have been in the hands of the local militia, the Knights being responsible for the fortifications; cf. two curious passages: (a) from Wey, W. (Itinerary of 1462, p. 94)Google Scholar: ‘Semys ibi est dux et venit ad Rhodys cum suis nudis tibiis (? ?) et multos capit de Turcis et bene custodit illam insulam: quod si contingit illum ducem esse vecordem et nolentem ire contra Turcos ipsum occident et alium in loco eius eligent’; and (b) Casola (Pilgrimage, 1494, p. 208, the authority being the Bailly of Lango): ‘Each of the said islands used to be governed by one who was called king, but a few days before the Rhodians had put an end to the name of king.’

^{page 166 note 3} p. 220.

^{page 166 note 4} De Bello Rhodio, ii.

^{page 166 note 5} De Oppug. Rhodi, 158. ‘Omni habitantium numero ferro et flammis absumpta.’

^{page 166 note 6} Of its former history we know that it was Rhodian as early as 1396, when there were 65 Greek families there (Anon, in L'Austrasie (1838), 233; cf. d'Anglure, p. 89). It passed from Rhodes to Naples in 1451 (Bosio, ii. 180), and was occupied by the Turks in the siege of 1480, the inhabitants fleeing to Rhodes, , Candia, , and Naples, (Voy. de la Saynct Cité, ed. Schefer, , p. 112).Google Scholar But it would hardly remain unpeopled.

^{page 166 note 7} p. 220; cf. Dapper, 165, and Des Hayes, 358.

^{page 166 note 8} f. 95: the last statement seems to be an exaggeration; Samos never belonged to the Capitan Pasha, being a wakf of Kilidj Ali's mosque (see below). But the monastery held extensive lands in Samos since the death of Sarakines (1590), and in Zea the monastery of H. Panteleëmon; cf., however, Acta et Diplomata, vi. 227 (1626), where this monastery is claimed by the Patriarch.

^{page 166 note 9} Acta et Diplomata Graeca, vi. App. 1.

^{page 167 note 1} Cf. docc. viii, ix, xi (1507–14).

^{page 167 note 2} Cf. doc. vii. Patmos is said by Paruta (437) and Sagredo (355) to have been sacked by Barbarossa. It was tributary to the Turks before the fall of Rhodes.

^{page 167 note 3} Doc. xxiv (1610). The monastery itself hoisted the flag of S. John when the Maltese galleys appeared (Georgirenes, Samos, 81, Millo). Pirates annoyed it little (Thevet, , Cosm. Univ. 230).Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 4} Docc. xv, xvi (1573, 1575).

^{page 167 note 5} Voyage, 214.

^{page 167 note 6} Voyage, 358.

^{page 167 note 7} Docc. xix (1594), xx (1596), xxx (1632).

^{page 167 note 8} Doc. xvii (1590); cf. Crusius, , Ann. Suev. XII. iii. 805.Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 9} Georgirenes, , Samos, 81.Google Scholar

^{page 167 note 10} The only other instance of an orthodox holy place being recognized by Catholics seems to be that of Vatopedi on Athos, which had a charter from Alfonso V. in 1456 (Langlois, 42).

^{page 168 note 1} Justinian, M., Hist. de Chio, xi. 166.Google Scholar

^{page 168 note 2} So Thevet, Insulaire, but cf. Belon, , Obss. ii. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 168 note 3} Coronelli, , Rhodi, 360Google Scholar; cf. Hopf, , V.-B. Anal. 147Google Scholar: van Ghistele in 1485 speaks of it as qualick bewoont, p. 338.

^{page 168 note 4} Cf. Stella in Lonicerus, iii. 198 (1578): Sub Teucro hactenus ut pleraeque aliae incultae fuerunt Samos et Nicaria. Nunc paucis Graecorum pagis incoli incipiunt.

^{page 168 note 5} loc. cit.

^{page 168 note 6} Insulaire.

^{page 168 note 7} Adventures, 88.

^{page 168 note 8} Travailes, 70.

