INTRODUCTION

In the nervous trepidation that was the build-up to Malaysia's 14th General Elections (GE-14), most believed that rural voters held the key to either retaining or taking over the reins of power. There was little understanding of the rural psyche amongst urban reformists (Star Online, 4 February 2018) and while some in the then opposition were well aware that it was in the rural heartlands that their narrative fell flat, the results proved that the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition was far outdone by the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) grassroots networks.

While most analysts expected BN to continue on its downward slide, a pattern that had occurred since the 2008 election cycle, hardly anyone (including the campaigning parties themselves) expected such a spectacular fall from grace. BN and its dominant United Malays National Organization (UMNO) component even lost the jewel in the crown and UMNO's birthplace, Johor, as well as other BN strongholds such as Melaka and Negeri Sembilan to PH. It was a result that many had hoped for but few had dared to imagine.

The widely unexpected outcome was the downfall of a coalition that had been in power for sixty-one years and the first time that Putrajaya changed hands; resulting in claims of a “Malay tsunami” (Star Online, 10 May 2018). However, a closer examination of the results revealed that PH won on almost total support by the non- Malay voter, topped up by some Malays who were protesting against the UMNO leadership (Ahmad Fauzi 2018, p. 691). Contrary to most expectations, PAS did not get obliterated in GE-14, but instead retained Kelantan and regained Terengganu, as well as a substantial number of seats in Kedah and Perak. BN continued to retain a good share of the seats in Pahang and Perlis.

Thus, while the overall result was both unanticipated and unprecedented, most of the rural Malay vote remained where it has always been: in the hands of those who maintained the ethnocentric discourse of Malay rights, Islamic superiority and the longevity of the royal houses.

This chapter will provide an insight into the world of rural Malay voters in east and west Johor and Kedah, their sentiments before the general election and how their decision on who to vote for changed (in some parts of Johor) in the days and hours before GE-14.