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Much of the future of the international order will depend on the interactions of China and the United States, the world's most important autocracy and democracy. Each of these countries has very different conceptions of international order and the place of law within it. Yet despite their very different approaches, both China and the United States share similar attitudes to international law. Both are essentially hegemonic in their approach, and this provides a space for the continuing presence of prodemocratic international law among smaller countries.
The Rio Grande marks the border between the United States and Mexico, which makes its management particularly complex. A century of engineering and binational governance has shaped the region; today there are multiple reservoirs, diversion channels, and irrigation canals. International and national river managers consider challenges from reservoir sedimentation, population growth, and land use change. Climate change, on the other hand, is barely addressed. Managers must plan for a Rio Grande that by mid-century will have lost 40–50 percent of current water levels. Urban population will have doubled. Irrigated agriculture and cities will continue to use the bulk of available water. The most promising response to meet human and ecological water needs with reduced dependable yield is conservation. To address water scarcity, IBWC/CILA should develop a sustainability plan that balances reduced dependable yield with human and ecological needs. Progress should be reviewed and necessary changes to water allocations be negotiated at 5-year intervals. Irrigation districts, municipal utilities, and environmental stakeholders should work with IBWC/CILA to develop drought management for their sub-basins.
Over time, the seven models discussed in the first chapter have undergone modifications and hybridization processes. Each single national system can therefore be described as a patchwork that comprises different subsystems and organizational logics. The purpose of the second chapter is therefore to think about the organizational variants and criteria through which hybrid systems are designed. The fundamental concept of segmentation of healthcare systems is introduced, according to which each national system can be broken down into subsystems, to which different models are applied. To better understand the different forms of segmentation, some examples will be given. The healthcare financing systems adopted in the Netherlands, France, Germany and the United States are briefly outlined. The final section compares the twenty-seven countries covered in this analysis. For each individual national system, not only the prevailing financing model is indicated but also the “ancillary” models used.
The dimensions of funding and healthcare provision are combined with each other. From the intersection of these two dimensions, four families of healthcare systems stand out: two large ones (each containing a dozen countries) and two smaller ones. The two larger families reflect the traditional contrast between "Bismarck" systems and "Beveridge" systems. One of the two largest families is, in fact, made up of the Social Health Insurance countries in that all these countries have a separate provision system. The other larger family is made up of integrated universalist systems (NHS countries). The two smaller families are made up, respectively, of countries that have a separated universalist system and countries that adopt the mandatory residence insurance model. The latter all have a separated delivery system. From the four families just outlined, three countries are excluded: Greece, Israel and the United States can be considered as “outliers.”
Chapter 7 describes a study investigating cross-cultural differences in the ways in which the visual layout and colours are used figuratively in the design of app icons for food-related products and services in two very different cultures: the US and Japan. The study shows how the different colour-meaning associations that operate in these countries shape the designers’ choice of colour for the background of apps for different products (food and beverages) and services (including cooking, food delivery, exploration of new recipes, and calorie-counting). The presence of both metaphor and metonymy in the app icons is found to be comparable across the two cultures, with high levels of metonymy across the board. However, when metaphor or metonymy are used in the Japanese app icons, they are more likely to appear in clusters, whereas in the US app icons, they are more likely to appear in isolation. Both cultures use mainly schematic app icons, but the Japanese app icons are more likely to be content-rich than the US ones. In terms of the visual layout, verbo-pictorial images are most popular across the board; in addition to this, Japanese apps tend to be more visual than the US apps. Apps that appear towards the top of the downloads ranking in both the US and in Japan were more likely to contain metonymy but not necessarily metaphor. These apps are more likely to be schematic and are more likely to contain combinations of words and images. Taken together, the findings suggest that app designs are closely related to the product and service being provided by the app. They also suggest that schematic, metonymic apps that contain combinations of words and images are most likely to be successful in both cultures, but that different designs are preferred by the different cultures, with Japanese app culture being more visual than US app culture.
Between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s, the Chinese government was distinctly open to the Western offer of democracy-assistance programs. It cooperated with a number of Western organizations to improve the rule of law, village elections, administrative capacity, and civil society in China. Why did the Chinese government engage with democracy promoters who tried to develop these democratic attributes within China? The author argues that the government intended to use Western aid to its advantage. The Chinese Communist Party had launched governance reforms to strengthen its regime legitimacy, and Chinese officials found that Western democracy assistance could be used to facilitate their own governance-reform programs. The article traces the process of how the government’s strategic intention translated into policies of selective openness, and includes evidence from firsthand interviews, propaganda materials, and research by Chinese experts. The findings show how democracy promoters and authoritarian leaders have different expectations of the effects of limited democratic reform within nondemocratic systems. Empirically, reflecting on the so-called golden years of China’s engagement with the West sheds new light on the Chinese Communist Party’s survival strategy through authoritarian legitimation.