^{page 168 note 9} Turner, W., Tour, iii. 406.Google Scholar

^{page 168 note 10} Stamatiades, ᾿Ικαρισκἀ. There is a local tradition that the inhabitants migrated to Rumili, but it seems to be based on the equation ᾿Ικαριἀ=αἱ Καρυαὶ only.

^{page 168 note 11} The ‘porphyrogeniti’ legend occurs first in Georgirenes: the village-names given by Stamatiades are distinctly N. Greek.

^{page 168 note 12} E.g. Georgirenes, Tournefort.

^{page 168 note 13} J. Justinian, loc. cit.

^{page 168 note 14} (A) says ‘uninhabited since Trojan times’; the same phrase is used of Giura in (C).

^{page 169 note 1} Insulaire, 162. Dufresne-Canaye (1572) mentions a population (ed. Schefer, 170), but this is contradicted by Carlier in 1579 (Rev. Or. Lat. xii. (1909), 173).

^{page 169 note 2} Cf. B.S.A. xv. 227.

^{page 169 note 3} Stamatiades, Σαμιακά citing Benzi, , Ann. Florent. ii. 168.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 4} The date is given as 1475 by Justinian, J. (Hist. de Chio, xi. 166)Google Scholar, 1481 by Hopf-Vlastos, (Giustiniani, p. 76Google Scholar; cf. Piacenza, p. 200): Cippico represents the desolation as fairly complete in 1472 (Mon. Hist. Hell. vii. 274), Stamatiades, (Ἐπετηρὶς τῆς Σάμου, 1875, p. 34, 1876, p. 25Google Scholar, quoted by Legrand) gives 1463 or 1465, while Joos van Ghistele speaks of the island as inhabited in 1485 (Tvoyage, Ghent, 1572, p. 338).

^{page 169 note 5} Cf the accounts of Belon, (Observations, II. ix.)Google Scholar, and Crusius (Turcograecia, 556 [1555]).

^{page 169 note 6} Cf. M. Heberer, Aeg. Servitus.

^{page 169 note 7} Stamatiades, , Σαμιακά (1881), ii. ch. i.Google Scholar

^{page 169 note 8} Loc. cit. p. 5, based apparently on a misunderstanding of a passage in Charrière (Nég. de la France, ii. 726), which speaks of ‘galères de la garde de Samos,’ i.e. patrolling the strait.

^{page 170 note 1} The village now called Myli is spoken of in early documents as χωρίον τοῦ Κιλίτς Αλῆ and the island was till recently a wakf of his mosque at Top-Khané.

^{page 170 note 2} Hammer-Hellert, vi. 432; cf. Mich. Heberer (1586), Aegypliaca Servitus, p. 202.

^{page 170 note 3} Loc. cit.

^{page 170 note 4} Crusius, , Ann. Suev. XII. iii. 805.Google Scholar

^{page 170 note 5} Rel. des Voyages (1605), 14.

^{page 170 note 6} Voyage, 213.

^{page 170 note 7} Hammer-Hellert, vi. 452.

^{page 170 note 8} This date is accepted by Legrand, Deux Vies de J. Basilikos, preface, xvii., though he puts the date of the abandonment of the island much earlier, taking the patriarchal document (mentioned below) literally.

^{page 170 note 9} Σαμιακά ii. 9.

^{page 170 note 10} Σύλλογος Κ᾿ πόλεως x. 49–51; cf. Hypselantes, , Τὰ μετὰ τὴν Ἅλωσιν, s.a. 1594, p. 117.Google Scholar

^{page 170 note 11} Kara Mustafa was second in command to the Capitan Pasha Piale (Charrière, , Nég. de la France, ii. 512Google Scholar).

^{page 171 note 1} For building of ships by pirates on deserted islands, see Belon, Observations, II. ix.

