¹ See, for example, Costa, Joâo Cruz, A History of Ideas in Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1964), pp. 82–202 Google Scholar; and, Zea, Leopoldo, El Positivismo en México (Mexico, 1943).Google Scholar

² Zea, Leopoldo, The Latin American Mind (Norman, Oklahoma, 1963), Chapter 2, Part II.Google Scholar In Chapter 2, Part I, Zea discussed the developing philosophic views of José Lastarria as he first contacted Comtean positivism in 1868; Zea, however, did not relate Lastarria's adoption of the philosophy to the historical patters of Chile during those years.

³ For an interesting discussion of the political importance of the Latin American pensador, see Stabb, Martin S., In Quest of Identity (Chapel Hill, 1967), pp. 3–7.Google Scholar

⁴ For Comtean positivism see Charlton, D.G., Positivistic Thought in Prance, 1852–1870 (Oxford, 1959).Google Scholar

⁵ The importance of such scientific work to the positivists is demonstrated throughout the periodical Philosophe Positive edited by Littré, Emile and Wyrouboff, G. (31 vols.; Paris, 1867–1883).Google Scholar

⁶ David, C.G., A Positivistic Primer (New York, 1871), p. 49.Google Scholar

⁷ As quoted in Stromberg, Roland N., An Intellectual History of Modern Europe (New York, 1966), p. 266.Google Scholar

⁸ See Simon, Walter M., “Spencer and Social Organization,” Journal of the History of Ideas (April-June, 1960), pp. 294–299.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹ The “Law of Three Stages” was the belief that society passed through three distinct periods: the theological, the metaphysical and the scientific. The French positivists placed greater emphasis upon this concept than others did.

¹⁰ Here see the discussion and analysis in Zea, Latin American Mind, Chapter 2, Part I.

¹¹ Lastarria, José Victorino, La América (Santiago, 1867), p. 93.Google Scholar

¹² Lastarria, José Victorino, Recuerdos literarios: Datos para la historia (Santiago, 1885), p. 271.Google Scholar See also Cifuentes, Abdón, Memorias (2 vols.; Santiago, 1936), 1, 209,Google Scholar for supporting evidence that Lastarria knew little, if anything, of Comtean positivism until 1868. Lastarria, however, had been introduced to the patterns of positivism long before that year. Zorobabel Rodríguez, a leading conservative pensador in Chile, described Lastarria as having followed successively utilitarianism, Krausism, and finally positivism, and thus, having accepted first Bentham, then Ahrens, and ultimately, Comte as the prophet of truth. See Rodríguez, Zorobabel, Miscelanea Literaria, Política, Relijiosa (2 vols.; Santiago, 1876), 1, 9.Google Scholar Krausism was the philosophie system developed by Karl Krause (1781–1832), a younger contemporary of Immanuel Kant. In the philosophy the individual came to understand the God-principle through a pantheistic awareness of the world. The philosophy was introduced into Argentina during the middle 1860s; as Lastarria was in Buenos Aires during those years, it seems possible that he learned of the philosophy at that time. For Krausism, see Morillas, Juan López, El Krausismo español (Mexico and Buenos Aires, 1956).Google Scholar

¹³ The “Generation of Forty-Two” took its name from the establishment of the National University of Chile in that year, and the intellectually catalyzing debate of Andrés Bello and Domingo Sarmiento concerning the purpose and the role of education; see Donoso, Armando, Sarmiento en el destierro (Buenos Aires, 1927).Google Scholar

¹⁴ MacKenna, Benjamín Vicuña, Los Girondinos chilenos (Santiago, 1902 Google Scholar [original publication in 1874]), p. 8.

¹⁵ Lastarria, José Victorino, “Discurso de 1842” quoted in Zea, , Latin American Mind, p. 125.Google Scholar See also Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 98.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See, for example, Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 243.Google Scholar

¹⁷ MacKenna, Vicuña, Girondinos, pp. 9–11.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lastarria, , Recuerdos, pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

¹⁹ José Lastarria to Miguel Luis Amunátegui, June 3, 1865; in Solar, Domingo Amunátegui (ed.), Archivo epistolar de don Miguel Luis Amunátegui (2 vols.; Santiago, 1942), 1, 163.Google Scholar

²⁰ Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 272.Google Scholar

²¹ Montt, Miguel Cruchaga, Tratado elemental de economía política (Madrid, 1928 [first published in Santiago, 1867]), p. 68.Google Scholar

²² Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 245.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., pp. 434–450.