While multicultural policy might be represented as a failure, or multicultural reality as threatening, the Gothic – as a psychoanalytic mode with a ready shorthand for the representation of violence, alienation and monstrosity – is ideally suited to return what mainstream discourse represses, to engage with the subject of fear and to speak the unspeakable. This chapter demonstrates how contemporary Gothic literature functions to reveal that which multicultural discourse seeks to repress: racism and inequality. I argue that alternative accounts of cultural contact foreground socio-economic inequality, racism and structural violence, while registrations of the impossible and the absurd function to signify a failure in discourse. The Gothic aesthetic is equally suited to represent sectarian violence as a source of fear through the literalisation of monstrosity, and I argue that in engaging with the mechanics of monster-making, contemporary Gothic offers a critique of the construction of fear (and terror) as a tool of (rather than a threat to) governments. Finally, I consider contemporary Gothic’s engagement with the afterlife as a space of multicultural harmony, equality and justice, holding a heterotopic mirror up to the inequalities of the present in which the management of diversity is hostage to political corruption and economic disparity.
The prologue sets the stage for the book that follows. It describes where the book will go and how it will get there. It defines “enablers as followers who allow or even encourage their leaders to engage in, and then to persist in, behaviors that are destructive.” The prologue explores the all-important concept of followership, provides a brief history of relations between leaders and followers, and introduces the concept of the “leadership system,” that is, the equal importance of 1) leaders; 2) followers; 3) contexts. The concluding section of the prologue introduces distinctions among President Donald Trump’s enablers by dividing them into Trump’s Tribe and Trump’s Team. It similarly introduces the context of the book, which is the coronavirus crisis in the United States, especially during the first six months, January through June 2020.
Chapter 2 studies how personal self-transformations in exile triggered the rise of new social and hemispheric consciousnesses among Apristas who were deported abroad in the 1920s. It traces as a case study the rocky relationship that the young student activist and future APRA leader Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre maintained during his first years in exile with the foreign allies, specifically the Scottish Reverend John A. Mackay and the US internationalist Anna Melissa Graves, who assisted him, and who tried to politically influence him. Transnational solidarity networks, the chapter shows, would herein assist in crucial ways APRA’s early formation as a persecuted political group. But this reliance on foreign assistance came with a price for the movement’s autonomy: it cracked open a space for progressive US allies and Christian missionaries to peddle their own agenda to Latin American critiques of empire.
Chapter 5 explores the roles of APRA exiles and the workings of APRA’s transnational solidarity networks during the 1930s and early 1940s, a period during which Apristas suffered unremitting state persecution in Peru. It argues that the survival of Peruvian APRA then hinged on its capacity to remain connected to the external world. Communities of APRA exiles stationed abroad connected with non-Latin American allies, especially with past Christian and pacifist allies like Anna Melissa Graves, to create and sustain solidarity networks that worked in favor of the persecuted PAP in Peru. The chapter details the role that communities of exiled Apristas played in sustaining the integrity of their movement in Peru. It also studies the contribution and collaboration of foreign intermediaries and allies of the party and highlights their significance for the cohesion and the political survival of APRA in Peru.
Standardization is the selection of one variant among others. It may concern any aspect of language use – pronunciation, orthography, morphology, syntax, the lexicon – and can occur within any social group, from the family to international organizations. Language policy is a conscious choice regarding a language or a linguistic feature. Such a choice, made by some social authority, is then implemented through language policy. State intervention may depend on calls for efficiency or calls for equality. Each policy and each plan for implementation is situated within a specific historical context. We trace two national histories often represented as being at opposite ends of the spectrum: the centralized power of the state in France and the decentralized power distributed to states and smaller governmental units in the USA. There are as many histories as there are languages and language varieties.