^{page 171 note 2} De Beauvau, 78 (quasi deshabitée); Sandys, , Travailes, 69Google Scholar; Hayes, Des, Voyage (1621), 350.Google Scholar

^{page 171 note 3} Piacenza, , Aegeo Redivivo, 200Google Scholar: in this year the fleet visited the island twice and two piratical attacks occurred in one week: the Samians in despair met together and proposed to abandon the island, but after discussion decided to put up with the ills they had. P.'s authority may well be a lost Isolario of Millo.

^{page 171 note 4} Des Brèves.

^{page 171 note 5} In spite of the Cretan war Georgirenes can enumerate eighteen villages in Samos in 1678.

^{page 171 note 6} Hopf-Vlastos, , Giustiniani, p. 62.Google Scholar

^{page 171 note 7} Ibid. p. 77.

^{page 171 note 8} Cf. Coriolano Cippico's account of the sacking in 1472 of Passagio (Tcheshme), whence goods were ferried across to Chios for shipment.

^{page 171 note 9} For this date see B.S.A. xvi. 138.

^{page 171 note 10} Lupazzolo is a case in point.

^{page 172 note 1} There was an English consul at Chios at the very beginning of our Levant trade and it was still commercially important in the first half of the seventeenth century (Roe, , Negotiations, 512.Google ScholarMS., CottonOtho, c. ix.Google Scholar; cf. Arber's, English Garner, i. 20–23)Google Scholar; the first mention of the Smyrna consulate seems to be 1611 (Epstein, , Levant Co. 214Google Scholar); the French consulate is only a year earlier.

^{page 172 note 2} Scala Nuova was on this account forbidden to Christian shipping (Cary, Account of the Trade of Smyrna, Add. MS. 5,489, f. 11).

^{page 172 note 3} Cary, loc. cit.

^{page 172 note 4} Critobulus, iv. 12.

^{page 172 note 5} Hammer-Hellert, vi. 199–200.

^{page 172 note 6} Vianoli, , Hist. Ven. (1680), 662.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 7} Georgirenes.

^{page 172 note 8} Itinerarium, ed. Legrand, 190; cf. Palerne's 300 villages in 1600.

^{page 172 note 9} Muralt, s.a. The inhabitants were removed to Crete and Negropont.

^{page 172 note 10} Hadji Khalfa, s.a. p. 18; cf. Reis, PiriRev. Or. Lat. xii. 176.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 11} Zygomalas, , Itin. 189Google Scholar; cf. Lithgow (1605), p. 108.

^{page 173 note 1} Lupazzolo represents Dromi, Limno-Pelagisi, Arachlia, and Giura as so inhabited.

^{page 173 note 2} They however ravaged Kos in 1604 (Vertot) and were at Phocaea in 1615 (dal Pozzo, i. 265). Their other eastern exploits at this period were confined to the Morea.

^{page 173 note 3} They made attempts on Chios in 1599 and on Kos in 1609.

^{page 173 note 4} Thevet says that the piracy of his day was carried on chiefly by ‘Turks’ who preyed mainly on Christian shipping exclusive of Venetian, which was protected by treaty (Cosmog. Univ. i. 227b). The two slave raids known to us in this period (see above, Ios, Santorini) were made by Barbary corsairs.

^{page 173 note 5} The increasing Dutch and English traffic through the straits was partly accountable; cf Roe's Negotiations, passim.

^{page 173 note 6} See particulars in Belon, II. x.

^{page 173 note 7} First in Lupazzolo, f. 91; cf. also du Fresne Canaye, 174.

^{page 174 note 1} B.S.A. xv. 223.

^{page 174 note 2} Dalla vera de l'ano 71, in qua non sollo questa ma tutti li altri scogli che non erano habittatti; cf. Stella, quoted above (Ikaria). The spring of 1571 is probably 1572 by our reckoning.

^{page 174 note 3} The earliest recorded settlers came to Hydra in 1580 (Miaoules, , Ἱστ. Ὕδρας, 36Google Scholar).