²⁴ See Lastarria’s address of April 26, 1873, to the Academia, Ibid., p. 492. Members of the Academy included Lastarria, Diego Barros Arana, Miguel Luis Amunátegui, Benjamín Vicuña MacKenna, Valentín Letelier, and Juan Enrique Lagarrigue. Another such club was the Society of Enlightenment which, after 1874, became one of the centers for the orthodox positiviste; see Zea, , Latin American Mind, pp. 148–149.Google Scholar

²⁵ Hernández, Leortardo Fuentealba, Courcelle-Seneuil en Chile (Santiago, 1945), p. 10.Google Scholar

²⁶ For Lastarria, see his Lecciones de Política Positiva (Santiago, 1874), p. 36; for Rodríguez, see Hernández, Fuentealba, Courcelle-Seneuil, p. 35 Google Scholar; for Cruchaga Montt, see the Prologue to the 1928 edition of his Tratado, p. viii.

²⁷ For the quotation see Hernández, Fuentealba, Courcelle-Seneuil, p. 19 Google Scholar; for a provocative general discussion see Rodríguez, , Miscelanea, 1, 32, 33.Google Scholar The early trade policies of the republic are considered in Will, Robert M., “The Introduction of Classical Economics into Chile,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 44 (1964), 1–21 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, Kinsbruner, Jay, “A Comment on the Exclusiveness of Protection in Chilean Economics at Mid-Nineteenth Century,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 45 (1965), 591–594.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Lastarria, , Lecciones, pp. 36, 38, 42.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid., p. 114.

³⁰ See Zea, Latin American Mind, Chapter 2, passim.

³¹ Lastarria, , Lecciones, p. 40.Google Scholar

³² Among many would be the following: Amunátegui, Miguel Luis, La Crónica de 1810 (3 vols.; Santiago, 1876–1879)Google Scholar; de la Barra, Eduardo, Francisco Bilbao ante la sacristía (Santiago, 1872)Google Scholar; Arana, Diego Barros, Historia Jeneral de Chile (16 vols.; Santiago, 1884)Google Scholar; and, Benjamín Vicuña MacKenna, Los Girondinos.

³³ Lastarria, , La América, pp. 50, 223.Google Scholar See also Zea, , Latin American Mind, pp. 140–144,Google Scholar and Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 358.Google Scholar

³⁴ Such a focus of Latin American positivists certainly is not unique to Chile. See, for examples, the following: Miller, Hubert J. “Positivism and Educational Reforms in Guatemala,” Journal of Church and State, 7, No. 2 (Spring, 1966), 251–263 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Karl M. Schmitt, “The Mexican Positivists and the Church-State Question,” ibid., 200–213. Miller notes on page 255 that the newspaper El Guatemalteco (Guatemala City), February 12, 1874, argued that Guatemala should pattern a revised educational program upon the ideas advanced by José Victorino Lastarria.

³⁵ Domingo Santa María to José V. Lastarria, July 30, 1865, in Revista Chilena, Nos. 1–5 (1917), 93. For the general background of the question, see Schofield, Julian E., The Religious Issue in Chilean Politics, 1860–1925 (Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of California at Berkeley, June, 1951), pp. 26–30.Google Scholar

³⁶ Domingo, and Alemparte, Justo Arteaga, Los Constituyentes de 1870 (Santiago, 1910 [originally published in 1870]), p. 119.Google Scholar

³⁷ For an analysis of the strengths of the Catholic party see Edwards, Alberto, “Un capítulo de historia de Chile,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia, Nos. 117–124 (1930), 200–257.Google Scholar

³⁸ Alemparte, Arteaga, Constituyentes, p. 134.Google Scholar

³⁹ Cifuentes, , Memorias, 2, 139.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Manuel José Irarrázaval was so wealthy that, in 1864, he offered to buy several ships to strengthen the national fleet; see ibid., I, 137.

⁴¹ Ibid., I, 102, 406.

⁴² Cifuentes, Abdón, Colección de discursos (3 vols.; Santiago, 1916), 3, 220.Google Scholar

⁴³ Letter of the Rev. Kenelm Vaughan to the South Pacific Times, 1872, quoted in “Quien Sabe” (pseudonym for Hillman, Charles F.) “Old Timers,” British and American in Chile (Santiago, 1900), p. 384.Google Scholar See the Valparaiso and West Coast Mail, February 8, 1873 for a discussion of Rev. Vaughan’s anti-positivism “crusade.”

⁴⁴ Barros, Carlos Orrego Diego Barros Arana (Santiago, 1952), p. 114.Google Scholar Orrego Barros described Barros Arana as an admirer of Comte, but a follower of the heterodox Littré. The biographer does not suggest when Barros Arana turned specifically to positivism.

