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A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico

  • Stephen J.C. Andes (a1)


Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Action Populaire, an influential French social Catholic institution founded by Gustave Desbuquois, S.J. (1869-1959) in Reims. In a few brief notes, Méndez Medina wrote that Desbuquois's earthy, no-nonsense way of speaking to ordinary workers, and his profound spirituality, had impressed him deeply. To Méndez Medina, Desbuquois appeared to link seamlessly his religious faith, his social commitments, his sense of duty, and his politics.



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An earlier version of this article benefited from the many helpful suggestions proferred at the Jesuit workshop organized by J. Michelle Molina, Department of Religion, Northwestern University (May 5–6, 2011 ). A note of gratitude is due Robert E. Curley and the other anonymous reviewer at The Americas for their constructive insights into this essay. Chris Piuma (Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto) provided Latin translations and Jonathan Jucker generously copyedited the manuscript. And my thanks also goes to Sarilyn Andes, who supported my proposition that a return to the archives was, in fact, necessary to complete the present work.

1. Archivo Histórico de la Provincia Mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús (hereafter AHPMCJ), VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757; on Desbuquois and L’Action Populaire, see Jean-Marie, Mayeur, “Le catholicisme social en FranceLe Mouvement Social 77 (October-December 1977), pp. 117119; Droulers, Paul, Politique sociale et christianisme: le Père Desbuquois et l’Action Populaire: debuts—syndicalisme et intégristes, 1903–1918 (Paris: Editions Ouvrières, 1969).

2. For an insightful overview of the convergences and divergences of social Catholicism in various national contexts, see The Politics of Religion in an Age of Renewal, ed. Ivereigh, Austen (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000).

3. Ceballos Ramírez, Manuel, “La democracia cristiana en el México liberal: un proyecto alternativo (1867–1929)” (Mexico: Instituto Mexicano de Doctrina Social Cristiana [hereafter IMDOSOC], 1987), pp. 1926.

4. Méndez Medina and the SSM have been the subject of relatively few studies, given their influence on social Catholicism in Mexico. The most detailed are Quirk, Robert E., The Mexican Revolution and the Catholic Church, 1910–1929 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973), pp. 2627 , 129; Hanson, Randall S., ‘“The Day of Ideals’: Catholic Social Action in the Age of the Mexican Revolution, 1867–1929” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University-Bloomington, 1994), esp. chapts. 48; Lester Reich, Peter, Mexico’s Hidden Revolution: The Catholic Church in Law and Politics since 1929(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), chapt. 7; Boylan, Kristina A., “Mexican Social Secretariat (Secretariado Social Mexicano),” in Encyclo¬pedia of Modern Christian Politics, L-Z, eds. Roy P. Domenico and Mark Y. Hanley (Westport, Conn.: Green¬wood Press, 2006), pp. 375377; and Gabriela, Maria Cristiani, Aguirre, ¿Una historia compartida? Revolu¬ción mexicana y catolicismo social, 1913–1924 (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 2008), esp. chapt. 3. For post-1940, see Michael Hanratty, Dennis, “Change and Conflict in the Contemporary Mexican Catholic Church” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1980); Fazio, Carlos, Algunos aportes del Secretariado Social Mexicano en la transición a la democracia (Mexico: Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, 1997); Martha, María Hino-josa, Pacheco, “Presencia de la iglesia en la sociedad mexicana (1958–1973). Estudio de dos casos: Secretariado Social Mexicano, Conferencia de Organizaciones Internacionales,” (Ph.D. diss., Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1997); and Armando, Hugo Valdez, Escontrilla, “El Secretariado Social Mexicano: orígenes de la autonomía (1965–1973)” (M.A. thesis, Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José María Luis Mora, 2000).

5. Ramírez, Manuel Ceballos, “Rerum novarum en Mexico: cuarenta anos entre la conciliación y la intransigencia (1891–1931)Revista Mexicana de Sociología 49:3 (1987), p. 170.

6. See, for example, Meyer, Jean, “Cincuenta años de radicalismo: la Iglesia Católica, la derecha y la izquierda en América Latina,” (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 1990), p. 15; Bernardo, Barranco V., “Posiciones políti¬cas en la historia de la acción católica mexicana,” in El pensamiento social de los católicos mexicanos, ed. Roberto Blancarte (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1996), pp. 3970; and Curley, Robert E., “Slouching Toward Bethlehem: Catholics and the Political Sphere in Revolutionary Mexico.” (Ph.D. diss. University of Chicago, 2001), pp. 1, 8, 368–369.

