Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- Chapter One Introduction to Merseyside
- Chapter Two ‘The workwomen of Liverpool are sadly in need of reform’: Women in Trade Unions, 1890–1914
- Chapter Three Early Political Activity, 1890–1905
- Chapter Four The Liverpool Women's Suffrage Society
- Chapter Five ‘A real live organisation’: The Liverpool Women's Social and Political Union, 1905–14
- Chapter Six Other Suffrage Organisations
- Chapter Seven Later Party Political Activity, 1905–14
- Chapter Eight The War
- Chapter Nine Conclusion – The Erasure of a Way of Life?
- Bibliography
- Index
Introduction
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- Chapter One Introduction to Merseyside
- Chapter Two ‘The workwomen of Liverpool are sadly in need of reform’: Women in Trade Unions, 1890–1914
- Chapter Three Early Political Activity, 1890–1905
- Chapter Four The Liverpool Women's Suffrage Society
- Chapter Five ‘A real live organisation’: The Liverpool Women's Social and Political Union, 1905–14
- Chapter Six Other Suffrage Organisations
- Chapter Seven Later Party Political Activity, 1905–14
- Chapter Eight The War
- Chapter Nine Conclusion – The Erasure of a Way of Life?
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
In 1928, in the preface to her history of the British women's movement, The Cause, Ray Strachey observed that
The sudden development of the personal, legal, political and social liberties of half the population of Great Britain within the space of eighty years… [has meant that] the true history of the Women's Movement is the whole history of the nineteenth century: nothing which occurred in those years could be irrelevant to the great social change which was going on.
Twentieth-century historiography shows Strachey's enthusiasm to have been somewhat misplaced. Early participatory accounts of women's part in achieving these liberties were joined by other attempts to broaden knowledge of women's contribution to the nation, notably those produced by women scholars associated with the London School of Economics. The writers were products of ‘first wave’ feminism, university educated and seeking paying and fulfilling careers. Yet the presence of their works in academic libraries did little to alter the overall construction of the discipline of history, which remained largely gendered as male. Only with the emergence of ‘second wave’ feminism in the 1970s were sustained attempts made to establish women's history as a distinct category, first in challenges from the margins of academia – women's groups and adult education departments – and then increasingly from within established history faculties.
The most urgent project for the new discipline was to identify and recover its subjects. Although some broad overviews emerged, the nineteenth century, as Strachey had predicted, was identified as ‘a turning point in the history of women’ and received special attention. Particular changes in women's status were assessed, often within the categories identified in Strachey's preface. The ‘personal’ and ‘legal’ liberties were comparatively easy to chart, resulting from steady campaigns that improved women's legal status and widened their opportunities through removing existing boundaries in education and the professions. ‘Social’ liberties, although more difficult to quantify, have begun to be investigated. However, it is the ‘political’ category that has so far invited the most attention. From the suffrage movement onwards, histories of women's politics and the history of women have often appeared inseparable.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Mrs Brown is a Man and a BrotherWomen in Merseyside’s Political Organisations 1890–1920, pp. 1 - 12Publisher: Liverpool University PressPrint publication year: 2004