⁴⁵ Galdames, Luis, Valentín Letelier y su Obra: 1852–1919 (Santiago, 1937), p. 31, note (f).Google Scholar Among the other early positivists Galdames included Ricardo Passi, Gabriel González, Abilio Arancibia and Marcos Machuca; ibid., p. 60. Passi, Ricardo, in his “El Positivismo,” Revista Chilena, 14 (1879), 539,Google Scholar also included Guillermo Matta, Guillermo Puelma and José R. Martínez among the early followers of the Comtean philosophy.

⁴⁶ Galdames, pp. 33–36. Lagarrigue, Jorge, Trozos del diario íntimo (Santiago, 1944), as cited in Zea, Latin American Mind, p. 161.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Lagarrigue, Trozos, as cited in Zea, , Latin American Mind, p. 148.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ De la Barra, , Bilbao, pp. 278–279.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Cifuentes, , Memorias, 1, 102.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Alberto Blest Gana to MacKenna, Benjamín Vicuña, May 8, 1865, in “Cartas de don Alberto Blest Gana a B. Vicuña MacKenna, Aníbal Pinto y J. La Torre,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia, 75 (1934), 54.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Lastarria, , Lecciones, p. 141.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid., p. 143.

⁵³ Alemparte, Justo Arteaga, “Diogenes” y Otros Escritos (Santiago, 1956),Google Scholar editorial of the journal “Diogenes,” November 17, 1871, p. 340.

⁵⁴ Cifuentes, , Memorias, 1, 406.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid., II, 22; Encina, Francisco, Historia de Chile: Desde la prehistoria hasta 1891 (20 vols.; Santiago, 1949–1950), 15, 240.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Cifuentes, , Memorias, 2, 23–24.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Barros, Orrego, Barros Arana, p. 156,Google Scholar notes that initially even the radicals Justo Arteaga and Manuel A. Matta supported the decrees of January.

⁵⁸ E. Altamirano to M. L. Amunátegui, January 19, 1872, in Amunátegui Solar (ed.), Archivo Epistolar, II, 460. El Ferrocarril and La Patria initially supported the decrees and then reversed their position.

⁵⁹ Barros, Orrego, Barros Arana, pp. 147–156.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Encina, , Historia, 15, 270–278 Google Scholar; Donoso, Ricardo, Barros Arana, educador, historiador y hombre público (Santiago, 1931), pp. 82–83.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Encina, , Historia, 15, 277–278 Google Scholar; Cifuentes, , Memorias, 2, 65–70.Google Scholar

⁶² Cifuentes, , Memorias, 2, 67.Google Scholar

⁶³ October 12, 1873.

⁶⁴ C. A. Logan to Hamilton Fish, No. 22, October 30, 1873. In United States Government, Department of State Despatches of Ministers of the United States: Chile, 1860–1879 (National Archives, Washington, D.C.). Hereafter cited as Despatches.

⁶⁵ November 21, 1873. Other than in a few isolated incidences like the above, the terms “clericalism” and “anti-clericalism” are seldom encountered in the arguments of the Conservatives and Liberals. This peculiar fact may be explained by the clear and certain identification of the clericists with the Conservative party encouraged by the refusal of many influential Chilean religious to accept the ultra-montane concepts so influential in other countries during the seventies. Crescente Errázuriz, a half-brother of Federico and a priest, worked with particular effectiveness to keep the clerícalists and the national Conservatives united against the Liberals and the positivists. See Errázuriz, Crescente, Algo de lo que he visto. Memorias (Santiago, 1914), pp. 182, 193–201.Google Scholar The solidarity of the Conservatives did weaken momentarily, however, in mid-1878 when the death of Archbishop Valdivieso opened a dispute as to the right of nomination of the Archbishop’s successor; yet even then the sobriquets “clericalists” or “anticlericalists” were infrequently heard; see ibid., pp. 246, 254, 265–278.

⁶⁶ Edwards, Agustín, Cuatro Presidentes de Chile (2 vols.; Valparaiso, 1932), 2, 241.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cabero, Alberto, Chile y los Chilenos (Santiago, 1926), p. 225.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Horace Rumbold to Earl Granville, Confidential, Santiago, August 25, 1873. In Public Records Office, Foreign Office File, Number 16. On microfilm, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Hereafter cited as PRO-FO-16. Reel 176, Document 83.

⁶⁹ Horace Rumbold to Earl Derby, Santiago, September 12, 1874, PRO-FO-16, Reel 181, Document 248.

⁷⁰ For a concise but acute summary of the anti-clerical actions of the later Errázuriz government see Espinosa, Julio Bañados, Balmaceda (2 vols.; Paris, 1884), 1, 33.Google Scholar See also Cabero, . Chile, pp. 225–251.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Horace Rumbold to Earl Derby, Santiago, October 26, 1874. PRO-FO-16, Reel 181, Document 268.

⁷² Ibid.