7. Velazquez, Pedro Hernández, wrote an important in-housc study of the SSM, El Secretariado Social Mexicano (25 años de vida) (Mexico: Secretariado Social Mexicano, 1945). Hernández, Manuel Velázquez wrote the most important account of his brother’s work; see Pedro Velázquez H.: apóstol de la justicia (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1978).

8. Two doctoral dissertations briefly discuss this point; see Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” and Hanratty, “Change and Conflict.”

9. Meyer, Jean, “El catolicismo social en Mexico hasta 1913” (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 1992), p. 11.

10. The phrase comes from Pius X’s 1903 encyclical E supremi.

11. Luisa, Maria Armella, Aspe, La formación social y política de los católicos mexicanos: la Acción Católica Mexicana y la Unión Nacional de Estudiantes Católicos, 1929–1958 (Mexico: Universidad Iberoamericana, 2007), pp. 2425, 93 n. 1; Jean-Marie, Maycur, “Los partidos católicos y demócratas-cristianos, un intento de definición” (Mexico: IM DOSOC, 1987); Meyer, Jean, Historia de los cristianos en América Latina, siglos XIX y XX, trans. Tomás Segovia (Mexico: Editorial Vuelta, 1989), pp. 101102; Blancartc, Roberto, Historia de la Iglesia Católica en México (Mexico: El Colegio Mexiquense and Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1992), pp. 1127; Blancarte, , “Iglesia y estado en México: seis décadas de acomodo y de conciliación imposible” (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 1990).

12. Literally “beyond the mountains,” ultramontanism historically referred to the Holy See’s power outside Italy, but it came to signify the centralized and heavily structured nineteenth- and twentieth-century papacy.

13. O’Dogherty, Laura Madrazo, , De urnas y sotanas: el Partido Católico Nacional en Jalisco (Mexico: Conacuita, 2001), pp. 77114.

14. Ceballos Ramírez, “La democracia,” pp. 10–11.

15. Blancarte, Historia, p. 24

16. Oscar Beozzo, José, “The Church and the Liberal States,” in The Church in Latin America, 1492–1992, ed. Dussel, Enrique (New York: Orbis Books, 1992), pp. 117137; Lynch, John, “The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930,” in The Cambridge History of Latin America, Vol. IV, c. 1870–1930, ed. Bethell, Leslie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 527595.

17. For this classic perspective, see for example Tannenbaum, Frank, Peace by Revolution: An Interpre¬tation of Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 1933), esp. chapt. 6, “The Defeat of the Church;” Gruening, Ernest, Mexico and Its Heritage (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1942), pp. 273286.

18. For a well-researched example, see Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia.

19. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 119.

20. Mabry, Donald J. orginally coined the phrase in his book Mexico’s Acción Nacional: A Catholic Alternative to Revolution (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1973).

21. Robert Curley argues that 1910 can be seen as an important date for the consolidation of social Catholicism in Mexico; “Slouching,” pp. 11–12. An important pre-history has been traced to this political mobilization as well: see Ramírez, Ceballos, El catolicismo social, un tenero en discordia, Rerum novarum, la cuestión socialy la movilización de los católicos mexicanos (1891–1911) (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1991); Meyer, “El catolicismo social en México,” pp. 8–22; and Hanson, Randall S., “The Day of Ideals: Catholic Social Action in the Age of the Mexican Revolution, 1867–1929” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University-Bloom-ington, 1994).

22. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 153.

23. Ibid., p. 195.

24. Knight, Alan, “Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910–1940,” Hispanic American Historical Review 74:3 (August 1994), pp. 393444.

25. Velázquez, El Secretariado, pp. 8–13.

26. AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-758; Emeterio Valverde Téllez, Bio-bibliografìa eclesiática mexicana (1821–1943), Vol. 3, Sacer¬dotes (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1949), pp. 279–282.

27. Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, p. 120.

28. Ibid., p. 123.

29. Valverde Téllez, Bio-bibliografìa, p. 280.

30. Méndez Medina to Ipiña, January 7, 1911, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

31. Marie Edwards, Lisa, “Latin American Seminary Reform: Modernization and the Preservation of the Catholic Church,The Catholic Historical Review 95:2 (April 2009), pp. 261282.

32. Wright-Rios, Edward, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism: Reform and Revelation in Oaxaca, 1887–1934 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2009), p. 47.

33. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 132.

34. Méndez Medina, Alfredo, La cuestión social en inéxico: orientaciones (Mexico: El Cruzado, 1913), pp. 3033; Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 132–133.