^{page 174 note 4} Paruta, , Guerra di Cipro, 114.Google Scholar Hammer-Hellert, vi. 418–9: the campaign included Sopoto, Timara, Dulcigno, Antivari, Budua, but the Albanians of these parts were probably Catholic.

^{page 174 note 5} Paruta, loc. cit. 75.

^{page 174 note 6} Tr. Carli, p. 150.

^{page 174 note 7} See the documents of this period in Lamansky, , Secrets de l'État de Venise, 077–091.Google Scholar

^{page 175 note 1} Oeconomopoulos, in Λεριακά pp. 55–65Google Scholar, giving a list of family-names in Leros (one of the less disturbed islands), says that of these families one-third are now known to be of ‘foreign’ origin, i.e. at a generous estimate immigrants of less than a hundred years' standing.

^{page 176 note 1} Mém. sur les Tremblements de Terre, in Acad. Imp. de Bruxelles, Ouvrages Couronnés, xxiii. (1850). The author copies much (without verifying) from von Hoff's, Chronik der Erdbeben (Veränderungen der Erdoberflache, iv.), 1840.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 2} Fouqué, , Santorin, 11Google Scholar; Mitsopoulos, in Deffner's Archiv, 110Google Scholar; Philippson, , Thera, i. 66.Google Scholar

^{page 176 note 3} The castle of Skaros, now a mass of shapeless ruins, has been abandoned in living memory, and the inscription may still lie hid amongst the debris.

^{page 176 note 4} Relation de Santerini, p. 20: There is a second version (R₂) sent by Richard to Kircher and published in Mundus Subterraneus, iv. § 1, 182. Ross, , Inseln, i.Google Scholar, gives two more, at p. 95 from an MS. copy in the island (Ro.) and at p. 201 from Delenda's Journal (1707). The latter, with Coronelli, , Isolario, 243Google Scholar, and Raspe, , de Novis Insulis, 40Google Scholar, borrows from Richard, : Pègues, , Santorin, p. 137 (P.)Google Scholar, corrects R.'s text, but does not seem to have seen the stone. The chief variations are: l. 2, nobis for clades. P: l. 4, undenos. P: 1. 6, Therae sinus. Ro., immania. P: l. 7, Cum gemitu. P. scopulus. R₂: 1. 8, magnum. R₂ P. gignit. R₂.

^{page 177 note 1} Hopf, , Chron. Gr-R. 481.Google ScholarV-B. Analekten, 40.

^{page 177 note 2} Delenda, quoted by Motraye, i. 412, gives an alternative date 1452, implying perhaps an independent reading of the stone.

^{page 177 note 3} The map is reproduced in Thera, i. 6. The note also occurs in the B.M. MSS. Arundel, 93 (written about 1485) and Sloane, 3843 (a late copy of the Paris MS.), but not in the Isolario of Martelli (Add. 15,760) nor in the (Buondelmonti?) Add. 22,925, both of which maps comment on the depth of water in the bay, deriving from the text of Buondelmonti.

^{page 177 note 4} (Frankfort, 1614) p. 29.

^{page 177 note 5} Von Hoff, p. 239; cf. the chronological note 1457 in a Patmian MS. quoted by Sakkelion, , Πατ. Βιβλ. 44Google Scholar; Lambros, , Νέος Ἑλληνομνέμων, vii. 162 (135).Google Scholar The alleged earthquake in Hydra in this year cited by Perrey s.a. is a miscopied reference to Hiera.

^{page 178 note 1} Trattato di Terra Santa (ed. Golubovich, , 1900), p. 219.Google Scholar Other earthquakes in the eastern Mediterranean are also cited as having occurred in the author's experience, viz. in 1462 at Lepanto, in 1480 in Cyprus, and in 1482 in Rhodes. The latter is of course the famous one described by Caoursin and others.

^{page 178 note 2} The word is apparently miscopied (from Καινούριον=(Scoglio) nuovo?), but perfectly clearly written.

^{page 178 note 3} B.M. Add. MSS. 5,234, f. 95, fait par Delahaye live in Grafton St. at the Woollpack.