This chapter analyzes the political debates in the United States about arms sales to Iran and Saudi Arabia in the late 1970s and early 1980s. When the United States “lost Iran” in 1979, the presidential administrations of Jimmy Carter and then Ronald Reagan identified regional instability as a threat to the security of the oil-rich Persian Gulf and “global economic health.” Both administrations turned to arms sales as a means to secure alliances in the face of American vulnerability. In this context, the burgeoning military sales relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia arrived through an Iranian workshop. Congressional debates about the sale of fighter jets and AWACS to both nations, as well as the corporate lobbying of the Bechtel Corporation, reveal important logical columns in this shift to a more aggressive foreign policy based on military relationships: the link between economic growth and US Cold War legitimacy, the importance of military sales to the US domestic economy, and the crucial place of weapons transfers in good relations with the ruling monarchies in Iran and then Saudi Arabia. When it came to the regional security of the Middle East and secure flows of its oil, this was the time when military force began to become the premier instrument of US diplomacy for a new global age.
The United States’ financial regulatory structure is notoriously complex and defies categorisation. The structure embodies some of the principles of the Twin Peaks model, and yet a foggy mountain range better describes the US regulatory architecture – multiple peaks with murky demarcation. Criticism of the US structure is, at the same time, too easy and too hard. The structure is easy to criticise because of blatant overlaps that scream inefficiency, yet criticism is difficult because the clunky and complex structure works reasonably well, or at least is not obviously the primary cause of recent regulatory failures. Certainly, the Global Financial Crisis exposed regulatory gaps, the under-regulated shadow banking system is the classic example. Yet the then existing regulatory architecture did not account for the failure of agencies to utilise their authority in the run-up to the crisis. Structure may be important, but leadership is essential. This chapter begins with an overview of the US financial regulatory structure followed by a closer examination of the financial stability architecture in the US following the Global Financial Crisis and the very recent developments in that arena. Those recent developments are then evaluated alongside the Twin Peaks model.
In 1786, the Van Staphorst brothers, America's Dutch investment bank, entered the French office of the Director General of Finance, intent on making an offer for a portion of France's holdings of American bonds. Unknowingly, their offer set off a bidding war that could have ended with poorly capitalized American financial adventurers owing a large portion of bonds which could threaten the fragile health of American credit. At the eleventh hour, the Van Staphorsts conjured up a bold, unprecedented, scheme to persuade the French that it would be unnecessary to sell their American bonds at discounted prices.
This chapter focuses on borrowing to address social risks that arise from disrupted employment patterns such as unemployment, sickness, or fluctuating work hours. Within permissive credit regimes, households that are least protected by the welfare state borrow the most. In Denmark, upper-middle- and high-income groups who experience more substantive income losses during unemployment borrow more than low-income groups that are well protected by the welfare state. The limited American welfare state, by contrast, greatly affects low- and middle-income households, which increasingly tap into credit markets to bridge income losses due to fluctuating work hours, temporary employment, and job losses. In Germany, the unemployed rarely borrow money to address financial shortfalls because Germany’s restrictive credit regime makes it very difficult for them to access loans. This chapter demonstrates that political choices affect the relationship between social policies and household debt. Variation in the generosity of unemployment benefits across US states and over time reveals that individuals who become unemployed borrow more in US states where benefits are less generous. The German Hartz labor market reforms show that the significant cuts in social benefits for the long-term unemployed did not increase debt levels for affected households because access to credit remained restrictive.
This chapter focuses on credit as a bounded social investment in light of financial shortfalls that arise during the life course. The Danish welfare state provides strong financial support, particularly for low-income households, through comprehensive family and educational policies such as childcare services and other in-kind benefits that limit families’ financial exposures and lower households’ opportunity costs for taking time off work, sending children to childcare, and pursuing education and training programs. Middle- and high-income households are the ones that draw on credit to smooth income losses when a spouse temporarily leaves work, for example to care for children or to get training. This "investment borrowing" is more prevalent than "consumption borrowing" to cope with labor market-related risks. By contrast, many more American households, including low- and middle-income ones, borrow money to cope with the financial consequence that arise throughout the life course, including income losses due to parental leave or expenses for childcare, education, and training–which would be covered or subsidized by most European welfare states. As life course trajectories have become more fluid and flexible and the traditional single-breadwinner model has declined, Germany’s restrictive credit regime continues to make it hard for households to borrow money.
Douglass achieved international celebrity in his lifetime; thus his bicentennial was celebrated internationally. Still, despite his iconic status, Douglass's bicentennial remained more of a lowkey and highly decentralized affair due to complex converging historical forces. Nonetheless, the communities that celebrated Douglass in 2017–19 continue to plan for additional and more enduring commemorations in the years and decades to come.