35. O’Dogherty Madrazo, De urnas, pp. 77–114.

36. Méndez Medina to Jesuit Provincial Marcelo Renaud, December 12, 1913, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

37. The Jesuits figured prominently in nineteenth- and twentieth-century conflict between Church and state in El Salvador. Liberal-conservative power squabbles and a treaty with Guatemala led to the order’s expulsion in 1872. Thus, the arrival of Méndez Medina and his five fellow Jesuits in August 1914 signified the restoration of the Society of Jesus in El Salvador. In 1915, President Carlos Meléndez sought to expel the Jesuits once again, but did not follow through on his threats. An interesting letter from a Salvadoran woman to Méndez Medina, dated November 22, 1916, thanks the Jesuit for his participation in a recent conference on social action held at the cathedral in San Salvador, where President Meléndez had been in attendance. According to the source, Méndez Medina’s measured participation in the event gratified the president and apparently helped to temper his views about the Jesuits in his country; see AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786; Gutiérrez, José,Casillas, S.J., Jesuítas en México durante el siglo XX (Mexico: Editorial Porrúa S.A., 1981 ), pp. 100101. For background on the complex interplay of Church-state conflict and popular rebellion in El Salvador, see Lauria-Santiago, Aldo A., “Holding the City Hostage: Popular Sectors and Elites in San Miguel, El Sal¬vador, 1875,The Americas 68:1 (July 2011), pp. 8285.

38. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 140–141.

39. “Estatutos Generales de la Confederación de Asociaciones Católicas de México,” in Archivo del Sec¬retariado Social Mexicano (hereafter ASSM), Antecedentes, Correspondencia I, 1902–1919.

40. Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, pp. 118, 124 η. 14.

41. Velázquez, El Secretariado, pp. 7–8.

42. Méndez Medina to R.P. General Wlodimiro Ledóchowsky, S.J., August 26, 1921, in Archivum Ronianum Societatis lesu (hereafter ARSI), Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1920-1921, 1005-IX, 6, ann. I.

43. Othón Núñez’s statement refers to the fact that in 1913 Church and state efforts at unionization were both relatively underdeveloped. By 1920 the situation had changed, especially with the establishment of state-led labor organizations like the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers, founded in 1918.

44. This anecdote and the dialogue here reproduced are found in an untided document written by Méndez Medina in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

45. Sevilla, Joel, “;Qué es el Secretariado Social Mexicano?La Paz Social, Tomo, I, March 1923, pp. 714; ASSM, Episcopado I (November 1919-December 1924), Mora y del Rio to Mexican Episcopate, December 1922, in ASSM, Episcopado I (November 1919-December 1924).

46. Curso Social Agrícola Zapopano: desarrollado en Guadalajara, con ocasión de la pontifìcia coronación de la imagen de Nstra. Sra. de Zapopan, en enero de 1921 (Mexico: Renacimiento, 1921), pp. 17–20 (special thanks to Robert Curley for providing a digital version of Méndez Medina's presentation at this event).

47. “Catholic syndicalism” was a term often used by activists to refer to the organization of professional trade unions with a confessional identity.

48. El Universal, December 14, 1922; clipping included in AHPMCJ, VIII, Escritos de SJs de la P.M., Alfredo Méndez Medina; Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 338.

49. Hanson, , “Day of Ideals,” p. 356.

50. Ibid, p. 358.

51. Méndez Medina to Miguel Miranda, September 25, 1925, in ASSM, Correspondencia III, 1925.

52. Hanson, , “Day of Ideals,” pp. 345346.

53. ASSM, Cuentas, 1923.

54. J. Trinidad Martínez to Méndez Medina, July 14, 1923, in ASSM, Correspondencia II, 1922–1924; Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 338.

55. The phrase is taken from Curley, Robert E., “Work and Religion in Post-Revolutionary Mexico,” to be included in A Plebiscite of Martyrs: Political Catholicism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1900–1926 (Albu¬querque: The University of New Mexico Press, forthcoming), chapt. 6.

56. Ramírez, Manuel Ceballos, “El sindicalismo católico en México, 1919–1931,Historia Mexicana 35:4 (1986), pp. 644653, 643 n. 52.