⁷³ C. A. Logan to Hamilton Fish, No. 117. November 2, 1874. In Despatches.

⁷⁴ Valparaiso and West Coast Mail, July 19, 1873.

⁷⁵ C. A. Logan to Hamilton Fish, No. 141. April 3, 1875. In Despatches.

⁷⁶ Ibid.

⁷⁷ See the address of Isidoro Errázuriz to the Senate, September 2, 1875, in Obras de Isidoro Errázuriz: Discursos parlamentarios (Santiago, 1910); see also Edwards, , Cuatro Presidentes, 2, 365–373.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Edwards, , Cuatro Presidentes, 2, 365.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ C. A. Logan to Hamilton Fish, Confidential, No. 181. December 3, 1875. In Despatches.

⁸⁰ C. A. Logan to Rear Admiral Reed Werden, February 18, 1876, and March 3, 1876 in United States Government, Post Records: Chile, 1874–1879 (National Archives, Washington, D. C). See Admiral Werden’s copies of this correspondence in United States Government, Department of the Navy, Papers of the South Pacific Fleet (National Archives, Washington, D. C). For general information about the rumored civil upheaval, see C. A. Logan to Hamilton Fish, Confidential, No. 196, March 6, 1876. In Despatches; and Edwards, , Cuatro Presidentes, II, 341, 372–383.Google Scholar

⁸¹ González, Marcial, “El Trabajador Rural,” Revista Chilena, 6 (1876), 525.Google Scholar Underline is in the original. During the difficult years of the immediate pre-war period, and then during the war itself, heterodox positivism gave way to the more collective authoritarian type. After the war orthodox Comtean positivism spread widely throughout the republic; see Zea, Latin American Mind, Chapter 2, Part II.

⁸² Lastarria, , Recuerdos, p. 532.Google Scholar See also Lagarrigue, , Trozos, p. 35,Google Scholar as quoted in Zea, , Latin American Mind, p. 150.Google Scholar

⁸³ Lastarria, , Recuerdos, pp. 540–541.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See Zorobabel Rodríguez’ study of Lastarria’s, Lecciones in Rodríguez, Miscelanea, 1, 1–86 Google Scholar; as well as Rodríguez’ “Nuestro Sistema Social,” an editorial of El Independiente, January 24, 1875, included ibid., I, 152–153.

⁸⁵ Galdames, , Letelier, pp. 34, 35, 44.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Lagarrigue, Trozos, as cited in Zea, , Latin American Mind, p. 151.Google Scholar Jorge Lagarrigue offers an interesting and lengthy explanation of his conversion in his “Una conversion a la Relijión de la Humanidad,” Revista Chilena, XIV (1879), 228–246.

⁸⁷ Hernández, Fuentealba, Courcelle-Seneuil, p. 15.Google Scholar Lastarria’s translation is published as “Moral Racional,” Revista Chilena, III (1875), 418–465. The prologue to the translation is a letter from Lastarria to José Francisco Vergara, Santiago, October 14, 1875; in the letter Lastarria notes that he hopes that the translation will serve to “diffuse the scientific knowledge most useful and practical in ordinary life.”

⁸⁸ Zañartu, Sady, Lastarria, El Hombre Solo (Santiago, 1938), p. 3.Google Scholar This entente was surprising as Lastarria and Pinto long had been personal enemies; see ibid., p. 183, and Encina, , Historia, 16, 20, 36, 44.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Lastarria, José Victorino, El primer ministerio de la administración Pinto, 1876 (Santiago, 1908), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Ibid., p. 1. See also page 91, ibid., when the harassed minister complains of “el atraso i falto de disciplina en los círculos liberales,” and page 142, ibid., as he protests that “el Ministro no tenia la culpa de que los liberales no tuvieran nociones exactas de la libertad.”

⁹¹ Ibid., p. 20.

⁹² lbid., pp. 16–17.

⁹³ Grandón, Alejandro Fuenzalida, Lastarria i su tiempo (2 vols.; Santiago, 1911), 2, 111–112.Google Scholar Lastarria, , Ministerio, pp. 143–144, 551–552.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Lastarria, , Ministerio, pp. 146–147.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Galdames, , Letelier, pp. 59–60 Google Scholar; Cifuentes, , Memorias, 2, 95.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ For a developed discussion of this theme, see the author’s “The Willingness to War: A Portrait of the Republic of Chile during the Years preceding the War of the Pacific” (Un-published doctoral dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, November, 1967).

⁹⁷ This argument should not be regarded as fixing the ‘blame’ for the start of the war upon Chile; preliminary research suggests that several other countries of Latin America showed the same predisposition to war when, during the 1860s and 1870s, their dreams and hopes of the future seemed to be frustrated.