Gender disparities between Emergency Medicine physicians with regards to salary, promotion, and scholarly recognition as national conference speakers have been well-documented. However, little is known if similar gender disparities impact their out-of-hospital Emergency Medical Services (EMS) colleagues. Although there have been improvements in the ratio of women entering the EMS workforce, gender representation has improved at a slower rate for paramedics compared to emergency medical technicians (EMTs). Since recruitment, retention, and advancement of females within a specialty have been associated with the visibility of prominent, respected female leaders, gender disparity of these leaders as national conference speakers may contribute to the “leaky pipeline effect” seen within the EMS profession. Gender representation of these speakers has yet to be described objectively.
The primary objective of this study was to determine if disparity exists in gender representation of speakers at well-known national EMS conferences and trade shows in the United States (US) from 2016-2020. The secondary objective was to determine if males were more likely than females to return to a conference as a speaker in subsequent years.
A cross-sectional analysis of programs from well-known national conferences, specifically for EMS providers, which were held in the US from 2016-2020 was performed. Programs were abstracted for type of conference session (pre-conference, keynote, main conference) and speakers’ names. Speaker gender (male, female) was confirmed via internet search.
Seventeen conference programs were obtained with 1,709 conference sessions that had a total of 2,731 listed speaker names, of whom 537 (20%) were female. A total of 30 keynote addresses had 39 listed speaker names of whom six (15%) were female. No significant difference was observed in the number of years males returned to present at the same conference as compared to females.
Gender representation of speakers at national EMS conferences in the US is not reflective of the current best estimate of the US EMS workforce. This disparity exists not only in the overall percent of female names listed as speakers, but also in the percent of individual female speakers, and is most pronounced within keynote speakers. Online lecture platforms, as an unintentional consequent of the COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with intentional speaker development and mentorship initiatives, may reduce barriers to facilitating a new pipeline for more females to become speakers at national EMS conferences.
Terrorist attacks are growing in complexity, increasing concerns around the use of chemical, biological, radiation, and nuclear (CBRN) agents. This has led to increasing interest in Counter-Terrorism Medicine (CTM) as a Disaster Medicine (DM) sub-specialty. This study aims to provide the epidemiology of CBRN use in terrorism, to detail specific agents used, and to develop training programs for responders.
The open-source Global Terrorism Database (GTD) was searched for all CBRN attacks from January 1, 1970 through December 31, 2018. Attacks were included if they fulfilled the terrorism-related criteria as set by the GTD’s Codebook. Ambiguous events or those meeting only partial criteria were excluded. The database does not include acts of state terrorism.
There were 390 total CBRN incidents, causing 930 total fatal injuries (FI) and 14,167 total non-fatal injuries (NFI). A total of 347 chemical attacks (88.9% of total) caused 921 FI (99.0%) and 13,361 NFI (94.3%). Thirty-one biological attacks (8.0%) caused nine FI (1.0%) and 806 NFI (5.7%). Twelve radiation attacks (3.1%) caused zero FI and zero NFI. There were no nuclear attacks. The use of CBRN accounted for less than 0.3% of all terrorist attacks and is a high-risk, low-frequency attack methodology.
The Taliban was implicated in 40 of the 347 chemical events, utilizing a mixture of agents including unconfirmed chemical gases (grey literature suggests white phosphorous and chlorine), contaminating water sources with pesticides, and the use of corrosive acid. The Sarin gas attack in Tokyo contributed to 5,500 NFI. Biological attacks accounted for 8.0% of CBRN attacks. Anthrax was used or suspected in 20 of the 31 events, followed by salmonella (5), ricin (3), fecal matter (1), botulinum toxin (1), and HIV (1). Radiation attacks accounted for 3.1% of CBRN attacks. Monazite was used in 10 of the 12 events, followed by iodine 131 (1) and undetermined irradiated plates (1).
Currently, CBRN are low-frequency, high-impact attack modalities and remain a concern given the rising rate of terrorist events. Counter-Terrorism Medicine is a developing DM sub-specialty focusing on the mitigation of health care risks from such events. First responders and health care workers should be aware of historic use of CBRN weapons regionally and globally, and should train and prepare to respond appropriately.
Chapter 2 addresses the diverse ways American diplomats employed their ideas of modernization when crafting policy and propaganda for Turkey. While Americans’ general understanding of what it meant to be modern remained consistently democratic, it was sufficiently malleable that it could accommodate contradictory conclusions about Turkish democracy as US interests shifted. State Department documents also reveal how American ideas about modernity were, with the cooperation of the Turkish government, consciously transformed into propaganda aimed both at encouraging Turkish modernization and advertising America’s modernity.