57. Curley, “Work,” chapt. 6.

58. Aguirre Cristiani, p. 217.

59. Curley, “Work,” p. 7.

60. Aguirre Cristiani, pp. 201–205.

61. Ramírez, Ceballos, “El sindicalismo católico,” p. 664 n.102. In addition to Ceballos Ramirez, sev¬eral historians have speculated as to the motivations behind his reassignment. Randall Hanson contends that, although the decision came from within the Jesuit order, it was President Obregón’s pressure on the Mexican Provincial, Camilo Crivelli, that led to Méndez Medina’s removal. As he has it, Crivelli “sacrificed” Méndez Medina for the safety of the Jesuits in Mexico (Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 416-421). María Gabriela Aguirre Cristiani points out that Méndez Medina’s conflicts with his Mexican Jesuit superiors, as well as with the archbishop of Guadalajara, Francisco Orozco y Jiménez, presented more immediate reasons for his reas¬signment (Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, pp. 170–172, 172 n. 79). Documents from the Jesuit Archive in Rome tend to confirm Ceballos Ramirez’s general theory that the impetus for Méndez Medina’s removal ini¬tially came from within the Jesuit order, rather than from the Mexican hierarchy. To be sure, however, Aguirre Cristiani’s argument regarding conflicts of authority provides contributing factors in the dismissal. Little evi¬dence supports Hanson’s contention that Obregón pressured Crivelli into removing Méndez Medina.

62. Ledóchowsky to Méndez Medina, October 14,1921, and Ledóchowsky to Méndez Medina, March 13, 1923, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Corresponden¬cia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

63. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, May 22, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007–1, 10.

64. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, March 20, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 8.

65. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 8, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-I, 1.

66. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, September 14, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007–1, 20; Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 24, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII,4.

67. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 8, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-I, 1.

68. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, May 1,1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 12.

69. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 24, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 4.

70. Ibid.

71. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, April 15, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 10.

72. José Mora y del Río to Camilo Crivelli, April 18, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 12, Ann. II.

73. Méndez Medina to Mexican Episcopate, May 8, 1925, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provin¬cia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

74. Alejandro Villaseñor to Ledóchowsky, January 12, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-X, 21.

75. Ibid.

76. His personal files hold many letters of appreciation; see AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provin¬cia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-758.

77. Hanson, , “Day of Ideals,” p. 429.

78. Velázquez, , El Secretariado, pp. 35-36.

79. P. Fumasoni-Biondi to Borgongini Duca, May 11, 1928, f. lOr, and ciphered telegram from Card. Gasparri to Pietro Fumasoni-Biondi, September, 11 1928, f. 26r, in Archivio Segreto Vaticano (hereafter ASV), Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari (hereafter AES), Messico, pos. 523, fose. 238, 1928–1929; de Giuseppe, Massimo, “Cattolici messicani in Italia: l’incontro tra Dario Miranda e Padre Gemelli negli anni della Lucha Estado-IglesiaContemporanea 9:3 (July 2006), pp. 477-490.

80. Misner, Paul, “Catholic Labor and Catholic Action: The Italian Context of Qtiadragesimo Anno,Catholic Historical Review 90:4 (2004), pp. 650-674.

81. Examples of these guidelines include papal encyclicals (Ubi Arcano Dei, 1922; Quas Primas, 1925; Non Abbiamo Bisogno; 1931) and manuals ( Civardi, Luis, Manual de la Acción Católica, Santiago, 1934); Armella, Aspe, La formación, pp. 156-160.

82. Gotshall, Elwood Rufus Jr., “Catholicism and Catholic Action in Mexico, 1929–1941: A Church’s Response to a Revolutionary Society and the Politics of the Modern Age” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pitts¬burgh, 1970), p. 50.

83. Reich, , Mexico’s Hidden Revolution, p. 98; Estatutos Generales de la Asociación Católica de la Juven¬tud Mexicana, 1929, ff. 66r-80r, in ASV, AES, Messico, IV per., 1929–1947, pos. 538, fase. 256; Armella, Aspe, La formación, pp. 232-233.

84. Boylan, Kristina A., “Mexican Catholic Women’s Activism, 1929–1940” (D.Phil., thesis, University of Oxford, 2000), chapt. 1.

85. “Azione Cattolica e Lega per la Difesa,” in ASV, AES, Messico, 1929–1947, pos 538, fase. 257.

86. Unpaginated meeting minutes, in ASV, AES, Rapporti Sessioni, S. Congregazioni, 1931, 86, 1346.

87. Pacelli to Ruiz y Flores, January 1, 1932, 1, in Archivo Histórico del Arzobispado de México (here¬after AHAM), Pascual Díaz Barreto, caja 44, exp. 15.

88. Letter from Alfredo Méndez Medina, April 5, 1930, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1010-V, 5.

89. Letter from Alfredo Méndez Medina, June 21, 1930, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1010-V, 10; Raymundus Martínez Silva S.J. to Ledóchowski, S.J., January 1931, in ARSI, Provincia Mexi¬cana, Epistolae, 1010-X, 5.