^{page 178 note 4} Inseln, i. 91.

^{page 178 note 5} Ed. M. E. Newett, p. 311. The passage was known from the Italian edition to Hopf, (V-B. Analekten, 39).Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 1} The existence of a Caimeni before 1457 seems clear from the words of the inscription, if the text we have (auolsit not e.g. euomuit) is correct.

^{page 179 note 2} Per medium scissa est et in duas effecta insulas (Baumgarten, III. xxxvi., Gemnicensis, G. in Pezii, , Anecdotorum Thesaurus, II ₂624).Google Scholar The easiest explanation is perhaps that the news was reported in some such form as Struys heard it (see below) with particulars of the former disasters of the island. The severance of Thera and Therasia is of course prehistoric.

^{page 179 note 3} For the curious and rare version of the name cf. the Hohenzollern pilgrimage (ed. Geisheim, p. 213).

^{page 179 note 4} Muratori, , Script. Rer. Ital. xxiv. 595.Google Scholar The Cretan disaster is also noted by Tarcagnota, , Hist. del Mondo, xxii. 554Google Scholar; in the itineraries of the pilgrims von Hirschfeld, (1517, Mitt. Ges. f. Vaterl. Sprache, Leipzig, 1856, p. 53)Google Scholar, Saige, J. Le (1518, Voy. à Jérusalem, 1851, p. 80)Google Scholar, Tschudi, L. (1519, Reyss., 1606, p. 76)Google Scholar, and Wölfli (1520 MS., cf. Röhricht, , Bibl. Geogr. Pal., p. 176Google Scholar, No. 621); also in Lambros', chronological notes (Νέος Ἐλληνομνήμων, vii. p. 169)Google Scholar, Nos. 166, 168, 169, and in Cornaro, MS. cit. f. 70 v.

^{page 180 note 1} Voyages [1657], Amsterdam, 1676, p. 114: from whom Dapper, cited by von Hoff, from whom Perrey (!). Struys' words are in the original text: Santorin 1507 heeft eene sware Aerdtbeving de helft van de groote | die het doen had | afgescheurt | en omgekeert.

^{page 180 note 2} Voyage, ed. Schefer, p. 190: Nouse vismes alcunes montagnes fumans de jour et de nuict, brulans incessament et les disoit on estre gouffres d' enfer. Santorin is named (p. 191) as one of the islands passed, but cf. Buondelmonti on Nisyros. A nearly contemporary earthquake in Crete (1539) is mentioned in Νέος ῾Ελληνομνήμων vii. 182 (174).

^{page 180 note 3} Richard, p. 19, whence Tarillon, (Aimé-Martin, Lett. Édif. i. 46)Google Scholar and Pègues.

^{page 180 note 4} Schmidt, J., Vulkanstudien, p. 125Google Scholar, note, predicates three years for the formation of Mikra Kaimeni.

^{page 180 note 5} B.M., Julius E. II. f. 40r.Google Scholar The map in Add. 10,365, f. 85, like that of the Smyrna Atlas, places noua off the S. W. point of Santorin, and remarks on the anchorage: da la parte da ponente e il porto ma p. uaseli picholi si da fondi tra la isola di Santorini et il scholgio di Caimeni. There is now no anchorage in the bay.

^{page 181 note 1} f. 82 r.

^{page 181 note 2} An earthquake in Crete in 1595 is noted in Νέος ῾Ελληνομνήμων vii. 182 (232).

^{page 181 note 3} As at other times, the eruption at Santorin was accompanied by others in the Aegean area (Constantinople, 1571, von Hoff) and Italy (Perrey, xxii.).

^{page 181 note 4} The improvement on Bordone in the matter of legend is marked.

^{page 181 note 5} Voyage, ch. 68, copied by Tournefort. An earthquake in 1636 is cited by Lambros (loc. cit. No. 258) from a Mytilenaean MS. The nearly contemporary earthquake at Smyrna catalogued by Perrey is a ‘double’ of that of 1739.