90. González, Francisco María Aguilera, Cardenal Miguel Darío Miranda: el hombre, el cristiano, el obispo (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 2005), p. 146.

91. Ibid., p. 167.

92. Boylan, Kristina A., “Gendering the Faith and Altering the Nation: Mexican Catholic Women’s Activism, 1917–1940,” in Sex in Revolution: Gender, Politics, and Power in Modern Mexico, eds. Olcott, Jocelyn, Vaughn, Mary Kay, and Cano, Gabriela (Durham, N.C., and London: Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 199-222; Schell, Patience A., “Of the Sublime Mission of Mothers of Families: The Union of Mexican Catholic Ladies in Revolutionary Mexico,” in The Women’s Revolution in Mexico, 1910–1953, eds. Schell, Patience A. and Mitchell, Stephanie (Lanham, Md.: Rovvman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007), pp. 99-123.

93. “Sofia del Valle,” in ASV, Arch. Deleg. Stati Uniti, appendice Messico, fase. 28.

94. Ibid.

95. Boylan, , “Gendering,” p. 210.

96. Ibid., p. 211.

97. Velázquez, M., Pedro, pp. 28, 45; Moreira, José Aparecido Gomes, “Para una historia de la Juventud Obrera Católica (1959–1985),Revista Mexicana de Sociología 49:3 (1987), pp. 205-222.

98. Hanratty, , “Change and Conflict,” pp. 87-91; Velázquez, M., Pedro, p. 49.

99. Informe 1956, in ASSM, SSM Episcopado Informes, 1924–1970; Cardozo, Miguel, Una quinta oportunidad: cinco décadas de cajas populares (León, Gto: Confederación Mexicana de Cajas Populares, 2001), p. 20; Velázquez, M., Las cajas populares y la utopia del Padre Velázquez (San Luis Potosí: Confederación Mex¬icana de Cajas Populares, 1991); Velázquez, M., Pedro, pp. 49, 51.

100. Velázquez, M., Pedro, pp. 52-57; Mackin, Robert Sean, “The Red Bishop of Cuernavaca: Rethink¬ing Gill’s Religious Competition Model,Sociology of Religion 64:4 (Winter 2003), pp. 499-514.

101. Velázquez, M., Pedro, p. 58.

102. Ibid, pp. 59, 61-74; ASSM, “Informe,” April 1968-January 1969.

103. “Algunos datos sobre la muerte del P. Miguel Agustín Pro, S.J.,” in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Negotia Specialia, 1408.

104. Xavier Scheifler, S.]., to Méndez Medina, January 22, 1957, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

105. Hanratty, , “Change and Conflict,” pp. 146-152.

106. Hanson, “Day of Ideals.”

107. Fazio, , Algunos aportes, pp. 37-38.

108. Estatutos Generales de la Acción Católica Mexicana, 1929, f. 3., in Archivo Histórico de la Uni¬versidad Iberoamericana, Archivo Acción Católica Mexicana, Sección Junta Central, Estatutos y Reglamentos, 1924, 1927-38.

109. Armella, Aspe, La formación, p. 16.

110. Meyer, Jean, El anarquismo, el cardenismo y la iglesia (1937–1947) (Mexico: Editorial Tusquets, 2003), p. 21.

111. Barranco, , “Posiciones políticas,” p. 49.

112. On this type of internal Church secularization in Europe, see Kalyvas, Stathis N., The Rise of Chris¬tian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca. NT., and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 25.

113. Author interview with Father Manuel Velázquez Hernández, director of the Secretariado Social Mexicano (SSM), Mexico, July 9, 2008; e-mail correspondence, Manuel Velázquez Hernández to author, November 12, 2010.

114. An attempt has been made from a sociological perspective; see Robert Sean Mackin, “The Move¬ment that Fell from the Sky? Secularization and the Structuring of Progressive Catholicism in Latin America” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2005).

115. Hawkins, Kirk A., “Sowing Ideas: Explaining the Origins of Christian Democracy in Latin Amer¬ica,” in Christian Democracy in Latin America: Electoral Competition and Regime Conflicts, eds. Main-waring, Scott and Scully, Timothy R. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), p. 79.

116. Maritain, Jacques, Integral Humanism: Temporal and Spiritual Problems of a New Christendom (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1973), p. 253.

117. Ibid.

A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico

  • Stephen J.C. Andes (a1)


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